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Building  and  Ruling 

THE 

KEPITBLIC. 


PART  I. 

PART  II. 

f  Geographically. 

Nationally. 

BUILDING:  \  Politically. 
t  Industrially. 

RULING:  < 

By  States. 

Through 
^             Parties. 

PART  III. 

PART  IV. 

r  Civil  Service 

Reform. 

For  President 

LIVING 
QUESTIONS:' 

Polygamy. 

Prohibition. 

Protection  and 
Free  Trade. 

Surplus 
^           Revenue. 

LIVES  OF 
THE      < 
CANDIDATES 

and 
Vice- 
President, 
1884. 

By  James  P.  Boyd,  A.  M. 


PUBLISHED  BY 

J.  C.  McCUKDY  &  CO., 

PHILADELPHIA, 

CINCINNATI,  CHICAGO,  ST.  LOUIS. 

1884. 


James  P.  Boyd. 


•Bi*7 


/-^  #w  e/Al^r  'I 


PREFACE 


N  this  book  the  author  seeks  to  .present  correct  and 
desirable  information  respecting  the  beginning, 
growth  and  management  of  our  government.  Con- 
scious of  the  impossibility  of  crowding  into  a  single 
volume  half  that  ought  to  be  known  of  our  institu- 
tions, he  still  thinks  that  enough  may  be  presented 
in  one  book,  if  properly  arranged  and  closely 
digested,  to  make  it  a  welcome  and  useful  com- 
panion, and  to  thereby  meet  his  object. 

The  plan  adopted  is  to  first  set  the  reader  to 
thinking  about  the  nature  of  our  Republic,  and 
his  duty  as  a  citizen  under  it.  Prepared  for  further  inquiry,  if  not 
impressed  with  higher  notions  of  his  privileges,  he  is  asked  to  look  at 
those  little  colonial  pictures  which  dotted  the  Atlantic  coast,  and 
were  the  starting-points  of  our  national  existence.  With  a  fair  con- 
ception of  them  he  will  have  a  key  to  many  subsequent  political 
mysteries.  Especially  will  he  know  why  the  drift  set  in  toward  a 
Great  American  Republic  and  the  manner  of  men  into  whose  hands 
its  destiny  was  to  fall.  He  will  thence  follow  naturally  the  building 
of  the  same  in  its  geographic  or  territorial  sense,  till  it  spanned  the 
continent.     This  was  acquisition. 

But  it  must  be  built  politically.  Here  then  he  is  introduced  to  a 
brief  history  of  the  events  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  to  its  adoption  by  the  old  thirteen  States.  This  is  followed 
by  a  division  of  our  vast  areas  into  Territories  and  their  introduction 
into  the  Union  as  States. 

In  building  industrially  a  view  is  had  of  our  wonderful  progress  in 
population,  agriculture,  commerce,  manufacture,  education,  the  arts  and 
sciences,  and  of  our  still  more  wonderful  wealth  of  native  resource, 
whose  development  is  being  encouraged  by  freedom  of  action  and 
urged  by  the  enterprise  of  our  people. 

Passing  from  a  built  Republic  to  its  ruling  or  governing,  the  first 
consideration  is  that  of  Federal  Machinery  or  Method — how  Presi- 
dents, Congresses,  Cabinets,  Courts  and  Department  Officers  are 
made,  what  they  are  all  for,  and  what  they  do.     The  next  considera- 

(3) 


M111727 


4  PREFACE. 

tion  is  the  States — how  they  are  governed,  where  they  stand  in  the 
midst  of  the  central  fabric,  and  what  each  contributes  in  the  way  of 
population,  industry  and  wealth  to  the  National  whole.  Not  the  least 
important  feature  of  ruling  is  that  which  is  in  great  part  political. 
Here  is  given,  in  a  brief,  impartial  manner,  a  history  of  all  the  poli- 
tical parties,  together  with  the  measures  which  divided  them  in 
Administrations,  Congresses  and  Campaigns.  The  author  has 
thought  this  would  be  refreshing  to  elderly  people,  a  source  of  valu- 
able information  to  the  young,  and  especially  desirable  to  those  of 
any  age  who  wished  to  prime  themselves  for  debate  or  fortify  their 
personal  convictions  by  reference  to  public  men  and  measures.  This 
branch  of  the  subject  really  gets  to  be  a  history  of  the  Administra- 
tions and  Congresses. 

To  complete  the  plan,  a  view  is  taken  of  the  leading  vital  questions 
of  the  day.  They  are  ug  for  discussion  now,  and  will  be  for  some 
time.  Knowledge  respecting  them  is  desirable  and  proper.  They 
are  not  discussed  from  any  party  or  personal  standpoint,  but  are 
treated  historically.  Only  the  facts  connected  with  each  are  pre- 
sented, and  these  the  reader  may  deal  with  as  he  pleases.  This  is 
also  true  of  the  history  of  the  respective  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President,  with  which  it  has  been  deemed  proper  to  close  the 
volume.  Their  prominence  at  this  juncture,  the  influence  they  exert 
on  parties,  and,  through  them,  on  the  government,  make  acquaint- 
ance with  their  lives  a  matter  of  duty. 

While  the  plan,  thus  outlined,  is  such  as  seemed  most  helpful  to  the 
writer  in  gathering  and  grouping  his  facts,  and  to  the  reader  in  mak- 
ing his  study  an  orderly  progress,  the  effort  has  been  constant  to  use 
only  the  most  reliable  and  unprejudiced  data  at  command.  The 
historic  and  legal  authorities  consulted  and  used  are  the  recognized 
standards.  As  to  debates  in  Congress,  statistics,  and  kindred  facts, 
the  author  has,  in  general,  gone  to  original  sources,  using  freely 
National  and  State  records  an/I  reports.  Ofttimes  for  close  arrange- 
ment of  matter  he  has  followed  some  one  of  our  many  annuals,  among 
the  best  of  which  is  reckoned  Spofford's  "Treasury  of  Facts." 

Trusting  that  his  plan  will  meet  with  popular  approval  and  that 
his  treatment  of  the  various  and  interesting  subjects  will  serve  to 
convey  in  a  pleasant  and  instructive  way  the  information  gathered 
and  printed  in  the  book,  he  ceases  a  labor  begun  and  ended  in  a 
conviction  that  no  higher  nor  better  knowledge  can  get  abroad  than 
that  which  qualifies  a  man  for  the  duties  of  active,  wise  and  patriotic 
citizenship. 


CONTENTS, 


Part  /. 

THE  BUILDING  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

ARTICLE  I  —A  FEW  FOUNDATION  THOUGHTS. 

The  forms  of  government — Nature  of  Democracy — What  is  a  Republic  ? — A 
Commonwealth — Popular  government — Sovereignty — Origin  of  sovereignty 
— What  is  required  of  the  citizen — What  the  State  asks — How  to  qualify  for 
citizenship — The  school  of  the  campaign — The  school  of  historic  and  politi- 
cal reading — The  true  qualification 1 1-23 

ARTICLE    II.  — BUILDING    GEOGRAPHICALLY,    OR    TERRI- 
TORIAL TITLES  AND  SHAPES. 

First  owners  of  our  soil — European  titles — Are  our  titles  good? — First  English 
patent — England  wins  a  continent — French  and  Spanish  claims — National 
rivalries — Raleigh's  Huguenot  scheme — First  Colonial  charter — English  foot- 
hold at  Jamestown — The  settlers  and  their  government — Tobacco,  cotton  and 
slaves — Maryland  and  Lord  Baltimore — Plymouth  Council — First  Puritan, 
or  Pilgrim,  advent — Second  Puritan  advent — Massachusetts  on  the  map — 
Birth  of  Rhode  Island — Connecticut  takes  shape— A  united  New  England — 
Freaks  of  Charles  II.  in  the  Colonies — Great  Colonial  progress — Dawn  of 
North  Carolina — South  Carolina  and  Locke's  famous  Constitution — The 
Dutch  realm — The  Swede  holds  the  Delaware — New  Jersey  rises  amid 
Dutch  ruins — The  Quaker  and  Pennsylvania — Last  of  the  Dutch  realm  and 
dawn  of  New  York — Independent  Delaware — Georgia  and  Oglethorpe's 
asylum — English  revolution  of  1 688,  and  results  to  the  Colonies — Outlines 
of  the  old  thirteen  States — French  Empire  west  of  the  Alleghenies — Eng- 
land gets  to  the  Mississippi — Her  bad  financial  fix — Drift  toward  American 
Independence — Taxation  and  a  Colonial  Congress — The  first  American 
party — Tea  act  and  another  Congress — Congress  and  Colonial  Union — 
Declaration  of  Independence — The  Congress  and  government  of  the  revolu- 
tion— Union  of  the  Confederation — State  cessions  of  public  domain  and 
further  building  —  The  Louisiana  purchase  —  Spain  cedes  Florida  —  The 
Oregon  treaty — Texas  annexation — Mexican  cession — Gadsden  purchase — 
Alaskan  purchase — Grand  Territorial  summary   24-96 

(5) 


6  CONTENTS. 

ARTICLE    III.  — BUILDING    POLITICALLY,   OR    THE    CONSTI- 
TUTION AND  THE  STATES. 

From  Colony  to  State — Government  of  the  revolution — Articles  of  the  Confed- 
eration— Their  merits  and  defects — Origin  of  the  great  seal  of  the  Union — 
History  of  the  National  Flag — Dawn  of  the  Constitution — History  of  its 
framing  and  adoption — The  new  government  started — Sentiment  of  the 
fathers — The  old  thirteen  States — Adjusting  the  National  Territory — Intro- 
duction of  new  States — Reasons  why  they  came — Order  of  admission — Ter- 
ritorial history  of  each — Tearing  down  and  rebuilding — Organization  of  the 
Territories — Completion  of  the  political  structure   97-1*28 

ARTICLE    IV— BUILDING    INDUSTRIALLY,    OR    ADVANTAGE 
AND  RESOURCE. 

Advantage  of  climate — Character  of  vegetation — Population  and  rank  among 
nations — Immigration — Voters  and  natural  militia — Occupations  of  the  peo- 
ple— Agricultural  growth — The  cereal  crops — Dairy  products — Hay,  cotton, 
tobacco,  and  the  other  great  staples — Live-stock,  number  and  value — Num- 
ber, acreage  and  value  of  farms — Manufactures — Precious  metals — The 
useful  minerals — Petroleum — Commerce  and  commercial  growth — Imports 
and  exports — Inland  commerce — Railroads  and  canals — Telegraphs  and 
telephones  —  Education,  colleges,  schools,  libraries  and  papers  —  Church 
growth  and  relative  strength  of  the  denominations 129-190 


Part  II. 

THE  RULING  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

ARTICLE    I.  — RULING    NATIONALLY,    OR    MACHINERY    OF 
FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

The  three  great  branches  of  government — Legislative  Branch — Congress,  its 
divisions,  and  how  formed — The  Senate,  its  nature,  powers  and  duties — - 
Election  of  Senators — Senate  machinery — House  of  Representatives — Elec- 
tion of  members  of  Congress — Their  number,  and  manner  of  apportionment — 
Organization  of  the  House — Territorial  Delegates — House  machinery — The 
way  laws  are  made — Congressional  library — Public  Printing-offices 191— 201 

Executive  Department — President-making — Presidential  electors — The  Elec- 
toral College — Choosing  of  electors — President's  duties  and  powers — His 
Cabinet — How  chosen,  with  a  history  of  its  growth — The  Vice-President, 
his  powers  and  duties 201-207 

Department  of  State — Its  history,  nature  and  duties — Machinery  of  the 
Department — The  Diplomatic  Service — Ministers  Plenipotentiary — Ministers 
Resident — Charge  d' Affaires  and  Secretaries  of  Legation — Consular  Service 
— All  the  Secretaries  of  State,  with  date  of  their  appointment 207-211 

Treasury  Department — Creative  acts — Secretary  of  Treasury,  his  powers  and 


CONTENTS.  7 

duties — Machinery  of  the  Department — All  the  Divisions  and  Bureaus — 
Officers  of  each  and  their  duties — The  Customs  Service — Internal  Revenue 
Service — National  Banks,  their  history,  how  founded  and  erected — Their 
circulation  and  uses — National  debt  and  bonds — History  of  the  various  debts, 
and  of  our  present  funding  system — The  National  credit — Losses  of  the 
Treasury  Department  under  the  respective  Administrations — All  the  Secre- 
taries of  the  Treasury,  with  the  dates  of  their  appointment 211-225 

The  War  Department — History  of  the  Department — Powers  and  duties  of 
the  Secretary — Machinery  of  the  Department,  its  sub-departments,  Bureaus 
and  Divisions  —Signal-office  and  Weather  Bureau — All  the  Secretaries  of  War, 
with  dates  of  their  appointment — The  United  States  Army,  its  organization, 
size  and  discipline — Military  Academy,  its  studies,  officers  .and  students.  .225-233 

The  Navy  Department — History  of  its  organization — Powers  and  duties  of 
the  Secretary  of  Navy — The  Bureaus  and  sub-divisions  of  the  Department — 
The  Naval  Academy,  its  studies,  officers  and  students — United  Stales  Navy, 
organization  and  discipline — Marine  Corps — All  the  Secretaries  of  Navy, 
with  dates  of  appointment 233-238 

Interior  Department — History  of  its  organization — Powers  and  duties  of  the 
Secretary  of  Interior — The  Land  Office  and  public  land  system — Pension 
Office,  with  history  of  pension  system — Indian  Affairs,  and  our  dealings  with 
the  natives — The  Patent  Office — Census  Office,  with  method  of  taking  censuses 
— Bureau  of  Education — All  the  Secretaries  of  the  Interior,  with  dates  of 
their  appointment 238-246 

Post-office  Department — History  of  its  organization,  and  of  the  various 
postal  systems — Powers  and  duties  of  Postmaster-General — Machinery  of  the 
Department — Modern  features  of  our  postal  system — All  the  Postmasters- 
General,  with  dates  of  appointment 246-249 

Department  of  Justice — History  of  the  Department — Powers  and  duties  of 
the  Attorneys-General — All  the  Attorneys-General,  with  dates  of  appoint- 
ment   249-250 

Department  of  Agriculture — Creative  act — Powers  and  duties  of  Commis- 
sioner of  Agriculture 250-25 1 

Judicial  Department — The  third  co-ordinate  branch  of  government ;  its  im- 
portance in  the  political  system — Uses  and  powers  of  the  Judiciary — Its 
machinery  and  methods  of  working — The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States — How  officered  and  worked — All  the  Judges,  with  dates  of  appoint- 
ment and  terms  of  service — The  Circuit  Courts — Their  officers  and  the 
Circuit  Districts — The  District  Courts,  their  organization,  powers  and  duties 
— National  Court  of  Claims — District  Attorneys,  Marshals  and  Juries — 
Admiralty  and  Maritime  Courts 25 1-258 

Government  of  the  Territories — How  Federal  power  passes  into  them — 
Government  of  the  District  of  Columbia 258-260 

ARTICLE    II.— RULING    BY    STATES,    OR    THEIR    GOVERN- 
MENTS AND  RESOURCES. 

Alabama — Origin  of  the  name — Date  of  organization  and  admission — Area, 
acreage  and  population  to  square  mile — Population  and  rate  of  increase — 


8  CONTENTS. 

Population  by  classes — By  counties  for  three  censuses — Colleges,  common 
schools,  and  full  educational  condition — Occupations  of  the  people — Agri- 
cultural condition,  farms,  acres  and  values;  kind  and  value  of  farm  products, 
number  and  value  of  live  stock — Manufactures;  capital,  hands,  kind  and 
value  of  products — Mining  and  mining  products — Commercial  facilities — 
Railroads,  canals,  steam  and  sail  craft — Financial  condition — Value  of  prop- 
erty, real  and  personal,  debt,  taxation,  etc. — State  Government,  how  officered; 
organization  and  sessions  of  Legislature;  composition  of  Supreme  Court; 
State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections;  Representatives  in  Congress; 
Presidential  electors — Politics  for  twelve  years,  showing  majorities  for  Gov- 
ernor and  President,  all  based  on  data  furnished  in  the  Census  of  1880,  and 
State  and  other  official  reports  since. 
The  other  States  and  Territories  follow  Alabama  in  Alphabetical  order,  each 
with  a  like  history  of  its  government  and  resources 261-429 

ARTICLE    III.  — RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES,  OR   ADMINIS- 
TRATIONS AND  CONGRESSES. 

Parties  in  general — Uses  of  Parties — First  Parties — Parties  of  the  Revolution — 
Of  the  Confederation — Of  the  Constitution — Parties  of  the  new  government 
— Federal  and  Anti-Federal 430-436 

Washington's  First  Administration — The  vote,  the  Cabinet,  and  the  Con- 
gresses—  The  Constitutional  Amendments — Commerce  and  the  Tariff — 
Hamilton's  policy — The  First  National  Bank — The  Whisky  Rebellion — 
Political  conditions — Second  Presidential  election — Rise  of  the  Republican 

Party 436-444 

Second  Administration — The  vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Policy  of  the 
new  Administration — Trouble  with  France — Antagonism  of  England — The 
first  foreign  policy — Fierce  party  contests  in  Congress — Eleventh  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution — Amended  Tariff  Act — Republican  attack  on  the  Adminis- 
tration— Conflict  between  the  House  and  President  over  Jay's  treaty — Wash- 
ington's farewell  address — Election  of  1796 444-453 

Adams'  Administration — The  vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Policy  of  the 
Administration — Armed  neutrality — Envoys  to  France — Alien  and  Sedition 
laws — Naturalization  law — Federal  and  Republican  policies — Kentucky  and 
Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799 — Election  of  1800 — First  political 
platform — Disputed  election — Transfer  of  the  Capitol  to  Washington.. .  .453-462 

Jefferson's  Administrations — Votes,  Cabinets  and  Congresses — The  great 
political  revolution — Nature  of  the  new  power — Removals  from  office — Pur- 
chase of  Louisiana — First  articles  of  impeachment — Election  of  1804 — The 
political  situation — Burr's  trial — Internal  improvements — Party  measures — 
Embargo  act — Election  of  1808 — Character  of  the  campaign 462-474 

Madison's  Administrations— Votes,  Cabinets,  and  the  Congresses — The 
Political  Situation — Failure  to  re-charter  a  National  Bank — Declaration  of 
War— Tariff  of  1812— Election  of  1812— The  Clinton  platform— Attitude  of 
States  and  Parties — The  war  and  the  treaty  of  Ghent — Political  results — 
Hartford  Convention — Death  of  the  Federal  party — A  new  National  Bank 
— Election  of  18 16 474-485 


CONTENTS.  9 

Monroe's  Administrations — The  votes,  the  Cabinets,  the  Congresses — The 
inaugural — Era  of  good  feeling — Policy  of  the  President — Jackson's  invasion 
of  Florida — Purchase  of  Florida — Beginning  of  the  slavery  agitation — Mis- 
souri Com  promise — Election  of  1820 — The  Monroe  Doctrine — Clay's  "Amer- 
ican System  " — Financial  distress — Tariff  of  1824 — Disputed  election  of 
1824 — Disruption  of  the  Republican  party 486-497 

John  Q.  Adams'  Administration — The  vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — The 
National  Republican  (Whig)  party — Democratic  party — First  Convention  of 
Protectionists — Restatement  of  the  "  Monroe  doctrine  " — Tariff  act  of  1828 
— Election  of  1828 497-503 

Jackson's  Administrations — The  Votes,  Cabinets  and  Congresses — Jackson's 
policy — Victor  and  spoils — Anti-Masonic  party — The  pocket  veto — Webster's 
and  Hayne's  debate — Tariff  of  1832-33 — Election  of  1832 — Party  platforms 
— Nullification — Death  of  the  National  Bank — Surplus  revenue — Panic  of 
1837  —  First  nominating  conventions  —  Election  of  1836  —  Anti-slavery 
party 503-520 

Van  Buren's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — The  Presi- 
dent's policy — Independent  Treasury  act — Slavery  agitation — Election  of 
1840  and  Whig  success — Party  platforms 520-526 

Harrison's  and  Tyler's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — 
Harrison's  death — Tyler  deserts  the  Whigs — Clay's  retirement — Tariff  of 
1842 — Texas  and  the  Slavery  question — Election  of  1844 — 540  40'  or  fight 
— The  platforms  and  issues 52D-534 

Polk's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — The  message — Mexi- 
can War — First  appearance  of  the  American  party — Wilmot  Proviso — Oregon 
Boundary — Tariff  of  1846 — Treaty  of  Guadaloupe-  Hidalgo  —  Calhoun 
threatens  secession — The  Oregon  bill — Election  of  1848 — Platforms  and 
nominees — Free  Soil  Democrats 534-542 

Taylor's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Calhoun's  new- 
doctrine — Compromise  of  1850 — Taylor's  death — The  political  situation — 
Popular  sovereignty — Election  of  1852 — The  parties  and  platforms — Nebraska 
bill 542-546 

Pierce's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Political  situation 
— Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill — Native   American    Party — Line  of  360  30/ 
Kansas  trouble — Election  of  1856 — Rise  of  the  Republican  party — Tariff  of 
1857— Panic  of  1857 550-559 

Buchanan's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Political  situa- 
tion— Dred  Scott  Decision — Squatter  sovereignty  and  slavery — John  Brown 
raid — The  Lecompton  Constitution — Covode  inquiry — Election  of  i860 — 
Conventions  and  platforms — Division  in  the  Democratic  party — Efforts  at 
Compromise — The  secession  movement 559—571 

Lincoln's  Administrations — Political  situation — Secession  and  War — War 
legislation  in  the  Congresses — Tariff  of  1861 — The  attitude  of  parties — The 
Greenback  system — Abolition  of  Slavery — Election  of  1864 — Parties  and 
platforms — Peace  and  Assassination — Reconstruction  under  Johnson — Oppo- 
sition to  his  pnrty  and  impeachment — Election  of  1868 — Parties  and  plat- 
forms  571-591 


10  CONTENTS. 

Grant's  Administrations — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — Difficult  recon- 
struction— The  political  situation — Legal  tenders — Election  of  1872 — Liberal 
Republican  party — Conventions  and  platforms — Tariff  of  1874 — Resumption 
act — Dawn  of  civil  service  reform — Civil  rights  bill — Election  of  1876 — 
The  parties  and  their  platforms — The  disputed  result 59I— 610 

Hayes'  Administration — Political  situation — Silver  coinage — Civil  service 
reform — Chinese  bill — Election  of  1880 — Parties  and  platforms 611-618 

Garfield's  and  Arthur's  Administration — Vote,  Cabinet  and  Congresses — 
Garfield's  assassination — Arthur's  Cabinet — Tariff  of  1883 — New  postal  law 
— Reduction  of  internal  revenue — Civil  service  reform  bill — The  civil  service 
commission — Message  to  48th  Congress 619-623 


Part  HI. 

LIVING  QUESTIONS. 


Civil  Service  Reform — Its  nature — History  abroad — History  at  home— -First 
attempts  at  reform — Second  attempts  at  reform — The  Pendleton  law — Civil 
Service  Commission  and  its  work — Arguments  for  and  against  Civil  Ser- 
vice  624-644 

Polygamy — History  of  Mormonism — Mormon  condition — Mormon  creed — 
Polygamy  proper — Congressional  Legislation — Sentiment  for  and  against. 645-660 

Prohibition — What  it  is — Historic  growth — Local  option — Direct  Law — Pro- 
hibition party — For  and  against — Several  phases 661-676 

Protection  and  Free  Trade — Nature  of  the  subject — Labor  and  capital — 
Free  Trade — Protection — Taxation — Tariff — The  English  policy — British 
Colonial  policy — The  American  Thought — Free  Trade  era — Nature  of  the 
new  powers — Tariff  and  Free  Trade  legislation — For  and  against. 677-700 

Surplus  Revenue — History  of,  abroad — History  of,  at  home — The  present 
question — Arguments  for  and  against 701-712 

Index 1 713-7*8 


Part  IV. 

CAMPAIGNS  OF  1884. 


Republican  National  Convention — Platform — Nominations — Lives  and  public 
services  of  nominees  for  President  and  Vice-President — Democratic  National 
Convention — Platform — Nominations — Lives  and  public  services  of  nominees 
for  President  and  Vice-President 7IO_ 


PART  Im 


THE  BUILDING  OF  THE  REPUBLIC 


A  FEW  FOUNDATION  THOUGHTS. 

N  a  democracy,  where  the  right  of  making  laws  resides  in 
the  people  at  large,  public  virtue,  or  goodness  of  in- 
tention, is  more  likely  to  be  found  than  either  of  the 
other  qualities  of  government.  Popular  assemblies  are 
frequently  foolish  in  their  contrivance  and  weak  in  their 
execution,  but  generally  mean  to  do  the  thing  that  is  right  and  just 

and  have  always  a  degree  of  patriotism  and  public  spirit 

Democracies  are  usually  the  best  calculated  to  direct  the  end  of 
law ;  aristocracies  to  invent  the  means  by  which  that  end  shall 
be  obtained ;  and  monarchies  to  carry  these  means  into  execu- 
tion.— Blackstone,  Vol.  i.,  p.  49. 

This  division  of  government  into  three  forms  is  almost  as  old 
as  the  oldest  writings  on  politics  and  law.  It  is  only  a  general 
division,  for  there  are  other  kinds  of  government  besides  these, 
but  all  kinds  were,  and  are,  regarded  as  reducible  to  one  or  the 
other  of  these  heads. 

Though  it  is  not  Blackstone's  division,  yet  what  he  says  of  the 
merits  of  each  kind  of  government  is  pretty  generally  accepted 
as  true,  and  is  taught  in  law  and  political  schools.  While  his 
comparative  view  is  brief,  apt  and  suggestive,  it  is  nevertheless 
the  view  of  one  who  drew  on  his  then  historic  past  for  the  ma- 
terial out  of  which  to  weave  opinions.     In  that  past  were  many 

(11) 


12  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

democratic  experiments,  some  of  them  pure  democracies,  others 
modified  democracies  called  republics,  whose  rapid  rise,  bright 
meteoric  career  and  swift  decline,  warranted  his  view.* 

He  did  not  teach  that  there  was  anything  solid  and  enduring 
about  a  democracy.  Had  he  written  but  yesterday  he  would 
have  w;riften  amid  -greater  light  and  perhaps  not  so  much  in 
sympathy  with  the  notion  which  is  so  largely  abroad  in  mon- 
archies rji'd  aristocracies  That  our  grand  American  experiment  is 
'  but  a  "  Great  Republican  Bubble."  f 

You  hear  the  words  "  democracy  "  and  "  republic  "  used  in- 
discriminately. Perhaps  you  so  use  them  yourself.  If  so,  your 
ideas  may  be  clear  respecting  them,  but  such  use  is  liable  to  lead 
to  confusion  in  the  minds  of  others,  unless  their  full  meaning  be 
understood.  ' 

DEMOCRACY. — The  democracy  to  which  Blackstone  refers 
is  doubtless  a  pure  democracy ;  that  is,  the  democracy  in  which 
the  demos,  or  people,  met  in  periodic  assembly,  talked  over  their 
public  affairs,  passed  their  laws  and  elected  their  rulers,  very  much 
as  we  meet  at  our  annual,  or  other,  elections  to  record  our  wishes, 
except  that  their  assembly  was  a  deliberative  body  like  our  legis- 
latures or  congress,  as  well  as  a  voting  body. 

A  better  idea  of  it  may  be  gotten  by  supposing  that  all  the 

*The  popular  assembly  of  Athens  could  not  consist  of  less  than  6,000  citizens. 
The  general  assembly  of  Sparta  was  attended  by  all  the  freemen  of  Laconia.  The 
republic  of  Venice,  and  the  short-lived  republics  of  Genoa  and  Pisa,  were  only  repub- 
lics in  name.  The  people  ultimately  lost  their  power  to  ambitious  doges  and  coun- 
cils. The  truest  democracy  was  that  of  the  ancient  German  tribes,  where  affairs  of 
government  were  discussed  and  settled  at  their  festal  gatherings.  That  these  were 
"  foolish  in  their  contrivance  and  weak  in  their  execution,"  may  be  accepted  as  true, 
for  all  hands  were  encouraged  to  get  gloriously  drunk  on  the  principle  that  they 
would  then  let  out  the  true  secrets  of  their  mind. 

f  Boynton  in  his  "  Four  Great  Powers  "  says  :  "  It  (the  rebellion)  has  proved  that 
a  popular  government  is  not  necessarily  a  weak  one,  and  that  a  free  unwarlike 
people,  unused  to  the  restraints  of  thorough  organization  and  discipline,  ran  yet  as- 
sume almost  at  once  the  highest  forms  of  national  life,  can  reshape,  without  con- 
fusion, their  whole  industrial  energy  to  meet  the  demands  of  sudden  war,  can  bring 
forth,  organize  and  hold  in  hand  all  their  resources,  and  with  all  the  skill  and  science 
of  the  age,  can  wield  a  thoroughly  compacted  national  strength,  greater  in  propor- 
tion to  population  than  has  been  exhibited  by  any  other  power  on  earth." 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  13 

voters  of  a  state  *  should  say  to  themselves,  "  We  will  not  go 
to  the  trouble  and  expense  of  voting  for  members  to  represent 
us  in  the  legislature,  but  we  will  all  go  to  the  capitol,  or  place  of 
assemblage,  and  in  popular  meeting  pass  the  laws  ourselves." 
This  would  be  the  true  and  original  general  assembly  of  the 
demos,  or  people,  and  such  a  government  would  be  a  pure 
democracy.  It  is  quite  plain  that  such  a  form  of  government 
would  be  fitted  for  only  a  very  primitive  people  and  a  very  small 
state. 

There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  democracy  in  this  sense  now.  It 
would  be  too  heavy  and  too  unwieldy  a  piece  of  machinery  to 
work,  or  if  it  went  at  all,  it  would  be  very  noisy  and  uncertain  in 
its  motion.  The  democracy  which  is  meant  by  an  every-day  use 
of  the  word,  or  by  the  word  when  left  unexplained,  is  democracy 
in  its  secondary  or  modified  sense ;  that  is,  democracy  in  a  repre- 
sentative form. 

We  do  not  all  go  to  the  general  assembly  to  make  laws,. but 
we  go  to  the  polls  and  vote  for  some  one  to  go  in  our  stead,  to 
represent  us  there,  as  the  saying  is.  We  still  preserve  the  name 
"  general  assembly  " — though  largely  substituted  by  the  word 
"  legislature  " — to  designate  the  place  of  meeting,  not  of  the 
people  at  large,  or  of  such  of  them  as  are  called  voters,  but  of 
the  people  through  and  by  means  of  their  chosen  representatives. 
We  are  not  in  the  general  assembly  directly,  but  we  are  there 
indirectly.  We  do  not  speak  there  with  our  own  mouths  but 
through  our  chosen  mouth-pieces.  We  do  not  vote  directly  for 
our  laws,  but  our  representatives,  who  are  supposed  to  know  our 
wishes  and  who  are  responsible  to  us,  vote  for  us.     This  is  a 

*  Or  rather  all  the  people  of  a  state,  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence  says 
"  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed  ;  "  and 
the  preamble  to  the  Constitution  reads,  "  We  the  people  do  ordain  and  establish, 
etc. ;  "  upon  which  Judge  Sharswood  remarks,  "  that  in  the  freest  nations — even  in 
the  republics  which  compose  the  United  States — the  consent  of  the  entire  people 
has  never  been  expressly  obtained.  The  people  comprehend  all  the  men,  women 
and  children  of  every  class  and  age.  A  certain  number  of  men  have  assumed  to 
act  in  the  name  of  all  the  community.  The  qualification  of  electors  or  voters  was  in 
general  settled  by  the  colonial  charters,  as  well  as  the  principle  that  the  acts  of  a 
majority  of  such  electors  were  binding  on  the  whole." 


14  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

much  cheaper  and  handier  kind  of  democracy  than  that  first 
spoken  of.  It  is  the  kind  which  must  be  understood  when  the 
term  "  democracy  "  is  used  without  explanation,  or  in  connection 
with  our  form  of  government.  This  government  then  is  not  a 
pure  democracy,  but  a  modified,  or  representative  democracy ; 
nevertheless  it  is  a  democracy. 

REPUBLIC. — And  as  a  democracy,  it  is  equally  a  republic, 
for  "  republic  "  is  very  well  defined  as  a  form  of  government  in 
which  the  sovereign,  or  law-making,  power  is  exercised  by 
means  of  representatives  chosen  by  the  people.  The  two  terms, 
"  democracy  "  and  "  republic,"  here  come  together  in  their  mean- 
ing, and  one  may  be  used  for  the  other  without  fear  of  con- 
fusion. 

COMMONWEALTH.— You  find  in  your  reading  other  terms 
used  to  convey  the  same  idea  as  "  democracy  "  or  "  republic." 
The  word  "  commonwealth  "  is  one  of  them.  And  a  very  good 
word  it  is,  too.  Commonwealth  is  the  common  weal,  health  or 
happiness.  It  was  not  the  democracy  or  republic  of  Cromwell,* 
but  the  commonwealth  of  Cromwell,  though  strictly  it  was  all 
three,  using  democracy  in  its  secondary  sense  as  above  explained. 
And  this  word  "  commonwealth  "  is  much  used  by  the  respec- 
tive States  of  our  Union,  as  the  "  Commonwealth  of  Pennsyl- 
vania," "  Commonwealth^of  Virginia,"  etc.  Indeed,  so  popular 
and  well  fixed  has  this  usage  of  the  word  become  that  it  may  be 
said  to  distinguish  the  smaller  or  fractional  republic,  otherwise 
called  a  State,  from  the  Federal  Republic,  otherwise  called  the 
United  States. 

POPULAR  GOVERNMENT.— -The  phrase  "popular  gov- 
ernment," or  "  popular  form  of  government,"  is  common  among 
speakers  and  writers  when  they  refer  to  a  democracy  or  republic. 
It  is  a  pleasing  phrase  and  hath  much  meaning.  Every  govern- 
ment which  is  endured,  liked  and  sustained  is  in  one  sense 
"  popular."     In  another  sense  every  government  which  is  par- 

*  The  word  "  commonwealth  "  has  got  a  meaning  in  English  history  as  the  form 
of  government  established  on  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  in  1649,  and  which  existed 
under  Cromwell  and  his  son  Richard,  ending  with  the  abdication  of  the  latter  in 
1659. 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  15 

tially  representative,  as  a  limited  monarchy,  is  popular.  But  see 
the  different  shades  of  meaning  embraced  in  the  word  "  popular." 
In  the  first  sense  a  despotism  may  be  a  popular  form  of  govern- 
ment, in  that  the  people  may  like  it,  but  in  the  sense  that  they 
participate  in  it,  help  to  carry  it  on,  it  is  most  decidedly 
unpopular. 

In  the  expression  "  popular  government "  the  word  "  popu- 
lar "  has,  therefore,  its  true  and  original  meaning,  "  of  or  belong- 
ing to  the  people."  Perhaps  the  expression  was  never  so  happily 
paraphrased  as  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  referring  to  our  "  popular 
form  of  government "  in  his  oration  at  Gettysburg,  called  it  "  a 
government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people." 

Popular  is  what  is  of  and  belongs  to  the  populns,  the  people. 
The  popular  voice  is  the  people's  voice.  The  popular  vote  is 
the  people's  vote.  Popular  elections  are  the  people's  elections. 
Popular  institutions  are  the  people's  institutions.  A  popular 
government  is  the  people's  government.  And  so,  by  contrast 
with  those  forms  of  government  in  which  the  people  have  no 
voice  at  all,  and  even  in  contrast  with  those  forms  in  which  they 
have  a  partial  voice,  the  phrase  "  popular  government,"  or  "  pop- 
ular form  of  government,"  gets  a  meaning  which  always  points 
out  clearly  a  democracy,  a  republic,  or  a  commonwealth.  Our 
government  is  a  popular  form  of  government,  or  a  popular 
government. 

We  happily  know  more  about  this  kind  of  a  government  than 
Mr.  Blackstone  did.  Our  national  experiment,  so  wisely  started 
by  our  fathers,  so  adequate  to  every  strain,  has  proved  that  a 
popular  form  of  government,  one  in  which  the  sovereignty  is 
vested  in  the  people,  one  in  which  the  people  are  the  rulers,  is 
not  necessarily  weak  or  perishable,  nor  illy  fitted  to  secure  to  the 
governed  the  ends  for  which  it  was  established.  Every  one  who 
has  chosen  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  its  history,  and  who 
has  not  ?  has  seen  such  a  government  grow  in  size,  strength  and 
importance,  in  spite  of  the  fierce  obstacles  of  wars  without  and 
wars  within.  He  has  seen  it  acquire,  populate,  cement  and  give 
law  and  order  to  vast  regions  it  did  not  own  at  the  start.  He 
has  seen  it  rise  from  small  and  not  very  harmonious  beginnings 


16  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

till  it  has  assumed  the  highest  form  of  national  life  and  con^ 
quered  one  of  the  first  seats  in  the  great  political  system  which 
embraces  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth. 

SOVEREIGNTY.— Amid  this  splendid  growth,  these  evi- 
dences of  inherent  strength,  these  promises  of  durability,  who 
does  not  feel  new  pride  in  our  first  and  greatest  axiom,  "  The 
sovereignty  is  in  us,  the  people."  Would  that  this  pride  were 
strong  enough  to  impress  every  citizen  with  the  need  of  special 
qualification  for  his  high  office,  for  his  is  an  office — that  of 
soverefgn — and  one  with  broader  meaning  and  deeper  function 
than  that  of  the  governor  or  president  he  helps  to  create. 

In  no  country  of  the  world  does  the  word  "  sovereignty,"  as 
attached  to  the  individual,  have  so  much  significance  as  in  the 
United  States.  It  is  not  merely  a  claim  or  a  boast,  but  it  is  an 
inherent  power  which  he  may  exercise  on  all  proper  occasions 
and  in  accordance  with  his  own  free  will,  and  which  he  ought  to 
exercise  if  he  expects  to  be  content  with  the  laws  and  those  who 
execute  them.  Knowledge  of  this  supreme  endowment  ought 
to  inspire  every  citizen  with  higher  notions  of  manhood,  ought  to 
deepen  his  interest  in  the  affairs  of  society  and  the  State,  ought 
to  make  him  feel  that  there  is  no  education  so  important  as  that 
which  will  teach  him  how  best  to  turn  the  power  he  wields  to 
the  account  of  himself  and  those  about  him.  True,  he  is  but 
one  sovereign  among  many,  and  he  may  feel  that  his  voice  is 
weak,  his  identity  lost ;  but  let  an  attempt  be  made  to  rob  him 
of  his  endowment,  and  he  will  feel  as  if  the  loss  were  a  mighty 
one  indeed,  one  which  could  not  well  be  borne.  He  would 
fight  against  its  loss,  as  if  it  were  the  dearest  thing  on  earth  to 
him. 

The  true  majesty  and  moving  effect  of  individual  sovereignty 
is  visible  when  it  is  united  with  that  of  other  individuals  all 
along  any  line  of  political  action.  One  soldier  does  not  make 
an  army,  nor  one  man  a  nation,  but  many  soldiers  and  many 
men.  So  sovereignty  gets  to  be  an  imposing  and  effective  force, 
gets  to  be  sovereignty  indeed,  when  it  is  a  thing  resident  in,  or 
bubbling  forth  from,  a  set  of  men,  a  society,  a  people,  a  nation. 
In  the  individual  it  was  a  still  small  voice,  in  the  nation  it  is 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  17 

Jove's  chariot  thundering  in  the  heavens  and  shaking  the  earth.* 
Then,  indeed,  it  means  law,  presidents  and  governors,  constitu- 
tions, states,  empires,  and  in  an  hour  of  great  public  grievance, 
or  of  incendiary  partisan  rage,  it  may  mean  the  defiance  of  law, 
the  overthrow  of  officials,  the  smashing  of  constitutions,  the 
upheaval  of  states,  the  crashing  of  empires.  It  is  a  power  for 
evil  as  well  as  good,  a  source  of  danger  as  well  as  safety. 

WHENCE  SO  VEREIGNTY  SPRANG.— In  the  after  part  of 
this  volume  there  will  be  many  opportunities  of  learning  how  the 
notions  of  popular  liberty  and  the  doctrines  of  popular  sovereignty 
which  are  now  a  part  of  our  national  life  were  planted  in  our  soil 
and  cultivated  among  our  colonial  fathers.  But  the  lesson  of 
their  importance  to  us  cannot  be  fully  learned,  nor  can  their  bear- 
ing upon  the  rest  of  the  world  be  completely  realized  till  we  con- 
sider how  many  and  what  desperate  battles  they  had  to  fight  in 
the.  old  world  before  they  commanded  any  degree  of  respect.  It 
was  not  the  part  of  any  feudal  government  to  recognize  sover- 
eignty as  in  the  people.  Yet  there  never  was  a  time  when  the 
people  did  not  feel  that  all  sovereignty  was  in  them.  Conse- 
quently aU  political  history  is  marked  here  and  there  by  volcanic 
eruptions  of  popular  will,  by  upheavals  of  the  masses  in,  too  often, 
vain  attempts  to  assert  the  power  to  rule  themselves,  which  they 
felt  was  God-given  and  inherent.  The  democracies  that  tossed 
and  writhed  and  tormented  and  spent  themselves  in  very  excess 
of  agony,  were  simply  the  boiling  up  through  hard  feudal  surfaces 
of  that  spirit  which  we  now  proudly  claim  and  exercise  as  free- 
men. The  republics  which  gave  a  mouth  to  every  Grecian,  bred 
in  every  Roman  a  sense  of  dignity,  imparted  a  feeling  of  man- 
hood to  every  Venetian,  taught  England  that  the  "  divinity 
which  hedges  a  king  "  was  no  more  divine  than  that  which 

*  Some  writers  prefer  not  to  speak  of  sovereignty  as  in  the  individual.  They 
only  recognize  sovereignty  as  something  residing  in  and  coming  out  of  an  aggregate 
of  individuals,  a  nation.  Thus  Brownson  :  "  Sovereignty,  under  God,  inheres  in 
the  organic  people,  or  the  people  as  a  republic."  It  is  only  a  question  of  when  to 
begin  to  call  it  sovereignty.  As  a  source  of  pride  to  the  individual  citizen  he  might 
as  well  be  made  to  feel  that  his  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  is  an  evidence  of 
the  sovereignty  that  is  within  him,  as  not.  The  water  of  each  of  an  hundred  springs 
that  make  up  the  river  is  in  the  river,  whatever  you  may  say. 
2 


18  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

hedges  a  mere  citizen,  were  all  so  many  protests  on  the  part  of 
the  people  against  the  doctrine  of  potentates  that  power  does  not 
rise  from  the  masses,  but  comes  down  to  them  through  masters. 
Rulers  were  always  smarter  than  the  uneducated,  noisy,  inco- 
herent, careless  masses.  Hence  democracies  and  republics  were 
short  lived.  A  shrewd  or  unscrupulous  ruler  was  more  than  a 
match  for  brawling  assembly,  or  a  jealous  and  discordant  set  of 
electors.  The  Doges  of  Venice  literally  ran  away  with  the 
power  entrusted  to  them  by  the  people,  and  royal  diplomacy 
manoeuvred  England  out  of  Cromwellian  republicanism  in  ten 
years  time.  In  all  these  battles  for  sovereignty  the  masses  were 
at  a  decided  disadvantage.  They  were,  in  general,  not  educated. 
If  religious,  their  religion  did  not  admit  the  freedom  of  con- 
science. If  freemen,  the  modern  doctrine  of  personal  and  civil 
liberty  was  not  understood  by  them.  If  voters,  the  value  of 
sovereignty  was  not  appreciated.  But  with  the  reformation  came 
a  flood  of  daylight  upon  the  lowly.  Conscience  got  loose  and 
shook  itself  rejoicingly,  being  free  from  fetters.  Reading  and 
thinking  got  down  to  the  bases  of  society,  and  new  notions  of 
personal  and  civil  liberty  began  to  prevail.  Subjects  began  to 
feel  that  they  were  men  with  rights  which  even  sovereigns  must 
respect,  and  most  of  all  that  they  were  a  source  of  power  which 
even  sovereigns  could  be  made  to  fear.  Great  minds  got  to 
writing  about  the  sources  of  power,  the  responsibilities  of 
citizenship,  the  relation  of  rulers  to  the  ruled,  the  nature  of 
liberty,  the  value  of  sovereignty,  the  duty  of  the  freeman  to  as- 
sert his  rights.  Parties  or  sects — you  can  as  yet  scarcely  distin- 
guish between  the  two — sprang  up,  some  to  fight  for  their 
religion  through  their  politics,  and  some  to  fight  for  their  politics 
through  their  religion.  In  England  the  Puritan  got  to  be  a 
stubborn  force,  so  did  the  Independent,  and  the  Presbyterian, 
and  the  Quaker,  all  discordant,  yet  all  united,  in  so  far  as  the 
drift  of  their  thought  and  influence  was  toward  intellectual 
moral  and  political  freedom,  and  the  ultimate  right  of  man  to 
choose  his  own  rulers  and  make  his  own  laws.  These  were 
brave  souls  and  they  clung  to  their  convictions  and  indoctrinated 
their  fellows  amid  social  ostracism  and  state  persecution.     Ham- 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  19 

pered  on  all  sides  by  forms  too  hard  to  break  through,  over- 
shadowed by  power  too  well  entrenched  to  be  easily  dislodged, 
feeling  that  their  doctrines  were  pervading,  permanent  and  vital 
enough  to  bear  transplanting,  and  knowing  that  an  open  conti- 
nent lay  beyond  the  ocean,  they  were  ripe  for  the  experiment  of 
,  American  colonization. 

WE  SHOULD  PREPARE  OURSELVES.— The  propriety 
of,  nay  the  necessity  for,  educating  statesmen  *  is  not  doubted. 
Yet  here  we  are,  old  and  young,  all  of  us,  statesmen  by  right, 
and  each  endowed  with  a  dignity  and  authority  to  which  your 
statesman  in  fact  is  willing  to  take  off  his  hat.  Nothing  is  so 
pleasing  and  assuring  as  to  see  an  office-holder  well  qualified 
for  his  office.  Yet  we  are  all  office-holders,  in  that  personal 
sovereignty  is  within  each  man's  keeping.  We  go  about  our 
work  or  pleasure  with  what  may  be  called  the  highest  office,  at 
least  the  highest  responsibility,  in  the  land,  hanging  to  our  per- 
sons, and  inseparable  from  us. 

The  citizen  makes  a  terrible  mistake,  one  which  may  any  day 
bring  disaster  to  his  country  and  himself,  who  supposes  that  he 
can  properly  fill  his  high  office,  perform  his  full  duty  as  sov- 
ereign, without  any  previous  thought  or  qualification.  He  cannot 
be  a  safe  repository  of  power  who  does  not  know  what  power  is, 
and  when  and  how  to  exercise  it.  One  cannot  be  a  good  presi- 
dent maker  who  has  no  idea  of  what  a  president  is  for,  and  what 
a  good  one  is  like.  The  man  who  is  ignorant  of  legislation  or 
the  quality  of  a  safe  legislator  is  not  fit  to  choose  a  representa- 
tive in  congress  or  the  general  assembly.  You  could  scarcely 
expect  a  person  without  judgment  to  select  a  good  judge  for 
you.  While  the  principle  that  every  man  is  a  sovereign,  or  that 
sovereignty  resides  in  the  people,  is  a  glorious  and  inspiring  one, 
it  would  be  most  dangerous  to  our  own  peace  and  to  the  per- 

*  What  is  specially  needed  in  statesmen  is  public  spirit,  intelligence,  foresight, 
broad  views,  manly  feelings,  wisdom,  energy,  resolution ;  and  when  statesmen  with 
these  qualities  are  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  the  state,  if  not  already  lost,  can, 
however  far  gone  it  may  be,  bq  recovered,  restored,  reinvigorated,  advanced,  and 
private  vice  and  corruption  disappear  in  the  splendor  of  public  virtue. — Brownson's 
American  Republic. 


20  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

petuity  of  the  nation,  if  we  were  all  as  ignorant  and  brutish  as 
South  Sea  Islanders,  or  as  indifferent  as  the  free-footed  Bedouins 
of  the  desert.  It  is  only  a  safe  and  tolerable  principle  here  and 
now  because,  as  a  rule,  some  kind  of  qualification  exists,  or  be- 
cause, as  a  theory,  sufficient  qualification  is  presumed ;  or,  to 
state  it  in  other  words,  because  the  result  of  the  ballot  is  suffi- 
ciently on  the  side  of  purity  and  intelligence  to  answer  as  a  set- 
off against  an  impure  and  ignorant  ballot. 

A  CONTRACT  WITH  THE  STATE.— The  ballot  is  the 
legal  means  of  giving  expression  to  the  will,  or  sovereignty,  that 
is  within  us.  Ought  there  ever  to  be  a  doubt  about  its  intelli- 
gence and  safety  ?  Ought  government,  through  and  by  means 
of  the  ballot,  to  be  a  sort  of  political  hit  or  miss  game,  a  thing 
to  make  one  say, "  Oh  well,  it  is  all  wrong  in  this  or  that  matter, 
but  we  will  trust  to  another  turn  of  the  wheel  to  correct.it?" 
We  ought  not  to  forget  that  despotism,  aristocracy,  monarchy, 
and  every  form  of  government  which  does  not  rank  as  popular, 
finds  a  strong  vindication  in  its  distrust  of  the  masses,  and  in  its 
doctrine  that  the  sovereignty  which  comes  up  out  of  the  people 
is  uncertain,  gross,  and  unsafe.  The  answer  to  the  claim  that 
the  masses  ought  to  govern  themselves  always  was,  "  Let  them 
prove  that  they  are  equal  to  the  task."  In  the  face  of  all  the 
obstacles  presented — their  own  ignorance  as  well  as  the  superior 
intelligence  and  adroitness  of  their  masters — they  generally  failed 
to  prove  it,  and  the  laugh  was  on  the  side  of  the  "  powers  that 
be."  It  was  only  when  time  had  worked  great  changes  in  the 
condition  of  the  common  people,  and  when  they  began  to  give 
some  proofs  of  their  ability  to  master  political  situations,  that  the 
power  which  emanated  from  them,  the  state  or  government,  got 
to  be  of  any  account.  And  now,  under  our  form  of  government, 
does  there  not  exist  a  secret  understanding,  an  implied  contract, 
a  tacit  pledge,  between  the  state  and  the  citizen,  to  the  effect  that 
one  shall  do  all  he  can  to  qualify  himself  for  his  responsibilities, 
in  turn  for  the  protection  and  comfort  the  other  affords  ?  If 
such  contract  does  not  exist,  the  citizen  is  none  the  less  respon- 
sible, and  he  must  still  face  the  question,  "  If  ballots  are  even 
yet  barely  safe  because  those  which  are  qualified  outnumber 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  21 

those  which  are  not  qualified,  what  might  we  not  expect  in  the 
shape  of  stronger  government  and  better  institutions,  if  all  were 
qualified  ?  "  The  obligation  of  every  sovereign  citizen  to  qualify 
himself  for  the  intelligent  exercise  of  the  power  that  is  within 
him  is  deep,  impressive,  awful.     Does  he  realize  it?* 

HOW  QUALIFY?— Whatever  will  make  the  citizen  think 
more  seriously  of  his  political  obligations,  whatever  will  enable 
him  to  give  truthful,  safe,  and  telling  expression  to  the  sover- 
eignty that  is  within  him,  is  a  schooling  of  no  mean  order. 
Streams  cannot  rise  higher  than  their  source,  creatures  cannot 
be  superior  to  their  creators,  institutions  cannot  be  better  than 
their  supporters.  Governments,  laws,  officials  are,  in  general,  a 
fair  reflex  of  the  ballots  which  make  them.  Before  they  can  be 
raised  to  hiq;h  and  safe  standards,  we  must.rise  to  hicrh  and  safe 
standards  of  citizenship.  We  must  never  admit  that  because  a 
majority  of  us  are  qualified  to  exercise  sovereignty,  therefore 
things  are  safe.  Things  never  can  be  absolutely  safe  till  all  are 
qualified.  Our  common  schooling  is  a  great  help  to  us.  But  it 
is  not  of  that  special  kind  which  is  calculated  to  acquaint  us 
with  political  situations,  sharpen  our  wits  as  rulers,  stimulate  our 
pride  of  citizenship.  Few  of  us  ever  think  about  our  duty  to  the 
government  till  we  are  reminded  of  it  by  the  alarum  of  a  political 
campaign.  Then  as  a  short  cut  toward  qualifying  ourselves,  we 
rush  pellmell  to  school  to  the  teachers  who  appear  on  the  stump 
and  in  a  declamatory,  off-hand  way,  attempt  to  prove  to  us  all 
kinds  of  impossibilities  and  demonstrate  all  undemonstrable 
things.  These  very  eloquent  teachers  are  seldom  clear,  dispas- 
sionate, or  impartial.  They  may  be  mere  creatures  of  prejudice 
or  ambition.  As  a  rule  they  rely  more  on  the  arts  which  cap- 
tivate than  on  the  logic  which  persuades,  more  on  the  tricks 
which  deceive  than  on  the  facts  which  convince.     Their  appeals 


*  Our  republic  has  been  reared  for  immortality,  if  the  work  of  man  may  aspire  to 
such  title.  It  may,  nevertheless,  perish  in  an  hour  by  the  folly,  corruption,  or  neg- 
ligence of  its  only  keepers,  the  people.  Republics  are  created  by  the  virtue,  public 
spirit,  and  intelligence  of  the  citizens.  They  fall  when  the  wise  are  banished  from 
the  public  councils,  because  they  dare  to  be  honest,  and  the  profligate  are  rewarded, 
because  they  flatter  the  people  in  order  to  betray  them. — Story  on  the  Constitution. 


22  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

are  to  the  passions  and  not  to  the  solid  judgments  of  men.  The 
most  they  want  is  votes,  not  as  winged  principles,  but  as  some- 
thing to  be  counted  in  one,  two,  three  order  for  their  favorite 
candidate.  There  is  but  one  class  of  scholar  who  is  truly  at 
home  in  this  ringing,  jostling,  exciting  school.  He  is  the  one 
who  will  not  qualify  himself  in  any  other  way,  who  is  fond  of  the 
hurly-burly,  delights  in  brass  bands  and  ear-splitting  hurrahs,' 
loves  the  delirium  of  passion,  and  supports  the  ticket,  no  matter 
who  is  on  it  or  what  principles  it  embodies.  Conviction  goes 
to  the  dogs  with  such  an  one,  sovereignty  is  a  Chinese  gong, 
the  franchise  a  batch  of  fire -works,  and  election  day  a  glorifica- 
tion. 

You  will  say,  "  but  better  this  school  than  none."  Assuredly. 
We  do  not  design  to  diminish  its  importance  further  than  that  is 
effected  by  showing  that  it  is  not  the  best  school,  and  should  not 
be  the  only  one,  in  which  to  learn  our  duties  as  citizens,  or  to 
get  substantial  notions  of  our  high  privileges.  It  is  very 
pleasant  to  hear  speeches,  delightful  to  be  carried  away  by  ora- 
torical flights  and  figures,  gratifying  to  see  an  enemy's  scalp 
raised  by  the  keen  knife  of  sarcasm,  inspiring  to  be  appealed  to 
in  various  pathetic  ways,  but  it  is  all  very  much  like  going  to  a 
theatre  to  dwell  for  a  little  time  in  the  midst  of  sentiments  and 
passions.  It  is  an  intoxicating,  short-lived  schooling,  which  may 
tide  one  over  an  emergency,  but  leaves  the  mind  to  as  sad  a  re- 
action as  a  drink  of  spirits  does  the  body. 

The  best  qualification  of  the  citizen  is  that  which  is  always 
going  on.  He  may  quicken  it  by  the  usual  agencies  of  the  cam- 
paign, brush  up,  as  it  were,  at  each  call  to  exercise  his  sover- 
eignty, but  the  solid,  solemn  work  of  preparation  ought  to  begin 
with  the  child  and  never  end  till  death  ends  it.  The  course  of 
study  cannot  be  mapped.  Tastes  vary,  and  time  is  not  at  the 
command  of  all  alike.  But  it  is  safe  to  say  that  all  may  learn, 
and  should,  what  will  make  them  prouder  of  the  distinction  of 
sovereign  citizen,  what  will  enable  them  to  handle,  without  dan- 
ger to  themselves  or  others,  the  sharp  weapon  of  the  ballot, 
what  will  give  them  bigger  and  broader  views  of  their  country 
and  institutions,  what  will  enlarge  their  manhood  and  make  them 


FOUNDATION   THOUGHTS.  23 

feel  their  importance  as  factors  in  further  building  and  perpetu- 
ating this  vast  temple  of  government,  which  is  even  now  over- 
shadowing all  others  and  influencing  all  others  for  their  good. 
For  the  greater  encouragement  of  the  young,  and  for  overcom- 
ing the  indifference  of  those  of  riper  years,  let  this  fact  not  es- 
cape attention.  The  people  are  closer  to  their  rulers  and  their 
government  now  than  ever  before  in  its  history.  Just  as  they 
prepare  themselves  for  the  duty  of  personal  rulers,  they  rise  in  im- 
portance with  their  political  rulers.  Just  as  they  are  able  to 
think  accurately  for  themselves,  formulate  their  thoughts  suc- 
cinctly, and  defend  them  stoutly,  in  that  proportion  the  political 
ruler  hearkens  unto  them  and  takes  his  cue  from  them.  It  is  for 
this  reason  that  reform  is  twice  as  speedy  now  as  it  was  twenty 
years  ago.  The  better  informed,  the  stronger,  the  more  resolute 
the  constituency,  the  surer  it  is  of  a  prompt  and  certain  echo 
from  its  representative.  And  this  is  as  it  should  be,  for  the 
whole  theory  of  sovereignty  with  us  is,  that  power  passes  up- 
ward from  the  people,  never  downward.  So,  ability  to  instruct 
and  judge  should  pass  in  the  same  direction.  While  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  people  is  thus  greater,  the  duty  of  the  legislator  is 
simpler  and  easier. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY, 

OR 

TITLES   AND   TERRITORIAL  SHAPES. 

HE  FIRST  OWNERS.— When  America  was  discov- 
ered the  title  to  the  soil  was  in  the  Indian.  He  was 
sovereign  proprietor.  He  acknowledged  no  obedience, 
~fc£  allegiance,  nor  subordination  to  any  foreign  nation.  He 
has  never  to  this  day  yielded  a  jot  or  tittle  of  his  original 
right  of  dominion,  except  when  he  sold  out  voluntarily,  or  was 
forced  by  arms  into  a  treaty.  His  claim  was  precisely  like  that 
of  all  civilized  nations,  a  claim  based  on  exclusive  possession 
and  use  for  his  purposes,  for  hunting,  for  trading,  for  subsistence. 
If  he  had  no  fields,  no  fixed  towns,  few  of  the  things  which 
fasten  other  folks  to  one  spot,  it  was  nobody's  business.  That 
did  not  invalidate  his  claim  in  the  least. 

THE  EUROPEAN  TITLE.— The  discovery  of  America  in 
1492  brought  across  the  ocean  the  doctrine  that  general  title  to 
all  the  new  lands  and  the  right  to  govern  them  rested  on  the  fact  of 
discovery.  Perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  say,  the  discovery  of 
America  was  the  date  of  the  invention  of  this  doctrine.  The 
legal  doctrine  of  discovery  was,  that  title  to  the  soil  was  in  the 
discoverer  provided  the  territory  discovered  were  unoccupied, 
uninhabited.  Why  was  this  doctrine  twisted  out  of  all  legal 
shape,  or  so  greatly  enlarged  ?  Because  the  Indian  was  a 
heathen.  The  Christian  thought  of  the  time  did  not  draw  a  line 
between  political  and  spiritual  sovereignty.  The  right  to  con- 
vert a  heathen  carried  everything  with  it — right  to  govern  him, 
right  to  own  his  soil.  In  a  word,  he  was,  if  unconverted,  an 
encumbrance,  and  it  became  a  Christian  duty  and  glory  to  con* 
(24) 


PIONEER  DISCOVERERS  AND  EXPLORERS. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  .  25 

quer  him  and  possess  his  domains.*  This  is  what  made  the 
broad  claim  of  title  by  discovery  defensible,  or  rather,  it  is  what 
reconciled  it  to  the  European  mind,  for  no  lawyer  would  ever 
agree,  without  fee  in  advance,  to  establish  the  righteousness  of  a 
title  by  discovery  to  an  unknown  inhabited  land,  be  the  inhabitants 
heathen  or  not.  Imagine  the  King  of  the  Cannibal  Isles  sailing 
out  and  striking  the,  to  him,  unknown  coast  of  America  at  San 
Francisco,  and,  landing  and  planting  his  banners  in  the  soil,  tak- 
ing possession  and  declaring  the  whole  country  his  by  right  of 
first  discovery.  How  many  of  us  would  quake  at  the  thought 
that  we,  heathen  to  the  great  king,  would  have  to  give  up  our 
titles  and  pass  under  a  new  dynasty  ?f  How  many  of  us  would 
acquiesce  in  his  bold  claim,  or  do  other  than  the  Indian  has 
done — deny  his  right  to  soil  and  dominion,  and  fight  to  the  death 
against  it? 

ARE  OUR  TITLES  GOOD  f— In  law,  time  is  a  great  cura- 
tive. We  can  at  least  plead  that  we  ought  not  to  be  disturbed, 
because  lapse  of  time  has  come  in  to  cure  the  defects  of  our 
title  by  discovery.  However  indefensible  in  law  or  morals  the 
European  title  to  our  soil  was,  the  then  civilized  nations  stood 
committed  to  it,  and  we  are  entitled  to  the  excuse  which  this 
general  commitment  furnishes.  It  was  a  policy  erroneous  and 
despotic.  But  even  such  policy  may  lead  to  results  which,  after 
a  long  time,  ought  not  to  be  questioned  or  disturbed.     Besides, 

*  It  might  be  curious  to  inquire  how  far  we  are  away  from  this  doctrine  now.  Is 
not  the  red  man  still  in  the  road?  Has  not  our  national  policy  toward  him  always 
savored  too  much  of  the  policy  of  the  pioneer,  that  because  he  is  in  the  way  and 
his  land  is  good,  therefore  it  is  right  to  drive  him  away  and  take  it  ? 

f "  The  truth  is,  the  European  nations  paid  not  the  slightest  regard  to  the  rights 
of  the  native  tribes.  They  treated  them  as  mere  barbarians  and  heathens,  whom  if 
they  were  not  at  liberty  to  exterminate,  "they  were  entitled  to  deem  as  mere  tempor- 
ary occupants  of  the  soil.  They  might  convert  them  to  Christianity,  and,  if  they  re- 
fused conversion,  they  might  drive  them  from  the  soil  as  unworthy  to  inhabit  it. 
They  affected  to  be  governed  by  the  desire  to  promote  the  cause  of  Christianity,  and 
were  aided  in  this  ostensible  object  by  the  whole  influence  of  the  papal  power. 
But  their  real  object  was  to  extend  their  own  power,  and  increase  their  own  wealth 
by  acquiring  the  treasures  as  well  as  the  territory  of  the  New  World.  Avarice  and  ant- 
bition  were  at  the  bottom  of  all  their  original  enterprises." — Story  on  the  Constitu- 
tion. 


26  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  Indians  were  much  dealt  with  outside  of  this  policy.  In 
some  instances  it  was  modified  by  the  sovereigns  themselves  in 
granting  charters.  In  others  by  the  proprietaries  in  acquiring 
their  lands.  In  others  still  by  the  actual  settlers.  These,  in 
a  more  becoming  spirit  of  humanity  and  with  a  view  to  having 
their  titles  peaceable  and  perfect  at  the  start,  actually  bought  the 
soil  of  the  Indian,  and  left  him  free  to  enjoy  his  tribal  form  of 
government.  It  need  not  be  assumed  that  any  very  clearly  or 
elegantly  worded  contracts  were  made,  nor  that  deeds  contain- 
ing exact  descriptions  of  the  lands  were  given,  nor  even  that 
anything  like  fair  prices  were  paid,  according  to  our  notions  of 
value,  yet  the  fact  that  the  Indian,  accustomed  to  roam  a  con- 
tinent, with  no  attachment  to  locality,  and  therefore  with  no  idea 
of  an  acre  or  its  equivalent  in  cash,  assented  to  the  terms,  gives 
the  transaction  validity  in  law. 

FIRST  ENGLISH  PATENT.— -What  a  grand  rush  there 
was  for  discovery  and  possession  as  soon  as  land  was  known  to 
exist  amid  the  waters  which  supposably  stretched  from  West- 
ern Europe  to  Eastern  Asia!  In  this  rush,  and  so  far  as  we  are 
concerned,  England  got  the  lead.  The  Cabots,  father  and  sons, 
Bristol  merchants  in  long  commerce  with  the  fishermen  of  Iceland 
who  may  have  told  of  Greenland,  first  discovered  the  continent 
of  America.*  With  a  boldness  second  only  to  that  of  Colum- 
bus, and  a  confidence  which  almost  compels  us  to  think  they 
were  familiar  with  Icelandic  traditions,  they  went  into  the  midst 
of  the  unknown  waters,  bearing  a  patent  from  the  politic  Henry 
VII.,  one  clause  of  which  read :  "  Empowering  them  to  search 
for  islands,  countries,  provinces,  or  regions,  hitherto  unseen  by 
Christian  people ;  to  affix  the  banners  of  England  on  any  city, 
island  or  continent  they  might  find,  and,  as  vassals  f  of  the  Eng- 
lish crown,  possess  and  occupy 'the  territories  that  might  be 
discovered." 

*  We  readily  accept  the  Icelandic  history — it  is  certainly  more  than  tradition — that 
their  people  were  in  communication  with  the  fishing-grounds  of  Newfoundland  and 
the  eastern  coast  of  America  centuries  before  Columbus  sailed.  But,  so  far  as 
national  or  political  results  followed,  we  must  speak  of  Cabot's  discovery  as  the  first. 

j-  Observe  the  feudal  word  vassal.     "The  first  maxim  of  feudal  tenure  (title)  was 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  27 

ENGLAND  GETS  A  CONTINENT.— This  clause  is  in- 
teresting as  part  of  the  most  ancient  American  state  paper  in 
England,  and,  further,  it  gave  to  England  an  entire  continent. 
Its  date  is  March  5,  1496.  The  Cabots  struck  the  continent 
in  N.  lat.  560,  Labrador,  in  June,  1497,  fourteen  months  before 
Columbus,  on  his  third  voyage,  came  in  sight  of  the  mainlands 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco.  You  ask  why  England  didn't! 
hold  the  continent  if  she  claimed  by  right  of  discovery.  The 
answer  is  she  did  not  know  she  had  one  to  hold.  Again,  when 
she  learned  that  it  was  really  a  continent,  and  was  anxious  for  a 
title  as  against  some  other  discoverer  or  occupant,  she  always 
made  bold  to  set  up  the  one  founded  on  this  discovery.  It 
always  served  her  when  she  was  the  stronger  party  and  nothing 
was  wanting  but  a  pretext  to  title.  And  just  here  it  is  well  to 
note  that  this  whole  matter  of  title  by  discovery  underwent  many 
changes.  Several  nations  set  up  claims  to  the  continent  because 
each  thought  it  had  discovered  it.  Ignorant  of  its  geography 
and  of  the  discoveries  of  others,  each  nation  had  to  modify  its 
claims  under  certain  circumstances. 

FRENCH  CLAIMS.— Not  knowing  what  they  had  struck, 
the  planting  of  the  English  banners  on  Labrador  did  not  deter 
other  nations  from  joining  in  the  hunt  for  possession.  Nor  did 
a  second  voyage  (1498),  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  which  resulted  in  a 
profile  of  the  coast  from  Newfoundland  to  Albemarle  Sound. 
The  French  came  skirting  up  the  coast  *  from  North  Carolina, 
stopping  at  New  York,  at  Newport,  thence  on  to  Nova  Scotia, 
striking  the  grand  fishing-grounds,  a  field  they  never  quit  till 
driven  off  two  hundred  and  forty  years  afterwards  (1763)  by  the 
English. f     Though  ten  to  twenty  years  later  than  the  Cabots  % 

that  all  lands  were  originally  granted  by  the  sovereign  and  therefore  held  of  the 
crown.  The  grantee,  who  had  only  a  use,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  grant,  was 
called  the  feudatory  or  vassal  (tenant)." — Blackstone,  vol.  ii.,  p.  53. 

*  The  voyage  of  John  Verrazzani,  an  Italian  in  the  employ  of  Francis  L,  of 
France,  in  the  "  Dolphin  "  (1524),  reads  like  a  novel. 

f  We  use  the  modern  names  of  these  places  for  convenience.  The  French  names, 
as  St.  John,  St.  Lawrence,  Cape  Breton,  are  all  early. 

J  Within  seven  years  of  the  discovery  of  the  continent,  the  fisheries  of  New- 
foundland were  known  to  the  hardy  mariners  of  Brittany  and  Normandy. — 
Bancroft. 


28  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  asserting  title,  the  French  took  a  decided  lead  in  discovery 
and  settlement  in  their  St.  Lawrence  region,  New  France, 
Champlain  was  anxious  to  found  a  state,  and  he  backed  up  De 
Monts,  who  had  gotten  a  patent  for  the  sovereignty  of  Acadia, 
extending  from  Philadelphia  to  beyond  Montreal  (1603).  It  was 
to  be  a  Huguenot  country,  but  the  Jesuits  came  also.  Though 
they  wrangled  much,  Champlain  managed  to  hold  the  line  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  for  France,  and  the  settlements  there  became  the 
source  of  that  wonderful  Jesuit  movement  beyond-  Niagara,  out 
the  chain  of  the  great  lakes  and*  down  the  Mississippi  to  the 
gulf.* 

SPANISH  CLAIMS.— For  years  after  1492,  Spain  had  been 
working  her  way  through  the  Caribbean  Islands,  and  in  15 12 
struck  Florida.  Ponce  de  Leon  first  saw  this  land  on  Easter 
Sunday  (Pascua  Florida).  This  meant  a  continent  for  Spain,  as 
much  as  the  discovery  of  Labrador  by  the  Cabots  meant  one 
for  England,  though  De  Leon  supposed  it  only  an  island.  He 
was  to  have  its  government  on  the  condition  that  he  colonized 
it.  Spain  did  not  trust  to  mere  discovery  so  much  as  to  actual 
settlement.  The  natives  fought  the  Spanish  off,  and  wounded 
De  Leon  unto  death.  Thirty  years  after  along  came  De  Soto, 
an  old  friend  of  Pizarro,  who  desired  to  rival  him  in  wealth  and 
Cortes  in  glory.  He  began  his  wonderful  freebooting  march  to 
the  Mississippi,  beneath  whose  waters  he  found  a  grave.f  What 
was  Florida?  In  Spanish  imagination  it  was  everything  from 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  Newfoundland,  and  as  far  west  as  the 
"  River  of  Palms  "  (Mississippi)  or  as  land  extended.  Canada 
was  in  the  Spaniard's  Florida ;  so  was  Louisiana ;  and  so  every 
intermediate  mountain  chain  and  waving  prairie.  The  Missis- 
sippi rose  in  Florida  and  emptied  in  Florida.  Not  a  nation  dis- 
puted her  claims  so  far  as  they  embraced  the  Gulf  coast. 

*  Cartier's  voyages  (1527  to  1542)  planted  the  French  standard  in  all  that  in- 
definite country  of  Norimbega.     He  built  a  fort  at  Quebec  in  1541. 

f  Narvaez  previously  made  a  similar  march  to  the  "  River  of  Palms  "  and  on  to 
the  Pacific.  The  story  of  his  exploits  is  too  wild  for  belief.  The  Spanish  under 
Gomez  had  also  skirted  the  coast  to  New  England,  calling  the  country  The  Land 
of  Gomez. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  29 

THE  RIVAL  CLAIMANTS.— Here  then  were  three  rivals, 
all  claiming  the  same  lands  as  discoverers.  England  claimed  a 
continent,  or  would  have  done  so  had  she  known  it  was  a  conti- 
nent. France  in  mapping  her  New  France  claimed  from  Dela- 
ware bay  northward.  Spain  claimed  for  her  Florida,  or  New 
Spain,  everything  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  Newfoundland. 
What  a  chance  for  future  troubles !  But  as  yet  these  claims 
were  so  misty  and  vague  as  not  to  be  worth  fighting  about.  In- 
deed they  did  not  serve  even  as  a  bar  to  other  claims  on  the 
ground  of  discovery  by  these  same  nations  or  by  others,  espe- 
cially when  a  permanent  settlement  followed.  Thus  when  Coligny 
wanted  (1562)  to  establish  a  Huguenot  colony  and  found  a 
Protestant  French  empire  in  America*  he  selected  Florida  as  the 
site,  and  calling  it  Carolina,  after  Charles  IX.  of  France,  gave  it 
a  limit  extending  from  St.  Augustine  to  Port  Royal  entrance. 
His  first  colony  failed  (1563).  In  1565  he  tried  another  which 
brought  a  storm  about  French  ears.  Maddened  at  this  audacious 
attempt  to  set  up  a  Protestant  empire  within  her  Catholic 
domains,  Spain  drove  the  French  colonists  out  and  proclaiming 
Philip  II.  monarch  of  all  North  America  hastened  to  found  St. 
Augustine  (1565),  the  oldest  town  in  the  United  States  by  forty 
years.  The  fighting  period  had  now  arrived,  and  home  jealousies 
and  wars  had  as  much  to  do  with  colonial  disturbances  as  any- 
thing else.  England  had  broken  away  from  Catholicism :  why 
shouldn't  she  be  jealous  of  Spanish  ascendency  in  the  New  World  ? 
The  century,  or  thereabouts,  since  the  discovery  of  America,  had 
fired  European  rulers  with  a  mania  for  the  enlargement  of  their 
empires  by  discovery.  The  idea  grew  more  and  more  popular 
that  titles  by  discovery,  in  order  to  be  substantial,  should  be 
backed  by  actual  settlement.  It  was  found  that  no  mean  trade 
could  be  driven  with  the  natives  in  the  shape  of  furs,  etc.,  and 
that  our  coasts  furnished  favorable  fishing-grounds.  The  thrill- 
ing stories  of  Spanish  adventure,  conquest  and  enrichment  in 
Peru  and  Mexico  had  gotten  abroad  and  were  filling  men  of 
every  nationality  with  dreams  of  El  Dorados  in  all  parts  of  the 

*  A  disastrous  attempt,  under  the  special  co-operation  of  Calvin  himself,  had 
been  made  to  found  a  similar  empire  at  Rio  Janeiro  in  Brazil. — Southeys  Brazil. 


30  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

New  World.  Religious  enthusiasm  built  imaginary  abiding- 
places  in  the  wilderness  for  the  faithful,  away  from  persecution, 
competition  and  all  state  interference.  Humanitarians,  philan- 
thropists, political  theorists,  saw  golden  opportunity  in  the 
American  wilds  for  great  reformed  and  reforming  empires. 
Bankrupt  nobility  pictured  to  itself  a  renewal  of  estates  and 
titles  amid  our  splendid  virgin  areas  on  a  far  larger  and  grander 
scale  than  their  fathers  had  ever  heard  of. 

RALEIGH'S  SCHEME.— Raleigh  had  been  a  pupil  of 
Coligny.  He  dreamed  of  an  empire  for  England  on  the  very 
spot  whence  the  Protestants  of  France  had  been  expelled.  He 
therefore  took  up  Coligny 's  failure.  Armed  with  a  patent  from 
Queen  Elizabeth  (1584)  he  tried  his  experiment  a  little  farther 
north  and  under  more  favorable  auspices.  But  failure  awaited 
him  also.  His  abandoned  "  City  of  Raleigh "  on  the  barren 
island  of  Roanoke  (1587)  was  two  centuries  later  (1792),  and  by 
'solemn  act  of  the  legislature  of  North  Carolina,  revived  in  its 
capital  "  The  City  of  Raleigh."  As  Coligny's  scheme  gave  to 
the  Carolinas  (the  New  France  of  the  South)  a  name,  so  Raleigh's 
gave  to  the  indefinite  territory  of  his  patent  the  name  of  Virginia, 
after  the  virgin  queen.* 

FIRST  COLONIAL  CHARTER.— Turning  the  century 
(1600)  England  was  better  prepared  than  any  other  country  for 
adventure,  or  say  permanent  settlement,  in  North  America.    The 

*  This  attempt  of  Raleigh  to  found  a  Huguenot  colony  under  English  auspices 
as  a  set-off  to  Spanish  Catholic  influence  on  the  South  did  more  to  spread  a  correct 
idea  of  the  soil,  climate,  inhabitants  and  resources  of  the  new  land  than  any  other 
thus  far.  Its  historian,  Hariot,  was  a  keen  observer.  He  observed  the  culture  of 
tobacco  and  accustomed  himself  to  its  use,  after  the  Indian  fashion.  He  studied 
the  maize  crop  and  noted  its  productiveness.  He  also  tried  the  potato  with  the 
natives  and  found  it  very  good  food.  The  natives  were  treated  as  men,  and  the 
chief,  Manteo,  was  given  a  peerage,  the  first  in  Anglo-American  annals.  It  ought 
not  to  escape  attention  that  Raleigh  took  possession  of  this  Virginia  country,  so  signal 
a  part  of  Spanish  Florida,  and  at  so  late  a  date,  by  reason  of  discovery.  He  of 
course  knew  of  Coligny's  claim  to  the  same  for  France.  But  France  and  England 
could  afford  to  pull  together  in  the  scheme  of  a  Huguenot  (Protestant)  colony  or 
empire  right  down  upon  and  overshadowing  Catholic  Florida.  It  was  a  long-headed, 
deeply  concocted  scheme  on  the  part  of  Raleigh  and  Elizabeth,  and  one  that  Eng- 
land, or  rather  Protestantism,  could  afford  to  take  much  stock  in. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  31 

timid  policy  of  King  James  I.  (i 603-1 625)  in  throwing  out  of 
employment  the  gallant  seamen  who  had  served  under  Elizabeth 
left  them  no  option  but  to  engage  in  the  quarrels  of  strangers  or 
seek  employment,  wealth  and  fame  in  the  new  world.  The 
vague  uncertain  title  of  the  first  discoverer  could  now  be  backed 
up  by  actual  settlement.  That  possession  which  was  then  as 
much  as  even  ten  points  of  law  could  be  brought  into  play.  A 
true  colonial  scheme  could  be  developed  and  practised  which 
would  not  only  reduce  the  wilderness  to  an  inchoate  govern- 
ment, but  anchor  it  safely  at  the  foot  of  the  throne. 

Now  see  the  hold  this  spirit  of  colonization  had  gotten  in 
England.  The  influential  assigns  of  Raleigh's  patent,  the 
wealthy  Gorges,  governor  of  Plymouth  (Eng.),  the  experienced 
Gosnold  who  first  set  English  foot  on  Cape  Cod  (1602),  the 
enthusiastic  Captain  Smith,  the  persevering  Hakluyt,  historian 
of  all  the  early  voyages,  and  towering  above  all,  the  Lord  Chief 
Justice  himself,  Sir  John  Popham — these  formed  a  coterie  whose 
plea  "  to  deduce  a  colony  into  Virginia "  James  I.  could  not 
resist.  He  granted  them  the  first  colonial  charter  under  which 
the  English  were  planted  in  America,  April  10,  1606.  Do  not 
forget  the  date :  it  is  an  important  one,  the  beginning  of  many 
real  things  in  connection  with  our  government.  Do  not  forget 
the  coterie.  They  were  tenacious  men,  representative  of  Eng- 
land's wealth  and  influence  at  home  and  her  adventure  abroad, 
and  they  or  their  assigns  come  up  continually  from  this  time  on 
to  disturb  future  titles  and  worry  future  colonists.  Do  not  fail 
either  to  look  a  little  into  the  charter  itself,  for  its  bearings  on 
our  history  and  institutions  are  direct,  and  it  shows  in  what 
shape  English  monarchy  first  fastened  itself  on  our  soil. 

The  charter  gave  twelve  degrees,  reaching  from  Cape  Fear, 
N.  C,  to  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia  (340  to  45  °  N.  lat.),  to  two  rival 
companies,  one  of  London,  the  other  of  towns  in  the  west  of 
England.*     The  London   Company  (Southern   Colony),  which 

*The  first  goes,  popularly,  by  the  name  of  the  London  Company.  As  its  portion 
of  the  above  grant  was  the  southern  part  of  Virginia  and  its  settlement  on  the  James 
river,  it  is  known  to  our  history  as  the  Southern  Colony.  The  second  company, 
whose  residents  were  mostly  at  Plymouth,  is  called,  popularly,  the  Western  Company, 


32  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

alone  succeeded,  had  right  to  occupy  from  340  to  380  ;  that  is, 
from  Cape  Fear  to  the  southern  limit  of  Maryland.  The  Western 
or  Plymouth  Company  (Northern  Colony)  had  right  to  occupy 
from  41  °  to  450  ;  that  is,  from  say  New  York  to  Halifax.  From 
380  to  41  °  was  open  to  both,  with  right  to  the  soil  fifty  miles 
north  or  south  of  any  actual  settlement  they  might  make  therein.* 
The  government  was  a  Council  in  England  appointed  by  the 
king.  A  Local  Council  had  charge  of  local  affairs  in  the  re- 
spective colonies.  The  king  reserved  the  right  of  supreme  leg- 
islative authority  and  supervision.  The  emigrant  and  his 
children  should  continue  to  be  Englishmen.  The  original 
grantees  or  patentees  were  to  hold  the  lands  and  other  rights  by 
the  tenure  of  free  and  common  socage,  and  not  in  capite.\  The 
patentees  could  of  course  regrant  their  lands  to  actual  col- 
onists according  to  the  tenures  they  held.  The  hard,  impractic- 
able features  of  the  charter  were  that  the  emigrant  had  no  elec- 
tive franchise,  no  right  of  self-government.     The  power  was  first 

or  the  Plymouth  Company,  and  as  their  part  of  the  grant  was  in  the  north  of  Vir- 
ginia, i.  e.,  from  New  York  to  Halifax,  it  is  known  in  our  history  as  the  Northern 
Colony,  but  chiefly  by  its  failures. 

*  "  The  name  of  '  Virginia  '  was  generally  confined  to  the  Southern  Colony,  and 
the  name  of  'Plymouth  Company'  was  assumed  by  the  Northern  Colony.  From 
the  former  the  States  south  of  the  Potomac  may  be  said  to  have  had  their  origin,  and 
from  the  latter  the  States  of  New  England." — Story  on  the  Constitution. 

f  This  is  very  important  as  marking  a  point  of  decided  departure  from  the  feudal 
tenures  based  on  military  service,  or  tenures  in  capite.  However  rapidly  the  process 
of  undermining  feudal  institutions  may  have  been  going  on,  it  must  have  been  a 
very  bitter  pill  for  a  sovereign  like  King  James  to  give  such  a  signal  recognition  of 
their  decadence,  for  be  it  known  his  signature  to  this  charter  not  only  broke  in  on  all 
precedent  for  military  (capite)  tenure  to  land  in  America,  but  established  the  most 
democratic  tenure  then  known  in  England,-  tenure  by  "free  and  common  socage." 
This  tenure  existed  only  in  Kent  (Eng.)  under  the  title  gavelkind,  "given  to  all 
the  males  alike."  Says  Blackstone,  "  It  is  probable  the  socage  (plow  service) 
tenures  were  the  relics  of  Saxon  liberty,  retained  by  such  persons  as  had  neither 
forfeited  them  to  the  king  nor  been  obliged  to  exchange  their  tenure  for  the  more 
honorable  though  more  burdensome  tenure  of  knight  service.  This  is  peculiarly  re- 
markable in  the  tenure  which  prevails  in  Kent,  called  gavelkind,  which  is  ac- 
knowledged to  be  a  species  of  socage  tenure,  the  preservation  whereof  inviolate 
from  the  innovations  of  the  Norman  conqueror  is  a  fact  universally  known,  and 
those  who  have  thus  preserved  their,  liberties  are  said  to  hold  in  free  and  common 
socager 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  33 

in  a  trading  company  composed  of  a  select  few,  of  which  the 
actual  settler  was  not  one;  then  in  a  Local  Council, in  which  he 
had^  no  voice  ;  then  in  a  Supreme  Council  at  home,  which  could 
never  know  him  and  could  never  have  sympathy  with  his 
rights ;  lastly  in  the  king  himself,  who  not  only  created  and  dis- 
missed the  Supreme  Council  at  pleasure,  but  held  the  power  of 
making  or  revising  their  legislation.  It  was  a  truly  wonderful 
scheme,  and  one,  in  most  respects,  well  calculated  to  tickle  the 
vanity  of  a  weak  prince.  What  wonder  that,  under  it,  the  Local 
Council  got  to  be  a  pure  aristocracy  entirely  independent  of  the 
settlers,  the  people  !  What  wonder  that  no  element  of  popular 
liberty  found  its  way  into  the  government  of  the  colony  when 
its  code  of  laws  wras  completed  and  received  kingly  sanction ! 
And  what  wonder  the  parliament  of  England  speedily  raised  the 
question — a  question  which  would  not  down  until  the  American 
revolution — of  how  far  the  king  was  a  usurper  of  their  powers 
in  assuming  legislative  authority  abroad !  Even  the  religion  of 
the  colonist  was,  under  this  memorable  instrument,  to  be  that 
of  the  Church  of  England. 

One  may  well  say  all  this  was  a  long  way  off  from  what  kings 
were  afterwards  taught  to  grant,  and  from  that  spirit  of  free 
thought  and  action  which  now  pervades  our  institutions.  Under 
such  a  charter  and  code  permanent  colonization  at  a  distance 
from  home,  and  in  a  spot  where  everything  invited  to  freedom, 
was  impossible.  Every  effort  to  plant  under  it,  or  to  make  it 
work  for  the  good  of  emigrants,  showed  its  imperfections  in  glar- 
ing colors.     The  weeding  and  paring  process  began  early. 

ENGLAND'S  PERMANENT  FOOTHOLD.— -Under  this 
charter  the  London  Company  founded  Jamestown,  Va.,  May, 
1607,  one  hundred  and  nine  years  after  Cabot's  discovery  of  the 
Continent,  and  forty-one  after  Spain  had  settled  Florida.  As  the 
Puritan,  destined  for  the  Hudson,  was  blown  upon  Cape  Cod,  so 
the  three  ships  with  the  Virginia  Colony  were  blown  past 
Raleigh's  old  settlement  at  Roanoke,  and  into  the  waters  of  the 
Chesapeake.  One  year  would  have  settled  the  fate  of  James^ 
town,  but  for  Captain  Smith,  who  had  fought  for  freedom  in 
Holland,  roamed  France  for  pleasure,  visited  Egypt  for  study, 
3 


34  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC- 

plunged  into  Mohammedan  warfare  for  glory,  escaped  from  Con- 
stantinople to  Russia  for  safety,  and  now  entered  as  hero  on  a 
drama  the  most  exciting  and  thrilling  of  all.  Even  his  ingenuity 
in  handling  hostile  natives,  and  his  unbending  will,  stronger  than 
that  of  cowardly  governor  (Wingfield  and  Ratcliffe)  or  famished, 
rebellious  emigrant,  could  not  have  saved  the  colony,  but  for  an 
amendment  to  the  charter  government  which  robbed  the  king  of 
the  supreme  legislative  powers  he  had  reserved  and  turned  them 
over  to  the  company  and  its  governors.  This  gave  to  Smith's 
genius  a  fuller  rein.  He  made  the  gentlemen  colonists  work, 
saying,  "  He  who  would  not  work  might  not  eat."  He  entreated 
the  company  to  send  "  more  suitable  persons  for  Virginia."  "  I 
entreat  you,"  he  writes,  "  rather  send  but  thirty  carpenters,  hus- 
bandmen, gardeners,  fishermen,  blacksmiths,  masons  and  diggers 
up  of  trees'  roots,  well  provided,  than  a  thousand  of  such  as  we 
have."  Hopeless  as  his  task  seemed  he  held  his  control  of  the 
unruly  colonists  till  disabled  by  an  accidental  explosion  of  gun- 
powder he  was  forced  to  go  to  England  for  treatment,  without 
reward  of  any  kind  but  the  applause  of  conscience  and  the 
world.  He  was  the  true  father  of  Virginia,  and,  vastly  more,  the 
pioneer  who  secured  to  the  Saxon  race  its  first  permanent  foot- 
hold within  the  borders  of  the  United  States.  Virginia  was  a 
fact,  but  as  yet  a  limitless  fact.  And  this  it  proved,  and  con- 
tinued to  prove,  that  just  as  the  king  was  shorn  of  his  charter 
powers,  and  just  as  the  Home  Council  and  the  governors  were 
deprived  of  their  arbitrary  control,  and  the  same  passed  over  to 
and  began  to  be  exercised  by  the  people  under  the  forms 
of  law,  in  that  proportion  the  colony  throve.  America  was 
no  place  for  restricted  individual  rights  nor  absolute  foreign 
authority. 

TOBACCO,  COTTON  AND  SLAVES.— The  Jamestown 
colonist  got  to  be  an  industrious  man.  It  was  a  clear  question  of 
the  "  survival  of  the  fittest."  He  grew  tobacco  and  the  cereals,  and 
found  both  profitable.  The  former  became  a  staple  and  a  cur- 
rency. He  was  not  satisfied  with  his  farm  title.  It  was  amended 
so  as  to  make  him  secure.  He  clamored  for  representation. 
This  too  he  got.     The  first  colonial  assembly  met  at  Jamestown, 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  35 

June,  1619.  This  was  the  dawn  of  legislative  liberty  in  America. 
They  who  had  been  dependent  on  the  fickle  will  of  a  governor 
demanded  a  code  of  laws  based  on  those  of  England.  Such  a 
code  came  over  in  162 1.  It  was  a  form  of  government  away 
outside  of  the  harsh  and  narrow  provisions  of  the  charter. 
Under  it  the  colony  got  a  parliament,  very  like  that  of  England. 
Thenceforth  Virginia  was  the  Virginia  of  the  colonists.  It  was 
their  country,  and  their  country  reached  from  North  Carolina  to 
Halifax,  and  as  far  west  as  imagination  chose  to  go.  The  king 
was  still  king,  and  of  a  new  empire,  but  of  a  people  who  had 
gradually  acquired  rights  they  would  never  voluntarily  part  with. 
He  had  a  rival  though.  In  1621  the  first  cotton-seed  was  planted 
with  success.  The  infant  thus  cradled  grew  into  "  King  Cot- 
ton." Strange  to  say,  only  one  year  before,  August,  1620,  four- 
teen months  after  the  first  Virginia  Assembly,  four  months  be- 
fore the  pilgrims  landed  at  Plymouth  rock,  more  than  a  hundred 
years  after  slavery  had  disappeared  from  England,  six  years  after 
the  abolition  of  serfdom  in  France,  a  Dutch  man-of-war  entered 
the  James  river  and  landed  twenty  negroes  for  sale.  Unfortu- 
nately the  constitution  and'  code  of  laws  which  were  received  by 
the  colony  the  next  year  had  been  prepared  without  knowledge 
of  this  event,  or  they  might  have  contained  some  clause  prohibit- 
ing this  kind  of  commerce.  As  it  was,  the  commerce  grew  and 
the  slave  system  got  hold,  in  spite  of  a  strong  sentiment  among 
the  better  class  of  colonists  against  it,  and  in  spite  of  a  few  feeble 
colonial  laws  passed  with  a  design  to  discourage  it.  By  one  of 
those  strange  contradictions  in  human  affairs,  the  colony  which 
had  in  fourteen  years  converted  a  despotic  charter  into  a  repre- 
sentative form  of  government,  and  had  actually  become  an 
asylum  of  liberty,*  became  also  the  abode  of  hereditary  bonds- 
men, f 

*The  Virginia  Colony  had  not  as  yet  paid  much  attention  to  its  religious  code, 
and  even  the  heady  Puritan  could  find  an  asylum  there.  His  presence  was  not  inter- 
dicted till  the  democratic  revolution  in  England  under  Cromwell  gave  political  im- 
portance to  religious  sects.  Then  to  tolerate  a  Puritan  was  to  favor  a  member  of  a 
republican  party. 

f  Negro  slavery  was  certainly  an  offence  against  the  better  infetincts  of  all  the 
colonies.     Though  all  the  earlier  ones  tolerated  it,  there  was  no  lack  of  discourag- 


36  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

A  ROYAL  PROVINCE.— King  James  got  jealous  of  the 
London  Company.  On  the  plea  of  mismanagement  its  charter 
was  cancelled.  Virginia  was  free  from  a  control  which,  while  it 
made  a  colony  possible,  had  ever  been  an  interference.  Charles 
I.  (1625-1649),  in  accordance  with  his  father's  intentions,  would 
regard  it  as  a  Royal  Province,  to  be  governed  by  himself,  but 
fortunately  more  with  a  view  to  securing  a  revenue  from  its 
tobacco  and  other  staples,  than  with  a  design  to  interfere  seriously 
with  the  political  rights  of  the  colonists.  But  up  came  the 
question  of  boundary.  Virginia  had  no  limits  but  those  in  the 
charter,  and  it  was  gone.  There  was,  therefore,  no  Virginia  for 
the  map.  Only  the  settlement  called  Virginia  remained,  and 
the  best  it  could  do  was  to  claim  the  old  charter  limits,  whether 
the  charter  existed  or  not.  It  therefore  crossed  swords  with 
the  Marylander  who  had  come  with  his  grant  right  into  the 
midst  of  the  Virginia  territory.  But  the  flurry  soon  passed 
over.  The  fate  of  Charles  I.  was  sealed.  Virginia  thought  to 
fight  Cromwell,  but  by  capitulating  got  terms  which  were  almost 
equivalent  to  independence.  Cromwell  never  bothered  himself 
about  governors  nor  anything  else  outside  of  the  mere  question 
of  allegiance.  So  the  colonists  elected  their  own  governors,  and 
the  custom  once  established,  it  ever  after  prevailed.  A  grand 
step  toward  popular  independent  government  in  the  new  world ! 

MARYLAND  CHARTER.— The  mind  of  the  Virginian  was 
not  clear  as  to  his  country.  Under  the  charter  of  1606  his 
domain  was  practically  boundless  to  the  north.  Under  an 
amended  charter  he  could  claim  to  41  °  (200  miles  north  of  Old 
Point  Comfort),  which  was  vaguely  supposed  to  be  the  southern 
limit  of  New  England,  or  the  southern  boundary  of  the  New 
Netherlands.  At  any  rate  he  would,  now  that  he  was  pros- 
perous and  had   ambitions,  push   his  enterprises  north  of  the 

ing  laws  and  regulations.  The  force  of  sentiment  outside  of  themselves,  especially 
that  sentiment  born  of  traffic  and  cupidity,  was  stronger  than  the  true  and  just  col- 
onial instinct,  and  hence  ordinances  discouraging  slavery  became  dead  letters.  But 
time  would  have  corrected  the  errors  of  cupidity,  all  along  the  colonial  fine,  had 
it  not  happened  that  as  long  as  the  slave  traffic  was  active,  the  climate,  staples  and 
commercial  taste^of  the  Southern  colonies  permitted  the  introduction  of  the  slave 
element  to  such  an  extent  that  heroic  action  against  the  system  became  impolitic. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  37 

Potomac  and  Susquehannah.  But,  alack  !  he  was  suddenly  cut 
off.  Sir  George  Calvert  had  tried  a  Catholic  settlement  at 
Avalon  on  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland,  but  cold,  a  barren  soil, 
and  French  fishermen,  had  driven  him  away.  He  would  try 
again  in  a  more  favorable  clime.  His  influence  with  the  king 
(James  I.)  was  great,  and  the  canceling  of  the  Virginia  patents 
had  restored  to  the  monarch  his  authority  over  the  soil.  The 
French,  the  Dutch,  the  Swedes,  were  preparing  to  come.  Why 
shouldn't  Calvert  have  a  slice  of  kindly  soil  for  his  experiment  ? 
He  got  it,  and  evidently  wrote  his  own  charter.*  It  gave  him  a 
clean  slice  of  what  was  Virginia.  Its  bounds  were  the  ocean, 
the  40th  parallel,  the  meridian  through  the  fountain  of  the 
Potomac,  that  river  to  its  mouth,  and  a  line  from  Watkin's 
Point  to  the  ocean — almost  the  Maryland  of  to-day.  Calvert's 
(Lord  Baltimore's)  province  was  a  creation  with  a  definite 
boundary,  the  first,  it  may  be  said,  thus  far, f  and  it  was  Mary- 
land, after  Maria,  wife  of  Charles  I.  Lord  Baltimore  was  a 
Proprietary ',  that  is,  the  country  was  his  estate.  He  was 
governor,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the  charter,  which  were 
very  liberal  indeed,  securing  to  the  colonists  representative 
government  from  the  start,  and  therein  contrasting  strongly  with 
the  Virginia  charter,  granted  to  mere  trading  companies. 
Christianity  was  by  the  charter  made  the  law,  but  no  preference 
was  given  to  any  sect,  and  equality  in  religious  rights  not  less 
than  in  civil  freedom,  was  assured.  Sir  George  Calvert  died 
April  15,  1632,  but  the  charter  was  confirmed  to  his  son, 
Cecil,   June    20,    1632.       As    has    been    noted,    Virginia   was 

*  "  The  nature  of  the  document  itself,  and  concurrent  opinion,  leave  no  room  to 
doubt  that  it  was  penned  by  the  first  Lord  Baltimore  himself,  although  it  was  finally- 
issued  to  his  son." — Bancroft,  vol.  i.,  241. 

f  Ignorance  of  the  geography  of  the  interior  left  many  of  the  early  grants  with- 
out western  limits.  Some  had  the  clause  inserted  "  and  extending  through  to  the 
Pacific,"  or  "extending  from  ocean  to  ocean."  But  in  general  they  were  vague, 
Mid  the  source  of  much  future  difficulty,  as  were  those  north  and  south  boundaries 
which  so  overlapped  each  other.  The  failure  of  the  successive  monarchs  to  under- 
stand what  their  predecessors  had  done,  the  lapsing  of  so  many  grants  by  time  or 
Dy  non-user,  the  desire  of  each  monarch  to  gratify  his  friends  or  to  map  a  new 
colonial  policy  of  his  own,  all  these  contributed  to  the  confusion  of  charter  bound- 
aries. 


38  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

furious  over  this  robbery  of  her  domain.  She  at  first  warred  a 
little  about  it,  then  carried  her  case  to  England,  but  the  king's 
privy  council  told  her  to  go  home  and  cultivate  amicable  rela- 
tions with  her  neighbor.  Her  wrath  had  time  to  cool  while  the 
boundary  between  her  and  Maryland  was  being  adjusted.  Cal- 
vert knew  quite  well  the  folly  of  attempting  a  Catholic  experi- 
ment, no  matter  how  liberal  its  provisions,  so  near  the  Virginia 
settlement,  and  within  its  claimed  limits,  without  first  securing 
for  it  carefully  determined  boundaries.  Virginia's  church  was 
the  established  church,  which,  liberal  at  first,  was  nearly  ripe  for 
that  uncharitable  statute  which  banished  all  non-conformists 
and  made  their  return  a  felony. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.— -March  27,  1634, 
Calvert  founded  his  village  of  St.  Mary's,  and  his  state.  The 
Ark  and  Dove  bore  his  colony.  He  treated  with  the  Indians 
and  bought  their  soil.  Thus  his  possession  was  peaceable,  ex- 
cept that  Clayborne  of  Virginia  wanted  to  drive  him  away  by 
force.*  The  colonists  stuck  from  the  start,  and,  unlike  those  of 
Virginia,  went  to  work.  In  six  months  St.  Mary's  was  ahead 
of  Jamestown  in  its  sixth  year,  f  In  one  year  the  people,  not 
liking  Calvert's  Code,  passed  one  of  their  own  which,  though  it 
did  not  go  into  effect,  resulted  in  such  modifications  of  Calvert's 
as  they  wished.  The  "  religious  freedom  "  of  the  charter  took 
as  wide  shape  in  the  statutes  as  was  then  possible.  It  embraced 
all  Christians,  but  with  the  awful  proviso  that,  "  Whatever  per- 
son shall  blaspheme  God  or  shall  deny  or  reproach  the  Holy 
Trinity,  or  any  of  the  three  persons  thereof,  shall  be  punished 
with  death."  Nowhere  in  the  United  States  is  religious  opinion 
now  regarded  as  a  proper  subject  for  such  a  penalty  or  for  any 
penal  enactment  at  all.  We  have  seen  how  Virginia  profited  by 
the  neglect  of  Cromwell,  under  the   English  Commonwealth. 

*  The  native  tribe  had  been  punished  by  the  Susquehannahs  on  the  north,  and 
was  just  about  to  quit  its  seats  on  the  Potomac,  when  Calvert  came.  He  therefore 
was  able  to  drive  a  good  bargain  with  them,  and  to  quiet  his  title  with  a  few  pres- 
ents of  clothes,  axes,  hoes,  knives,  etc. 

f  "  Within  six  months  it  (the  Maryland  colony)  had  advanced  more  than  Virginia 
had  done  in  as  many  years." — Bancroft,  vol.  i.,  p.  247. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  39 

New  England  did  the  same.  But  Maryland  went  through  the 
fires  of  angry  disputation.  With  the  king  gone,  where  was  the 
Proprietary  who  held  from  and  under  him  ?  "  Gone  too,"  said 
Virginia.  "  Gone  too,"  said  Cromwell,  though  he  was  going  to 
trust  to  Calvert's  good  sense  to  manage  things.  But  Virginia, 
through  the  ambitious  Clayborne,  got  over  into  Maryland,  and 
under  cover  of  a  commission  actually  ran  away  with  the 
government.  Maryland  had  invited  Puritans.  They  were 
strong  in  Anne  Arundel,  and  were  Cromwellian  republicans. 
Calvert  was  shrewd  enough  to  save  his  charter,  but  when  he 
went  to  reduce  the  Puritans  he  was  whipped  and  his  agent, 
Stone,  was  imprisoned.  Clayborne  could  reduce  neither  Catho- 
lics nor  Puritans.  Thus  matters  stood  for  years,  till  the  people 
voted  themselves  a  lawful  assembly,  without  dependence  on 
other  power  in  the  province,  and  enacted  compromise  laws, 
which  Virginia  ultimately  assented  to,  and  which  both  Puritan 
and  Catholic  could  respect.  Thus  Maryland  like  Virginia 
was,  at  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  (1660),  in  full  possession 
of  liberty  based  on  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  and  like 
Virginia  it  had  so  nearly  completed  its  political  institutions 
that  not  much  further  progress  was  made  toward  freedom  and 
independence  till  the  period  of  final  separation  from  England 
(1776). 

THE  PLYMOUTH  COUNCIL.— -We  must  now  go  back  a 
little  in  time  and  look  northward.  The  Virginia  charter  of  1606 
incorporated  two  monstrous  companies,  the  London  Company 
(Southern  colony),  and  Western  or  Plymouth  Company  (North- 
ern colony).  We  have  seen  how  the  London  Company  suc- 
ceeded at  Jamestown,  and  how  it  was  shorn  of  its  rights  in  Vir- 
ginia. What  did  the  Western  or  Plymouth  Company  do  with 
its  splendid  grant  of  lands  (in  Virginia  remember)  between  New 
York  and  Labrador,  41  °  to  45 °,  and  its  magnificent  privileges? 
Under  Popham  himself  it  settled  at  St.  George  on  the  Kennebec 
(1607).      But   Popham    died  and  the  colony  failed.*     Inspired 

*  The  Maine  historians  make  much  of  this  settlement,  not  only  as  ante-dating  all 
others  in  Northern  Virginia  or  New  England,  but  as  going  to  show  the  directness 
of  the  Maine  title  from  the  Virginia  charter  of  1606,  and  therefore  the  wrongfulness 


40  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

anew  by  Smith,  the  Virginia  hero,  who  had  (1614)  scoured  the 
coast  from  the  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod  and  named  the  country 
New  England,  another  trial  was  made,  but  the  colony  never 
landed.  Still  Smith's  enthusiasm  was  all  pervading.  A  new 
and  independent  charter  was  sought  for  the  company.  This  set 
the  Londoners  and  Westerlings  to  fighting.  But  clashing  in- 
terests could  not  stay  results.  Out  of  the  conflicting  claims 
came  a  charter  to  forty  of  the  king's  favorites,  many  of  them 
members  of  both  the  old  competing  companies,  and  the  best 
men  in  them.  It  was  one  of  the  most  sweeping  papers  which 
ever  bore  royal  signature.  Its  date  was  Nov.  3d,  1620,  and  it 
incorporated  "The  council  established  at  Plymouth  (England) 
for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering  and  governing  of  New  Eng- 
land, ih  America." 

NATURE  OF  THIS  CHARTER.—Note  first  the  size  of  the 
territory  it  covered,  and  how  it  wiped  out  the  entire  field  given 
to  both  the  London  and  Western  Companies  in  the  charter  of 
1606,  also  how  it  silenced  forever  the  legal  claim  of  Virginia  (not 
the  popular  claim)  to  her  domain  north  of  400.  It  extended  in 
breadth  from  400  to  480  north  latitude,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific;  that  is,  it  embraced  nearly  all  the  inhabitable  British 
possessions  of  to-day,*  all  New  England,  New  York,  more  than 
half  of  New  Jersey,  nearly  all  Pennsylvania,  and  the  mighty 
sweep  westward  of  all  these  States.  So  grand  an  empire  had 
never  been  given  away  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  pen.  But  more, 
and  worse,  the  charter  gave  to  forty  men  the  soil,  the  sole  power 
of  legislation,  the  selection  of  all  officers,  the  formation  of  a  gov- 
ernment, and  powers  over  commerce  as  arbitrary  as  those  con- 

of  the  claim  which  Massachusetts  subsequently  made  good.  Had  the  Kennebec 
colony  stuck,  they  would  have  much  better  ground  for  their  position;  or  had  not  the 
character  of  titles  shifted.  Even  at  this  early  date  the  principle  was  abroad  that  a 
title  confirmed  by  actual  settlement  was  better  than  one  with  no  such  substantial 
backing. 

*  It  paid  no  attention  to  the  French  possession  of  New  France,  which  vas 
already  permanently  occupied  at  Port  Royal,  Quebec,  and  many  other  places 
along  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  thought  evidently  was  to  rely  on  the  old  Cabot 
title  by  discovery,  claim  the  continent,  and  drive  off  settlers  of  other  nationalities  if 
necessary. 


BUILDNIG    GEOGRAPHICALLY.  41 

veyed  to  the  Cabots  by  Henry  VII.,  in  "  that  oldest  American 
State  paper  in  England."  No  regard  was  shown  for  the  liberty 
of  a  single  colonist.  Everything  was  left  to  the  council  at  Ply- 
mouth. It  was  too  big  a  monopoly  to  be  of  any  use.  Parlia- 
ment rose  in  angry  question  of  the  king's  right  to  thus  fritter 
away  the  public  domain.  France  laughed  at  the  thought  of  thus 
appropriating  her  lands,  in  which  settlements  had  existed  for  a 
score  of  years.  The  patentees  fell  to  furious  wrangling  about 
their  respective  privileges,  and  while  the  confusion  was  at  its 
height  something  far-reaching  and  wonderful  took  place. 

FIRST  PURITAN  ADVENT.— The  Reformation  had  made 
possible  the  Puritan  and  Pilgrim,  the  man  who  wanted,  and  was 
bound  to  have — for  himself — religious  and  political  liberty,  at 
whatever  cost.  When  he  imbibed  Genevan  Calvinism  he  drank 
in  at  the  same  time  the  spirit  of  the  Genevan  republic.  This 
was  the  ferment  which  was  working  in  feudal  England  when 
Henry  VIII.  cut  off  the  political  horns  of  the  pope,  and  which 
came  to  the  surface  when  Edward  VI.  permitted  the  Protestant 
sects  to  show  their  heads  without  danger  from  the  block.  One 
of  these  sects,  Cranmer's,  wanted  mild  reforms.  This  one  be- 
came the  Church  of  England.  The  other  would  have  no  cere- 
mony not  enjoined  by  the  word  of  God,  no  divine  right  of 
bishops,  no- inequality  of  clergy,  no  fixed  rule  of  worship  or  in- 
terpretation appointdd  by  parliament,  hierarchy  or  king.  This 
was  Puritanism,  pure  and  undefiled,  and  it  had  the  sanction  of 
Martyr,  Calvin,  Hooper  and  Rogers.  Under  Mary,  the  Puritan, 
as  well  as  the  Episcopalian,  had  to  leave  England,  if  he  would 
talk  and  act  his  convictions.  He  went  to  Amsterdam,  Leyden; 
Frankfort,  Geneva,  to  every  asylum  on  the  continent,  and  he 
learned  much.  When  he  came  back  under  Elizabeth  he  was  no 
longer  a  monarchist,  but  wanted  a  state  of  his  own,  one  in  which 
he  had  a  personal  voice;  therefore  he  was  a  politician,*  and  now 
doubly  dangerous  and  doubly  to  be  despised.  The  hard  meas- 
ure of  Elizabeth  to  exile  or  hang  all  who  should  be  absent  from 

*  Even  the  English  church  charged  them  with  seeking  a  popular  state ;  and 
Elizabeth  declared  they  were  more  perilous  than  the  Romanists.  The  Romanists 
were  for  monarchy,  and  Elizabeth  did  not  despise  them  on  that  account. 


42  BUILDING  AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  English  service  for  a  month  sent  the  Puritan  abroad  again, 
and  especially  the  stiffer-necked  branch  called  Independent  or 
Separatist.  The  more  politic  remained  to  make  Elizabeth 
ashamed  of  her  hanging  of  Barrow  and  Greenwood,  and  to  teach 
her  that  the  spirit  of  liberty  was  sufficiently  abroad  to  endanger 
the  chances  of  her  successor  to  the  throne  if  she  carried  on  in 
too  high-handed  a  manner.* 

Elizabeth,  "  dead  and  forgotten  in  four  days,"  was  succeeded 
by  James  I.,  a  most  cowardly  sprig  of  royalty,  who  was  a  Puritan 
in  Scotland,  but  who  was  no  sooner  over  the  border  than 
he  couldn't  distinguish  between  the  interests  of  the  English 
church  and  his  own  political  prerogatives.  "  No  bishop,  no 
king"  was  his  inspiration,  and  the  Puritan  was  more  a  "viper" 
than  ever,  even  if  the  king  was  a  Protestant.  He  would  "  harry 
them  all  out  of  the  kingdom,  or,  better,  hang  them,  if  they  did  not 
conform,"  and  then  when  the  Pilgrim  wanted  to  go  he  had  to 
escape.  Wherever  he  went  in  Holland  or  on  the  continent  this 
was  true  of  him :  he  was  industrious,  nearly  always  a  farmer  or 
tradesman,  frugal,  patient,  pious,  shrewd,  liberty-loving,  and 
though  a  Pilgrim,  attached  to  his  nationality.  He  was  not  con- 
tent in  Holland,  but,  like  others,  began  to  dream  of  a  colony  in 
the  wilderness  which  should  augment  the  king's  realm,  give  him 
the  government  of  his  native  land  without  its  hardships,  and  thus 
secure  him  the  liberty  he  wanted.  Whom  should  he  consult? 
It  was  1617,  and  the  London  Company  which  had  given  life  to 
Virginia  was  yet  in  existence  and  claiming  everything  north  of 
North  Carolina.  It  therefore  was  consulted,  and  would  have 
responded  favorably  but  for  bickerings.  The  king  was  petitioned 
for  a  charter.  He  promised  nothing,  but  gave  out  the  impres- 
sion that  if  the  Puritan  would  only  betake  himself  to  America 
and  there  behave  himself  he  would  be  let  alone.  That  was 
something;  perhaps  all  he  had  a  right  to  expect.  Then  he  went 
back  to  the  London  Company,  which  granted  a  patent,  but  being 
made  in  the  name  of  one  who  failed  to  accompany  the  Pilgrim 
expedition  it  was  of  no  use.     There  was  nothing  left  but  the 

*  "  The  precious  spark  of  liberty  had  been  kindled  and  preserved  by  the  Puritans 
alone." — Carte's  England,  iii.,  707. 


.^M^P^^^ 


Sa 


PLYMOUTH    ROCK. 


BUILDING  GEOGRAPHICALLY.  43 

king's  promise  of  neglect.  With  this  for  a  charter  the  "  Speed- 
well" (60  tons)  and  "  Mayflower  "  (120  tons)  were  equipped  for 
the  voyage.  A  solemn  fast  (the  original  of  the  American  thanks- 
giving), and  the  Leyden  Pilgrims  sailed  for  Southampton. 
There  the  English  faithful  came  aboard,  and  the  two  ships  dared 
the  ocean  voyage.  But  the  "  Speedwell  "  gave  out,  and  the  two 
ships  put  back  to  Plymouth,  where  the  rotten  one  was  dismissed. 
A  hundred  souls,  men,  women  and  children,*  crowded  into  the 
"  Mayflower,"  and  on  the  6th  of  September,  1620,  the  ship  was 
off  again,  off  for  the  Hudson.  Bad  navigation  or  storms  brought 
the  Pilgrim  boat  to  the  bleak  coast  of  Cape  Cod,  Nov.  9,  1620, 
thirteen  years  after  the  founding  of  Jamestown,  and  less  than 
two  months  after  the  signing  of  the  wonderful  charter  of  the 
Plymouth  Council,  above  mentioned.  After  a  period  of  pro- 
specting, on  Monday,  Dec.  11  (say  Dec.  22  new  style),  1620,  a 
landing  was  effected  at  Plymouth  rock,  and  actual  New  Eng- 
land had  a  beginning.  The  colony  was  that  of  Plymouth, 
whence  they  had  sailed. 

The  government  of  the  Pilgrim,f  framed  in  the  cabin  of  the 
"  Mayflower,"  provided  for  a  "  proper  democracy  "  in  the  Colony 
of  Northern  Virginia,  based  on  religious  and  political  rights.  It 
promised  loyalty  to  the  Crown,  which  was  its  bid  to  be  let  alone. 
The  Pilgrim  weathered  two  years  of  cold,  barrenness,  and  adver- 
sity which  would  have  broken  up  any  colony  but  a  Pilgrim 
colony.  His  tenacity,  industry,  thrift,  morals,  family,  organizing 
power,  memory  of  wrongs,  and  intense  love  of  freedom,  gave  him 
a  foothold  in  spite  of  cheerless  climate  and  unproductive  soil. 
He  placated  the  Indians  by  treaty,  raised  corn,  drove  a  brisk 
trade,  started  his  "  little  democracy,"  worshipped  as  he  wished, 
partitioned  his  lands.     Were  his  titles  good  ?     The  Indians  had 

*  The  pilgrim  brought  his  family  along.  The  Virginian  came  without  wife  or 
child.  Smith's  prayer  was  for  farmers,  mechanics,  and  men  with  families.  Till 
such  came  colonization  was  mere  adventure. 

f  "  Puritan  "  and  "  Pilgrim  "  are  fairly  interchangeable.  The  latter  was  the  former 
in  exile,  before  he  crossed  the  Atlantic.  Not  all  Puritans  were  Separatists  and  In- 
dependents. In  general  the  Puritans  were  more  diplomatic  than  the  Pilgrims. 
Puritanism  covers  both  very  well. 


44  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

said,  "  Come;  "  that  was  as  good  as  a  purchase.  The  principles 
of  English  law,  and  natural  justice,  said  they  were  good.  So  the 
Pilgrim  was  secure.  He  struck  deep  in  his  own  barren  soil  and 
branched  out  to  the  Connecticut,  to  Cape  Ann,  and  to  the  Ken- 
nebec. 

PLYMOUTH  COUNCIL.— The  shrewd  Pilgrim  heard  of  the 
wonderful  grant  to  the  Plymouth  Council  and  knew  it  embraced 
his  Plymouth.  He  worked  into  the  good  graces  of  the  Council 
through  the  influence  of  Gorges  and  got  a  sub-patent.  This 
attempt  of  the  great  Council  to  portion  its  powers  and  lands 
again  brought  up  the  grave  question  in  parliament  of  how  far 
the  king  had  made  a  fool  of  himself  in  parting  with  so  much 
territory  and  power  without  parliamentary  sanction.  The  Coun- 
cil, monopolists  as  they  were  called,  and  the  king  were  pitted 
against  the  parliament  and  such  level-headed  lawyers  as  Sir 
Edward  Coke,  who  wanted  the  power  of  the  Council  broken  and 
a  free  opportunity  given  to  colonize  the  rest  of  New  England. 
The  Council,  forced  partly  to  the  wall,  determined  to  make  the 
best  of  a  bad  bargain  by  breaking  up  its  immense  domain.  There 
was  a  scramble  for  corporation  patents.  Mason  got  a  patent  for 
the  lands  between  the  Salem  river  and  the  farthest  head  of  the 
Merrimac  (162 1).  Gorges  and  Mason  took  a  patent  for  Laconia, 
the  whole  country  between  the  sea,  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  Mer- 
rimac and  Kennebec,  and  the  plantations  on  the  Piscataqua,  as 
well  as  the  towns  of  Portsmouth  and  Dover  came  into  being, 
say  1623.  Mason  got  a  second  patent  (1629)  for  the  country 
between  the  Merrimac  and  Piscataqua,  which  was  afterwards 
known  as  the  New  Hampshire  patent,  and  so  the  business  ran 
into  interminable  confusion  and  endless  law-suits.  The  omnip- 
otent Council  of  Plymouth  was  fast  frittering  away  its  lands, 
influence  and  prerogatives. 

SECOND  PURITAN  ADVENT— The  Puritan  at  home 
chafed  under  the  constraints  of  English  law  and  the  severities 
of  the  English  church.  Minister  White,  of  Dorchester,  though 
not  a  Separatist,  would  lead  a  colony  of  the  faithful  across  the 
waters.  Despite  his  puritanism,  he  formed  a  company,  which 
bought  of  the  expiring  Plymouth  Council  a  belt  of  land  extend- 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  45 

ing  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  from  three  miles  south 
of  the  river  Charles  and  Massachusetts  bay  to  three  miles'north 
of  every  part  of  the  river  Merrimac.  This  was  a  strong  com- 
pany in  men,  for  it  included  such  as  Sir  Henry  Roswell,  Sir 
John  Young,  Thomas  Southcoat,  John  Humphrey,  John  Endicot, 
Simon  Whetcomb,  and  afterwards  Winthrop,  Dudley,  Johnson, 
Pynchon,  Eaton,  Saltonstall,  and  Bellingham,  all  names  well 
known  in  colonial  history.  Endicot,  the  sternest  kind  of  a  Pur- 
itan, was  selected  to  begin  the  work  of  establishing  a  plantation 
of  "  the  best  of  their  countrymen  "  on  the  shores  of  New  Eng- 
land and  in  safe  seclusion,  where  the  corruptions  of  human 
superstition  might  never  invade.  Not  trusting  to  this  patent 
from  the  Council,  for  it  was  in  contravention  of  half  a  dozen 
others,  it  was  confirmed  by  a  charter  from  Charles  I.,  and  "  The 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  Eng- 
land "  was  on  its  feet.  Its  date  is  March  4,  1629.  The  king 
was  evidently  mad  when  he  signed  it.  He  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  govern  his  foreign  territory,  or  have  it  governed,  as  he 
pleased  and  without  the  aid  of  parliament.  Sp,  the  provisions 
of  the  charter  were  not  unlike  those  of  Virginia,  not  a  whit  more 
liberal  as  to  the  rights  of  the  emigrant,  equally  as  hard  and  close 
as  to  the  powers  of  the  corporation,  which  had  even  the  right  to 
elect  its  own  governors.  As  in  Virginia,  "  the  blessed  boon  of 
freedom  "  for  the  colonist,  the  right  to  local  self-government, 
was  to  come  about  over  the  wreck  of  corporation  codes  and 
amid  the  ruin  of  original,  charter  claims. 

MASSACHUSETTS  COLONY.— -Under  the  auspices  of 
this  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  Puritans  struck  Salem, 
but  Charlestown  got  a  few  of  the  new-comers,  and  so  did  the  vil- 
lage of  Boston,  soon  to  become  the  capital.  These  Puritans 
came  full  of  notions  of  a  church  wherein  they  might  worship 
after  their  liking,  and  with  no,  or  very  narrow,  notions  of  a  po- 
litical state.  But  they  were  shrewd  and  business-like.  The 
thought  of  being  under  a  company  whose  members  resided  at  a 
distance  was  not  pleasant.  An  original  idea  struck  them.  Why 
not  pick  the  whole  company  up  and  carry  it  across  the  waters  ? 
It  could  execute  the  provisions  of  the  charter  better  on  the  spot 


46  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

than  3,000  miles  away.  That  is  just  what  was  done,  and  in  a 
twinkling  it  changed  a  commercial  corporation  into  an  inde- 
pendent provincial  government.  Governors,  deputy  governors, 
members  of  the  company,  and  all  interested  became  colonists — 
a  happy  Puritan  band  intent  on  their  religion  and  church,  but 
wide  awake  as  to  their  political  freedom  and  all  local  and  ma- 
terial interests.  They  held  in  their  own  hands  the  key  to  their 
religious  asylum,  and  unceremoniously  locked  the  doors  against 
all  enemies  to  its  harmony  and  safety.  Winthrop,  the  aristo- 
cratic, pious,  conforming,  discreet  Winthrop,  came  over  as 
governor.  The  hard  trials  and  disappointments  of  colonists, 
especially  on  a  shore  so  bleak,  passed,  the  community  settled 
down  to  an  "  assembly  of  all  the  freemen  of  the  colony,"  at 
Boston.  Their  first  effort  was  a  sort  of  elective  aristocracy. 
Their  second,  the  next  year,  1631,  was  a  sort  of  commonwealth 
of  the  chosen  people  in  covenant  with  God — a  theocracy,  if  you 
please.  No  man  was  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  the  body  politic 
unless  he  was  a  member  of  some  of  the  Puritan  churches.  But 
in  all  things  their  government  was  representative.  That  was  a 
great  point.  The  colony  was  politic.  It  encouraged  peaceful 
barter  with  the  Indians.  It  sent  messengers  of  peace  to  the 
Pilgrims,  and  to  all  former  colonists.  It  traded  with  the  Dutch 
on  the  Hudson.  It  invited  and  got  large  accessions  of  colonists 
from  England,  the  very  best  men  there,  such  as  Cotton,  and 
Hooker,  teachers  and  thinkers  at  home,  the  fittest  material  for 
preachers,  governors,  and  long-headed  diplomatists  abroad. 
When  the  ministers  would  hold  too  hard  to  the  theocratic  idea, 
the  freemen  inquired  more  deeply  into  their  liberties  and  privi- 
leges, demanded  annual  elections,  introduced  the  ballot-box, 
instead  of  the  old-fashioned  show  of  hands,  got  to  be  as  noisy 
and  self-assertive  as  the  modern  politician.  With  the  exception 
of  a  limited  suffrage,  the  democracy  of  Massachusetts  was  as 
perfect  then  as  now.  Unfortunately  the  suffrage  was  limited 
only  to  the  faithful.  Hence  the  split  with  Roger  Williams  and 
his  expulsion  as  an  heretical  fellow  who  taught  that  "  The  civil 
magistrate  should  restrain  crime,  but  never  control  opinion ; 
should  punish  guilt,  but  never  violate  the  freedom  of  the  soul." 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  47 

This  doctrine  would  blot  out  the  felony  if  non-conformity, 
would  repeal  every  law  compelling  attendance  on  public  worship, 
would  give  protection  to  every  form  of  religious  faith,  would 
make  every  freeman  a  voter  whether  Puritan  or  not,  would,  in  a 
word,  smash  the  whole  Puritan  fabric.  And  then  he  had  com- 
mitted other  offense  by  writing  an  article  in  which  he  argued 
that  an  English  patent  could  not  invalidate  the  rights  of  the 
Indian  to  the  soil.  This  was  very  like  treason  against  the  charter 
of  the  colony.  The  very  wise  Bradford  thought  Williams  crazy. 
All  in  all,  he  had  to  go,  this  first  person  in  Christendom  to  assert 
fully  the  doctrine  of  freedom  of  conscience,  the  equality  of  opin- 
ions before  the  law,  and  this  defender  of  them  even  in  advance 
of  the  immortal  John  Milton  and  Jeremy  Taylor.  And  his  going 
meant  what  ? 

THE  BIRTH  OF  RHODE  ISLAND.— Williams  stopped 
at  Seekonk,  but  that  was  within  the  Plymouth  patent.  He 
pushed  on  to  a  spot  where  patents  would  not  interfere,  and  hav- 
ing found  it  he  called  it  Providence  (1636).  A  deed  from 
Miantonomoh  quieted  his  title  as  to  the  Indians.  His  govern- 
ment was  a  pure  democracy.  Williams  gave  all  power  and  lands 
to  the  people,  and  they  decided  everything  in  their  conventions. 
A  magistracy,  executive  officers,  governors,  were  things  of  an 
after  time. 

CONNECTICUT  TAKES  SHAPE.— The  shrewd  Puritan 
would  head  off  the  Dutch  who  were  creeping  toward  the  valley 
of  the  Connecticut.  The  soil  was  in  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  as 
proprietary,  under  a  grant  from  the  Council  of  New  England,  or 
rather,  in  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brooke  and  John  Hampden, 
as  his  assigns.  But  before  they  could  colonize  it  the  people  of 
New  Plymouth  had  built  a  trading-house  at  Windsor,  and  soon 
had  settlements  at  Hartford,  Windsor  and  Wethersfield.  To  the 
Puritans  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut  was  indeed  a  new  Hesperia. 
Thither  they  marched  in  no  limited  numbers  under  the  lead  of 
such  as  Hooker  and  others — emigrants  from  the  most  valued 
citizens,  the  earliest  settlers,  and  oldest  churches  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay.  The  bloodthirsty  Pequods  could  not  intimidate  them 
nor  stay  their  westward  march,  but  went  down  before  it  even  to 


48  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  last  of  their  tribe.  The  Puritan  was  a  soldier  as  well  as 
preacher.  At  New  Haven,  too,  an  independent  Puritan  colony- 
sprang  up  with  Davenport  as  pastor  and  Theophilus  Eaton  as 
governor,  for  twenty  years  (1638),  with  no  statute-book  but  the 
Bible,  and  no  freemen  but  the  elect. 

UNITED  COLONIES.— -Passing  the  long  legal  fight  be- 
tween the  old  Plymouth  Council  and  the  Company  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  which  brought  Puritanism  under  the  suspicion  of 
aiming  more  at  a  distinct  political  sovereignty  than  at  simply  a 
church  of  its  own,  the  time  had  come  for  closer  co-operation 
among  the  New  England  colonists.  At  least  this  was  the  Mas- 
sachusetts thought,  though  it  was  doubtless  suggested  as  much 
by  her  desire  to  extend  her  power  and  influence  as  anything  else. 
The  first  move  was  on  New  Hampshire,  which  we  have  seen 
had  existence  under  the  Mason  grants.  She  readily  accepted 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  stronger  colony,  not  doubting  that  a  strict 
construction  of  her  charter  gave  Massachusetts  a  valid  claim  on 
her  territory,  and  wishing  to  avoid  the  disputes  which  were  sure 
to  follow  refusal.  The  Pequod  wars,  and  fears  of  the  Dutch  on 
the  south,  made  it  the  policy  of  the  Connecticut  and  New  Haven 
governments  to  seek  terms  of  union. 

The  Indian  tribes  of  Narragansett  wanted  the  protection  of 
Massachusetts,  so  they  granted  to  her  their  Rhode  Island.  But 
Williams,  who  had  gone  to  England  to  get  a  charter,  returned 
with  it  (1644)  in  time  to  save  his  little  state  from  absorption. 
Down  in  Maine,  Rigby,  purchaser  of  the  Lygonia  patent,  and 
the  assigns  of  Gorges,  were  in  bitter  legal  warfare  about  their 
right  to  own  and  govern.  They  agreed  to  refer  their  disputes  to 
Massachusetts  as  umpire.  The  shrewd  umpire  decided  that 
neither  party  was  right,  and  told  them  to  go  home  and  live  at 
peace.  This  was  impossible,  and  the  umpire  knew  it,  but  it  knew 
also  that  the  plum,  not  yet  ripe  enough  for  the  plucking,  would 
be  as  soon  as  the  disputes  had  impoverished  both  parties.  An 
appeal  was  had  to  England,  but  she  took  no  stock  in  the  contro- 
versy. Then  Massachusetts  offered  mediation.  The  role  of 
King  Stork  was  repeated.  Unfolding  her  own  charter  and  point- 
ing to  its  date,  which  was  prior  to  that  in  the  patents  of  either 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  49 

of  the  disputants,  and  pointing  again  to  her  boundary  line,  three 
miles  north  of  any  point  on  the  Merrimac,  she  politely  informed 
the  Maine  folks  that  they  had  all  along  been  shearing  goats,  and 
that  the  territory  was  hers  at  any  rate,  which  claim  she  made 
good.  Thus  did  Massachusetts  extend  her  territory  to  Casco 
Bay,  and  there  was  such  a  thing  as  the  "  United  Colonies  of 
New  England."  * 

A  GENERAL  ADVANCE.— All  this  colonial  growth  and 
consolidation  made  free  local  legislation  more  desirable,  and  the 
interference  of  parliament  more  intolerable.  The  principle  was 
echoed  from  Virginia  to  the  Kennebec,  that  the  colonies  were 
entitled  to  their  own  parliaments  and  legislatures.  Royalty  was 
pitiably  situated,  for  kings  did  not  wish  to  go  back  on  their 
grants  and  their  claim  to  give  their  soil  to  whom  they  pleased,  to 
be  governed  as  they  prescribed.  This  was  the  three-sided  fight, 
now  fully  on,  and  not  to  be  determined  till  the  American  Revo- 
lution settled  it.  During  the  time  of  Cromwell  (1648-1659)  the 
northern  colonies,  being  republican  in  spirit,  gained  a  more  solid 
footing,  and  made  great  progress.  As  the  issue  of  Puritanism 
was  popular  sovereignty,  Cromwell  was  pleased  with  the  New 
England  situation.  "  He  that  prays  best  will  fight  best,"  was  his 
judgment,  and  he  did  not  doubt  the  ability  of  the  Puritan  to 
take  care  of  himself,  without  a  king  at  the  helm  in  England: 

FREAKS  OF  CHARLES  //.—The  restoration  of  royalty 
in  England  (1660)  was  a  period  of  apprehension  in  Colonial 
America.  King  Charles  II.  (1 660-1685)  had  no  respect  for  ac- 
quired rights  on  this  side  the  Atlantic,  and  none  for  the  acts  of 
his  royal  predecessors.  He  would  be  original  or  nothing,  would 
tear  everything  to  pieces  in  order  to  enjoy  confusion  or  the 
pleasure  of  reconstruction.  His  freaks  in  upsetting  old  colonial 
lines  and  titles  astonished  the  world.     Fortunately  their  very 

*  "  The  first  conception  of  an  American  union  entertained  by  the  founders  of  New 
England  was  to  join  in  political  bonds  only  those  colonies  in  which  the  people 
were  of  a  similar  way  of  thinking  in  theology,  when,  in  the  spirit  of  a  theocracy, 
they  aimed  to  form  a  Christian  state  in  the  bosom  of  the  church.  This  was  em- 
bodied in  the  New  England  Confederacy  (1643-1684).  Its  basis  was  not  broad 
enough  to  embrace  the  whole  of  this  territory,  or  sufficiently  just  to  include  all  its 
population." — Frothinghatri 's  Rise  of  the  Republic. 
4 


50  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

wildness  defeated  their  aim  in  many  instances,  and  averted  the 
confusion  which  would  otherwise  have  attended  the  king's  folly. 
In  other  instances,  some  of  the  colonies  got  what  they  had  never 
been  able  to  get. 

Winthrop  got  a  splendid  charter — in  utter  disregard  of  all  for- 
mer .grants — for  Connecticut  (1662),  which  embraced  both  the 
Hartford  and  New  Haven  colonies,  and  extended  from  the  Nar- 
ragansett  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  beauty  of  it  was,  it 
gave  to  the  colonists  unqualified  power  to  govern  themselves. 
Unwittingly,  the  king  and  Clarendon  had  set  up  a  democracy 
where  they  only  intended  to  create  a  close  corporation. 

Rhode  Island  was  favored  with  a  new  charter  (1663)  almost  as 
liberal  as  the  old.  The  little  State  could  now  defy  Massachu- 
setts, who  had  denied  her  right  to  separate  existence. 

For  Maryland  the  restoration  meant  the  restoration  of  its  pro- 
prietary to  all  his  charter  rights  and  privileges. 

Virginia,  through  the  faithless  Sir  William  Berkley,  was  dis- 
membered by  lavish  grants  to  the  king's  courtiers. 

New  Hampshire  and  Maine  were  metamorphosed,  by  reviving 
old  proprietary  rights  therein,  with  a  view  of  selling  them  to  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth. 

The  country  from  Connecticut  River  to  Delaware  Bay  was 
(1664),  in  spite  of  the  Dutch  possessions  and  the  charter  just 
given  to  Winthrop,  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York ;  so  was  part 
of  Maine.     Acadia  was  given  back  to  France. 

Thus  there  was  disturbance  all  along  the  coast-line,  and  the 
ingenuity  of  the  young  governments  was  taxed  to  the  uttermost 
to  bring  order  out  of  confusion,  and  save  their  identities,  where 
it  was  at  all  possible. 

Massachusetts  wanted  her  charter  confirmed  by  the  new  king. 
A  new  one  was  granted  which  was  not  satisfactory,  and  the 
Puritans  got  so  stiff  about  it  as  to  throw  them  open  to  the  sus- 
picion of  wishing  to  set  up  an  independent  nation.  Had  Claren- 
don, the  king's  prime  minister,  lived,  there  is  no  telling  what  the 
hostility  of  the  throne  to  the  attitude  the  Puritan  was  forced  to 
assume  would  have  led  to.  There  must  have  been  war,  disas- 
trous to  the  colonists,  for  they  never  talked  bolder,  though  their 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  51 

strength  was  not  equal  to  independence  as  yet.  Clarendon  gone, 
the  king  and  parliament  had  enough  on  their  hands  for  a  time 
with  home  affairs,  and  during  this  happy  neglect  the  colonists 
had  opportunity  to  test  their  coherence  and  fighting  qualities  by 
defending  themselves  against  that  grand  old  Indian  chieftain 
King  Philip  (1676). 

SMASHING  AND  PATCHING.— When  Charles  was 
about  to  turn  his  theft  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire  over  to 
the  worthless  Duke  of  Monmouth,  Massachusetts  got  possession 
of  the  Gorges  claims,  paying  $6,000  therefor,  and  thus  threw 
another  obstacle  in  the  king's  way.  After  this,  Maine  was  given 
a  separate  government  and  ruled  as  a  province  of  Massachu- 
setts (1680).*  New  Hampshire  was  not  so  easily  quieted.  The 
Mason  claim  proved  worthless.  Therefore  Massachusetts  lost 
her  hold,  and  New  Hampshire  was  organized  into  a  royal 
province,  July  24,  1679,  the  first  ever  established  in  New  Eng- 
land. It  was  a  terrible  experiment.  The  king's  governor, 
Cranfield,  would  rule  in  accordance  with  English  law  and  cus- 
tom, and  the  colonists  would  have  their  local  legislature.  The 
contention  went  on  till  Cranfield  withdrew  in  despair  from  those 
"  unreasonable  people  "  (1684). 

Meanwhile  the  stiff-necked  Puritans  of  Massachusetts  had  re- 
newed their  battle  for  sovereignty.  The  king  attacked  their 
charter.  It  must  go,  and  go  it  did  June  18,  1684.  There  was 
now  no  bar  between  the  colony  and  the  will  of  the  English 
sovereign.  Was  property  secure?  Was  religion  in  danger?  The 
outlook  was  gloomy  in  the  extreme. 

DAWN  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA.— Turn  from  the  cold, 
sterile  North  to  the  sunny,  fertile  South,  and  to  that  part  of  it 
over  which  De  Soto  roamed  at  will,  in  which  Coligny  failed  to 
plant  his  Huguenots,  and  Raleigh  to  carry  out  his  designs. 
Here  the  freakish  King  Charles  II.  had  enriched  courtiers,  like 
Clarendon,  Monk,  Lord  Craven,  Lord  Ashley  Cooper,  Lord 
John  Berkley,  his  brother,  Sir  William  Berkley,  Governor  of 

*  There  were  three  titles  in  Maine  at  this  time.  (1)  French,  from  the  St.  Croix 
to  the  Penobscot.  (2)  The  Duke  of  York's,  between  the  Penobscot  and  the  Kenne- 
bec.    (3J  Massachusetts',  between  the  Kennebec  and  Piscataqua.     , 


52  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Virginia,  and  Sir  George  Cartaret,  by  giving  them,  as  proprie- 
taries, the  Carolina  country.  It  was  not  now  (1660)  entirely 
unpeopled.  There  were  Puritans  all  around  Cape  Fear  and  Vir- 
ginians in  Southern  Virginia  at  Albemarle  Sound,  that  is  to  say, 
in  North  Carolina;  and  it  was  to  these  Albemarle  folks  that 
Berkley  (of  Virginia)  sent  William  Drummond,  a  Scotch  Pres- 
byterian, as  governor,  with  authority  to  institute  a  government 
which  should  include  "  an  Assembly  of  the  people  and  guarantee 
liberty  of  conscience."  This  foothold  was  not  enough  for 
Clarendon  and  his  associates,  who  dreamed  of  greater  wealth 
and  power  in  this  goodly  country.  A  new  charter  was  obtained 
which,  in  defiance  of  both  Spain  and  Virginia,  granted  all  the 
land  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  and  between  290  and  36° 
30'  N.  lat. ;  that  is,  all  North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  much  of 
Florida  and  Missouri,  nearly  all  of  Texas  and  a  portion  of  Mex- 
ico. In  this  boundless  domain — an  empire  was  evidently  in- 
tended— every  favor  was  extended  to  the  proprietaries.  To 
Ashley  Cooper,  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,  was  entrusted  the  work  of 
framing  a  constitution.  He  was  an  aristocrat,  a  skeptic  and  a 
scholar,  and  he  and  Locke,  the  philosopher,  put  their  heads 
together.  The  result  was  that  stupendous  Carolina  constitution 
which  has  ever  since  been  a  wonder  to  theorists  and  an  object 
of  praise  or  derision  by  statesmen.  It  created  a  nobility,  be- 
friended the  slave  system,  limited  the  elective  franchise  to  free- 
holders of  fifty  acres,  partitioned  the  land  into  counties,  one-fifth 
for  the  proprietaries,  one-fifth  for  the  nobility,  three-fifths  for  the 
people,  beyond  whose  reach  lay  the  executive,  the  judicial  and 
even  the  legislative  power.  The  Church  of  England  was  to  be 
the  national  religion,  though  other  religions  were  not  proscribed. 
This  constitution  was  signed  March,  1670,  and  was  heralded  as 
"without  compare."  A  splendid  scheme  for  landgraves  and 
lords  of  manors,  for  courts  of  heraldry  and  admiralty,  but  lu- 
dicrously inflated  and  inappropriate  for  a  few  planters  and  traders 
in  Carolina  cabins  !  The  fact  is,  the  Virginia  planter,  the  Puritan 
trader,  the  Quaker  exile,  went  about  their  own  legislation  and 
governing,  very  much  as  if  they  had  never  heard  of  the  proprie- 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  53 

taries  and  their  magnificent  scheme  of  empire,  and  the  foundations 
of  free  local  institutions  were  so  deeply  laid  among  them  by  the 
time  (1681-1688)  Sothel  came  over  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment of  the  proprietaries  that,  after  a  squabble  of  five  or  six 
years,  they  condemned  him  to  a  twelvemonth  exile,  and  went 
peacefully  on  with  their  own  affairs.  Thus  North  Carolina  came, 
not  rapidly,  to  be  sure,  for  there  was  no  fixed  minister  till  1703, 
no  church  till  1705,  no  printing  press  till  1754,  but  modestly  and 
quietly,  as  well  she  might,  for  her  people  were  mostly  the  colon- 
ists of  other  colonies,  who,  tired  of  restraints,  sought  serene, 
unanxious  life  amid  the  granges  of  a  southern  clime. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA.— So  loudly  had  the  coming  of  the 
Model  Carolina  Constitution  (Shaftsbury's  and  Locke's)  been 
proclaimed,  and  so  much  the  soil  and  climate  of  Carolina  been 
praised  as  the  "  beauty  and  envy  of  North  America,"  that  even 
before  the  former  was  signed,  Joseph  West,  as  agent  and  gover- 
nor for  the  proprietaries,  and  William  Sayle,  as  clerical  leader, 
started  with  a  number  of  emigrants  (1670)  for  the  spot  (Beau- 
fort) where  the  early  Huguenots  had  engraved  the  lilies  of  France 
and  erected  the  first  Carolina  fortress.  But  sailing  into  Ashley 
River,  they  stopped  at  the  "  first  high  land,"*  and  there  started  the 
government  of  South  Carolina,  the  people  electing  their  own 
legislature  and  claiming  the  privileges  of  full  sovereignty.  It 
wasn't  in  accordance  with  the  "  Model  Constitution,"  but  it  was 
popular,  and  when  the  "  Model"  came,  it  was  resisted  (1672). 
Still  the  proprietaries  sent  over  colonists,  dissenters  as  well  as 
churchmen.  Already  (1671)  Sir  John  Yeamans  had  arrived 
from  Barbadoes  with  African  slaves.f  Dutch  emigrants  came 
from  New  York.  An  Irish  colony  came  under  Ferguson.  Even 
Scotchmen  settled  at  Port  Royal,  only  to  be  assaulted  and  scat- 
tered by  the  Spanish.  But  the  most  remarkable  thing  in  the 
history  of  colonial  South  Carolina  is  the  fact  that  what  Provi- 

*  This  spot  is  now  a  plantation.  Not  having  any  commercial  advantages,  it  was 
soon  overshadowed  by  Charleston  and  finally  abandoned. 

•j-  Thus  slavery  in  South  Carolina  was  coeval  with  the  first  plantations  on  Ashley 
River.  It  was  the  only  one  of  the  original  thirteen  States  that  from  its  cradle  was 
essentially  a  planting  State  with  slave  labor. 


54  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

dence  postponed  for  Coligny  and  Raleigh  was,  a  hundred  years 
later,  to  come  about,  and  that  through  a  persecution  *  which 
added  greatly  to  the  intelligence,  moral  worth  and  ultimate  free- 
dom of  the  American  colonies,  and  for  Europe  hastened  the 
revolution  in  the  institutions  of  the  age.  Escaping  from  a 
land  where  their  religion  was  a  crime,  their  estates  liable  to  be 
confiscated,  their  children  hardly  their  own,  and  their  lives  never 
safe,  Huguenot  fugitives  from  Languedoc,  Rochelle,  Bordeaux, 
Poictiers,  and  the  beautiful  valley  of  Tours,  men  of  Puritan 
hardihood  and  zeal,  but  without  superstition  or  fanaticism,  came 
to  Charleston  and  to  the  Santee.  Out  of  such  material  did 
South  Carolina  spring.  It  was  a  pretty  southern  picture  of 
unity  in  variety,  for  all  were  agreed  to  rule  themselves,  and  re- 
sistance to  the  proprietaries  and  their  visionary  code  continued 
till  the  English  revolution  of  1688,  when  a  meeting  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  South  Carolina  disfranchised  Collton,  the  proprie- 
tary governor,  and  banished  him  from  the  province. 

THE  DUTCH  REALM.— The  Dutch,  splendid  sailors,  fond 
of  trade,  loving  land  and  settlement,  were  abroad  in  the  West 
Atlantic  waters  as  soon  as  any  nation.  Henry  Hudson's  voyage 
(1606- 1 609)  to  Newfoundland,  to  Cape  Cod,  to  the  Chesapeake, 
to  the  Delaware,  thence  up  the  Hudson,  his  trading-post  at 
Manhattan  (New  York),  his  claim,  by  right  of  discovery,  to  all 
the  country  from  Cape  Cod  to  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware,  with 
no  westward  limit,  as  "  The  New  Netherlands,"  make  a  story 
full  of  spirit  and  novelty.  Had  not  his  love  of  trade  been  so 
much  greater  than  his  love  of  acres  and  his  tread  not  been  more 
firm  on  the  decks  of  his  ships  than  on  dry  land,  the  Dutchman 
might  have  pushed  his  magnificent  frontage  of  four  hundred 
miles  clear  through  to  the  Pacific.  He  was  industrious,  plod- 
ding, moral,  brave,  liberty-loving,  in  fact  an  excellent  colonist, 
yet  his  early  settlements  were  only  trading-posts.  Such  was 
New  York  in  1623,  and  Lewistown,  on  the  Delaware,  in  1631. 
In  his  attempt  to  push  into  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut  he^was 
absorbed  by  the  Puritan.     Then,  in  Delaware  Bay,  he  was  forced 

*  The  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  October  22,  1685,  anc^  tne  slaughter  of 
the  Huguenots  in  France. 


BUILDING  GEOGRAPHICALLY.  £.5 

to  meet  the  Swede,  who  came  along  with  his  liberal  Christian 
scheme,  prepared  under  the  auspices  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 
himself,  who  was  backed  by  all  Germany. 

SWEDISH  ADVENT.— Without  charter,  or  patent,  or  grant 
of  any  kind,  but  relying  on  such  title  as  purchase  from  the  In- 
dian might  give  when  backed  by  actual  settlement,  the  Swede 
sailed  into  the  Delaware  (1638),  built  a  fort  at  Christiana  Creek, 
and  colonized  Delaware  anew.  Then  pushing  to  Upland,  Tini- 
cum,  and  even  to  the  Falls  of  the  Delaware  (Trenton),  he  claimed 
by  actual  settlement  parts  of  the  three  States  of  Delaware,  New 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  as  New  Sweden.  The  Swede's  peace- 
ful Indian  policy,  his  quiet  religious  zeal,  the  beauty  and  balmi- 
ness  of  his  new  possessions,  the  feeling  of  protection  that  the 
fame  of  his  arms  in  Europe  engendered,  made  New  Sweden  a 
desirable  home  for  colonists.  But  his  presence  was  a  bold  break 
into  the  New  Netherland  country.  The  Dutch  remonstrated,  but 
feared,  for  Gustavus  was  a  famous  fighter.  Still  they  could  not 
bear  the  loss  of  their  trade  which  occupancy  of  both  banks  of 
so  important  a  stream  as  the  Delaware,  by  the  Swedes,  threatened. 
Resorting  to  a  shrewd  trick,  they  built  a  fort  at  Newcastle,  below 
the  Swedish  settlement,  and  thus  hemmed  the  interloping  Scan- 
dinavian in.  In  a  thoughtless  hour  the  Swedish  governor  at- 
tacked this  fort  and  drove  the  Dutch  out.  Stuyvesant,  the 
Dutch  governor,  sent  around  a  fleet  from  Manhattan  (New 
York),  which  swept  the  Delaware  of  every  Swedish  stronghold 
(1635).  But  if  his  New  Sweden  was  thus  summarily  wiped  out, 
the  Swede  himself  stayed ;  his  impress  is  still  visible  in  all  the 
land  he  possessed ;  it  was  his  Indian  policy  that  Penn  adopted ; 
his  history  is  loved  and  honored  ;  he  was  entirely  too  good  a  man 
to  drive  away,  and  so  became  a  factor,  direct  or  indirect,  in 
whatever  appertained  to  after  Delaware  settlement. 

NEW  JERSEY  TAKES  FORM.— The  Dutch  were  prouder 
than  ever  of  their  great  realm,  the  restored  New  Netherlands. 
But  there  was  a  sad  day  ahead.  Cromwell  would  strike  Hol- 
land through  her  most  prosperous  colony.  His  plan  of  humil- 
iation was  never  fully  carried  out,  but  it  was  remembered  by 
Charles  II.     This  monarch  gave  the  country  from  the  Connecti- 


56  BUILDING  AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

cut  to  the  Delaware  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and  then  proceeded 
to  expel  the  Dutch  from  a  domain  he  contemptuously  called  his 
own.  Stuyvesant  yielded  in  the  face  of  superior  force  (September, 
1664).  In  October,  1664,  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  on  the  Dela- 
ware capitulated,  and  for  the  first  time  the  whole  Atlantic  coast 
of  the  old  thirteen  States  was  in  possession  of  England.  The 
New  Netherlands  were  speedily  dismembered.  Two  months  be- 
fore their  fall,  and  in  anticipation  of  that  event,  the  Duke  of 
York  assigned  to  Berkley  and  Sir  George  Cartaret,  both  pro- 
prietaries of  Carolina,  the  land  between  the  Hudson  and  the 
Delaware  (June  23,  1664).  This  became  New  Jersey,  already 
peopled  by  Puritans,  Quakers,  Swedes  and  Scotch  dissenters. 
Cartaret  became  governor,  and  he  gave  the  colony  a  liberal  form 
of  government. 

THE  QUAKER  COMES— All  sects  were  finding  an  asylum 
in  America,  why  should  not  the  peaceful,  pious,  liberty-loving 
Quaker?  His  experiment  was  now  ripe  for  trial.  The  son  of  a 
Leicestershire  weaver  and  the  apprentice  of  a  Nottingham  shoe- 
maker, George  Fox,  had  questioned  his  life,  till  the  revelation 
came  that  truth  is  only  to  be  sought  by  listening  to  the  voice  of 
God  in  the  soul.  Creeds  and  superstitions  and  idle  forms  of 
men  were  vanities.  The  Spirit  was  the  true  monitor.  This  was 
freedom  in  the  abstract.  Monarchy,  hierarchy,  code,  every 
outward,  hampering,  trammelling  thing,  must  go  down  before  it. 
The  Quaker  rise  was  remarkable  and  memorable.  It  was  intel- 
lectual freedom  bursting  out  amid  the  masses,  the  old  philos- 
ophy of  the  Portico  playing  its  part  among  the  people.  Quaker- 
ism, as  developed  by  Barclay  and  Penn,  became  intellectual  free- 
dom, the  supremacy  of  mind,  universal  enfranchisement.  Its 
reality  was  the  Inner  Light.  As  old  as  humanity,  it  embraced 
humanity.  The  first  distinctive  Quaker  settlement  was  in  West 
New  Jersey  at  Salem,  1675,  on  a  moiety  of  his  province  bought 
of  Berkley.  In  this  purchase  Penn  became  interested.  But 
the  Quaker  wanted  more.  Even  the  purchase  of  East  New 
Jersey  of  the  heirs  of  Cartaret  was  not  enough.  A  grant  must 
be  had  west  of  the  Delaware.  For  this  Penn  became  a  suitor  in 
1680.     England  owed  his  father  ;£  16,000  for  signal  service  in 


^/CK-HEfltf 


&Sk3! 


^A/DERHN^" 


LEi/rryp£  co.  px/la. 


:arly  explorers,  philanthropists  and  revolutionary  statesmen. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  57 

naval  warfare  against  the  Dutch.  Grant  of  a  province  was  an 
easy  way  to  cancel  the  debt.  In  favor  with  the  Duke  of  York, 
he  obtained  from  Charles  II.,  Pennsylvania,  which  was  included 
within  three  degrees  of  latitude  and  five  of  longitude,  west  of  the 
Delaware.  The  Duke  of  York  retained  the  three  lower  counties  ; 
that  is,  the  State  of  Delaware,  as  an  appendage  to  his  New  York 
possessions.  Penn  launched  his  experiment  in  1682,  at  Phila- 
delphia. His  form  of  government  was  liberal.  No  colonist 
complained  of  power  withheld  or  right  endangered.  His  scheme 
is  thus  epitomized  in  his  own  language  :  "  It  is  the  great  end  of 
government  to  support  power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and 
to  secure  the  people  from  the  abuse  of  power ;  for  liberty  with- 
out obedience  is  confusion,  and  obedience  without  liberty  is 
slavery."  His  policy  with  the  Indian  was  that  of  the  Swede, 
who  had  preceded  him.  The  native  was  dealt  with  as  a  man. 
His  lands  were  bought,  not  stolen.  Respect  for  native  titles 
secured  firmness  for  the  titles  of  the  colonists.*  The  experi- 
ment was  a  success  from  the  start.  The  Quaker  asylum  on  the 
Delaware  was  thronged  by  Welsh,  and  Irish  and  Scotch,  as  well 
as  English.  The  Low  Countries  and  all  Germany  sent  their  grand 
contingent  of  inoffensive,  religious,  land-getting,  forest-reducing 
yeomanry.  No  American  colony  moved  off  under  such  auspices 
nor  with  so  firm  a  tread.  The  Pennsylvania  which  was  in  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  New  Netherlands,  in  the  new  Sweden,  in  the  grant  to 
the  Duke  of  York,  and  as  Lord  Baltimore  claimed  partly  in  Mary- 
land (hence  the  dispute  which  ended  in  the  celebrated  Mason  and 
Dixon  line)  took  a  title  which  remained  unmolested  by  royalty, 
and  a  territorial  shape  which  corresponds  with  that  of  to-day,  ex- 
cept the  small  triangle  on  Lake  Erie,  which  was  afterwards  added. 
DAWN  OF  NEW  YORK.— New  York,  like  New  Jersey, 
Delaware  and  Pennsylvania,  came  into  existence  by  the  partition 
of  the  New  Netherlands.  When  the  Dutch  authority  passed  to 
England  (1664),  the  soil  of  the  New  Netherlands  passed  to  the 

*  We  are  sorry,  for  the  sake  of  sentiment,  not  to  be  able  to  draw  the  usual  picture 
of  Penn's  treaty  with  the  Indians.  It  is  not  historic,  but  a  pretty  piece  of  imagina- 
tion, due  perhaps  to  West's  painting  of  Penn,  the  Indians  and  the  treaty  tree. 
Penn's  treaty  was  simply  Penn's  policy. 


58  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Duke  of  York.  We  have  seen  how  he  disposed  of  New  Jersey, 
how  he  withdrew  his  right  in  order  to  let  Penn  have  a  clear 
title  to  Pennsylvania,  how  he  reserved  Delaware,  and  now  his 
claim  to  New  York  remained.  It  was  not  the  New  York  of  to- 
day, but  Vermont  also,  and  a  vague  boundary  to  the  west  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony.  Nor  had  the  Duke  of  York  to  plant 
a  colony.  It  was  already  planted — a  hardy  Dutch  colony, 
wealthy,  populous,  prosperous.  He  had  but  to  frame  a  new 
government  in  a  concessory  spirit,  and  rule,  through  governors, 
an  empire  of  strangers.  But  do  his  best,  things  went  crooked. 
The  republican  spirit  was  abroad  there  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
The  local  assembly  became  as  clamorous  for  popular  rights  as 
that  of  any  other  colony.  To  deny  a  colonial  parliament  and 
the  freeman's  voice  was  to  deprive  the  colonists  of  the  rights  of 
Englishmen.  At  last,  October,  1683,  seventy  years  after  Man- 
hattan was  first  occupied,  nineteen  years  after  the  territory  passed 
to  the  English,  the  representatives  of  the  people  met  in  assembly, 
and  their  self-established  "  Charter  of  Liberties  "  gave  New  York 
a  place  in  the  colonial  brotherhood  of  the  Atlantic.  Dutchman 
and  Englishman  agreed  to  a  bond  of  government  whose  gist  was 
"  supreme  legislation  in  governor,  council  and  people,  in  general 
assembly  met,  franchise  in  freemen  without  qualification,  trial  -by 
jury  of  peers,  taxation  only  by  consent  of  assembly,  no  martial 
law,  free  religion."  A  vast  advance  on  Puritanism  and  on  the 
State  Churchism  of  Virginia.  A  last  desperate  effort  was  made 
by  the  Duke  of  York  to  hold  defiant  control  of  his  domains  and 
exercise  arbitrary  power,  by  a  scheme  to  consolidate  the  colonies 
of  the  northeast  into  an  empire.  This  attempt  led  to  a  general 
upsetting  of  boundaries  and  great  uncertainty  of  titles,  but  the 
colonists  were  so  securely  nestled  in  their  seats  that  few  if  any 
settlements  lost  their  jurisdiction  or  identity. 

INDEPENDENT  DELAWARE.— The  three  lower  coun- 
ties which  the  Duke  of  York  reserved  as  an  appendage  to  his 
New  York  domain,  when  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania  was  given 
to  Penn,  never  became  a  part  of  New  York,  in  fact.  They  were 
permitted  to  be  ruled  by  the  same  council  that  was  elected  to 
rule  Pennsylvania,  all  the  people  voting.     But  the  Pennsylvania 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  59 

strength  largely  preponderated  in  this  council  and  its  control 
grew  irksome.  So  the  lower  counties  withdrew,  with  the  con- 
sent of  Penn,  and  were  incorporated  into  a  separate  government 
under  Governor  Markam.  Thus  did  Delaware  secure  a  sepa- 
rate existence  (1691).  It  was  the  act  of  her  own  citizens.  But 
one  thing  must  be  observed.  The  Stuart  dynasty  had  fallen  in 
England,  and  the  revolution  of  1688  had  been  completed  by  the 
induction  of  Protestant  William  and  Mary.  There  was  a  new 
order  of  things  beyond  the  water ;  there  was  to  be  here.  Dis- 
tinctive Defaware  was  not  a  Stuart  creation,  as  were  all  the 
colonies  before  it.  It  therefore  had  no  great  change  to  contem- 
plate, no  radical  innovation  to  fear.  It  would  go  on  smoothly, 
toward  that  destiny  which  awaited  all  the  colonies,  when  the 
hour  of  Independence  came. 

COLONY  OF  GEORGIA.— -Like  Delaware,  Georgia  was 
not  to  be  a  colony  of  the  Stuarts.  Every  colony  thus  far  had 
its  motive  for  existence,  moral,  commercial  or  otherwise — 
Carolina  for  the  Huguenot,  Virginia  for  the  Cavalier,  Maryland 
for  the  Catholic,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  Delaware  for 
the  Quaker,  New  York  and  Connecticut  for  the  commercial 
Dutchman  and  Puritan,  Rhode  Island  for  the  Independent, 
Massachusetts  and  the  Northeast  for  the  Puritan.  Georgia  was 
to  be  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  oppressed  poverty  in  the  old 
world.  England  and  Spain  had  long  been  clashing  about  the 
Florida  and  Carolina  boundary.  England  determined  to  settle 
the  proud  claim  of  Spain  to  a  limitless  Florida;  in  other  words 
she  determined  to  push  her  Carolina  border  as  far  down  as  she 
could,  and  thus  open  the  magnificent  area  of  the  Savannah. 
Oglethorpe,  the  Penn  of  the  South,  a  member  of  parliament, 
knew  of  it.  He  had  long  been  impressed  with  the  hardships  of 
the  British  debtor  laws ;  had  seen  thousands  of  really  good  but 
unfortunate  men  thrown  into  prison,  lose  their  all,  and  their 
caste  too,  by  means  of  them ;  had  devised  a  plan  of  giving  them 
a  home  in  the  new  world,  far  from  the  scenes  of  their  misery 
and  disgrace,  and  where  industry  and  freedom  would  enable 
them  to  recover  manhood  and  fortune.  To  further  this  end 
George  II.  granted  him  a  charter  (June  9,  1732)  for  the  country 


6Q  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

between  the  Savannah  and  Altamaha,  and  from  the  head  springs 
of  those  rivers  west  to  the  Pacific.  It  was  the  province  of 
Georgia  (after  the  donor)  and  was  placed  for  twenty-one  years 
under  the  guardianship  of  a  corporation  "  in  trust  for  the  poor." 
With  1 20  emigrants,  Oglethorpe  planted  his  ensign  on  the 
"  high  bluff"  where  Savannah  now  stands.  His  enterprise  had 
been  undertaken  with  the  best  wishes  of  benevolent  England. 
It  was  welcomed  by  the  natives  of  every  neighboring  tribe. 
Under  the  happiest  auspices  Oglethorpe  began  the  Common- 
wealth of  Georgia,  "  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  distressed  people 
of  Britain  and  the  persecuted  Protestants  of  Europe."  And  it 
was  truly  a  refuge  (but  not  for  Catholics),  for  there  came  num- 
bers from  England,  from  other  colonies,  and  many  Moravians 
from  the  continent  of  Europe.  Augusta  was  laid  out,  1734. 
Oglethorpe's  government  was  somewhat  crude,  but  it  proved 
yielding  and  the  colonists  soon  enlarged  it  to  suit  themselves. 
While  it  proscribed  Catholics,  it  prohibited  slavery.  The  fame 
of  this  youngest  colony  was  much  spread  by  Oglethorpe,  who 
returned  to  England  after  a  residence  here  of  fifteen  months. 
Scotch  mountaineers  came  and  pitched  at  New  Inverness. 
Oglethorpe  himself  returned  with  large  Moravian  reinforce- 
ments. The  enthusiasm  of  religion  was  abroad  in  the  new 
country,  and  the  colonists  did  not  fear  death.  They  were 
therefore  brave  to  shove  the  Spanish  back  and  make  for  Eng- 
land a  southern  border.  Pushing  to  the  St.  John's  and  claiming 
it  as  the  line,  they  planted  Fort  St.  George,  as  the  defence  of  the 
British  frontier.  At  this  Spain  rallied.  Negotiations  ensued, 
and  St.  Mary's  became  the  southern  boundary  of  Oglethorpe's 
colony.  But  war  soon  followed,  for  England  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  Spanish  presence  in  Florida  at  all,  neither  was  Spain 
satisfied  with  the  Protestant  menace  which  now  hugged  so 
closely  her  northern  border.  Oglethorpe  valiantly  defended  his 
colony,  drove  off  the  Spaniards,  and  the  "pious  experiment" 
was  on  a  substantial  footing.  The  transition  of  power  from  the 
corporation  of  Georgia,  at  the  expiration  of  its  twenty-one 
years,  to  the  people  was  easy,  and  sovereignty  was  as  free  and 
fully  representative  as  in  any  colony. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  61 

REVOLUTION  OF  1688.— One  thing  at  least  is  clear  in  this 
sketch  of  colonial  creations.  The  king  ever  denied  the  right  of 
the  English  parliament  to  interfere  with  his  power  to  grant  lands 
and  to  ordain  governments  for  them.  The  Stuarts  clung  to  this 
principle  with  Spartan  tenacity. 

Another  thing  is  equally  clear.  The  colonies,  accepting  the 
Stuart  doctrine,  always  claimed  exemption  from  the  laws  of  the 
British  parliament.  But  in  doing  so  they  did  not  thereby  fall 
back  entirely  under  the  legislation  prescribed  by  the  king. 
Colonists  claimed  the  rights  of  Englishmen.  Among  those 
rights  was  that  to  a  parliament  or  assembly.  Local  legislation 
was  theirs  by  their  birthright  as  Englishmen.  Sovereignty 
meant  the  same  thing  here  as  at  home.  This  at  first,  and  after- 
wards vastly  more,  for  the  colonists  had  come  here  because  their 
voice  was  not  large  enough  at  home,  nor  their  rights  as  freemen 
broad  enough.  Here  the  word  freeman  meant  vastly  more 
than  at  home.  The  American  assembly  was  therefore  more 
clearly  representative,  more  popular,  more  directly  responsible. 
All  freemen  were  in  general  eligible  to  it.  There  were  no 
titles,  no  estates,  nothing  to  hamper  full,  free  representation. 
The  republican  or  democratic  spirit  which  had  been  under- 
mining the  Stuart  dynasty  at  home  and  shaking  monarchical 
institutions  to  their  centres,  here  found  that  expression  denied 
it  at  home.  It  here  won  a  victory  which  the  king  withheld 
from  his  own  parliament.  But  the  time  had  come  in  England 
when  Englishmen  must  speak  more  firmly  through  their  parlia- 
ment. It  too  must  be  made  stronger  against  royal  claims  ;  in 
other  words  must  become  more  truly  representative  of  the 
wishes  of  the  people.  The  Stuart  who  would  further  defy 
public  opinion,  who  would  blindly  arrogate  legislative  power, 
who  would  refuse  to  move  with  the  age  and  in  obedience  to 
overwhelming  sentiment,  must  abdicate.  This  was  the  revolu- 
tion of  1688.  For  the  glory  of  England  they  passed  from  the 
throne,  leaving  as  their  monuments  in  America  a  tier  of  Atlantic 
colonies  which  owed  their  titles  and  limits  to  royal  charters,  but 
which  in  liberty  and  enlightenment  were  an  hundred  years  in 
advance  of  the  last  representative  of  the  line. 


62  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

They  were  gone.  The  tide  of  liberty  had  rolled  so  high, 
even  in  England,  as  to  engulf  them.  The  people  had  assumed 
to  sit  in  judgment  on  divinely  appointed  royalty.  The  old  idea 
of  a  Christian  monarchy  resting  on  the  law  of  God  was  exploded, 
and  political  power  was  to  seek  its  origin  in  compact.  Nothing 
was  to  bind  freemen  to  obey  government  save  their  own  solemn 
agreement.  Power  for  the  Stuart  was  a  right.  Power  hence- 
forth was  to  be  a  trust,  whose  violation  dissolved  the  obligation 
to  allegiance.  Supreme  power  was  to  be  in  the  legislature, 
which  was  the  true  embodiment  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  peo- 
ple. In  1688  England  had  gotten  as  far  on  as  Massachusetts  in 
1620,  or,  for  that  matter,  as  any  of  the  colonies  at  the  date  of 
their  foundation.  Yet  not  so  far,  for  the  parliament  that  arose 
to  the  full  height  of  English  sentiment  in  expelling  the  Stuarts 
and  assuming  to  act  as  the  guardian  of  power  for  the  people, 
too  boldly  stood  in  the  king's  shoes.  It  was  well  enough  at 
home,  but  when  it  claimed  the  right  to  legislate  for  the  colonies, 
it  was  doing  far  more  than  smiting  a  dead  Stuart ;  it  was  doing, 
now  that  there  was  no  Stuart  to  interpose  his  despotic  veto, 
that  which  would  arouse  in  America  a  sentiment  of  opposition 
full  of  remonstrance  at  first,  full  of  revolution  at  last.  The 
parliament's  fight  was  always  with  the  king ;  now  it  would  be 
direct  with  the  colonies.  Thus,  by  a  strange  conjuncture  of 
affairs,  the  very  dynasty  which  had  all  along  stood  in  the  way 
of  English  progress  and  reform,  had  been  not  only  the  protec- 
tion of  the  colonies,  but  the  chief  contributor  to  the  triumph  of 
the  republican  spirit  within  them  and  to  their  ultimate  inde- 
pendence. 

But  as  yet  the  consequences  of  the  change  in  dynasty  could 
not  be  foreseen.  Even  if  some  prophetic  soul  could  have  taken 
in  the  next  century  as  far  down  as  to  I J  76  or  1 783,  and  proclaimed 
what  it  saw  in  tones  sufficiently  loud  to  have  been  heard  by 
every  colonist,  the  rejoicing  over  the  accession  of  William  III. 
and  Mary  would  not  have  been  less  spontaneous  and  emphatic. 
Charters  which  existed  had  been  overlapped  and  confused  be- 
yond comprehension.  Charters  which  covered  heady  and  oppos- 
ing colonies  had  been  unceremoniously  and  ruthlessly  cancelled. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  63 

Many  colonies  had  fought  the  battles  of  the  new  American 
institution  and  civilization  against  the  king's  claim  of  legislative 
interference,  to  the  very  verge  of  despair  and  surrender.  But 
above  all  the  new  dynasty  was  confirmedly  Protestant,  and  in 
that  respect  representative  of,a  great  majority  sentiment  at  home 
and  in  the  colonies.  A  source  of  fresh  colonial  inspiration,  it 
began  by  rejecting  the  old  order  of  things.  Cancelled  charters 
were  restored.  New  governors  were  commissioned.  There 
was  jostling  here  and  shaking  up  there,  but  in  general  the  liber- 
ties of  the  people  became  more  securely  imbedded  in  well-under- 
stood forms  of  law.  Prosperity  was  not  retarded,  nor  faith  in 
colonial  experiment  weakened.  The  grand  result  was  a  rebound 
of  strength  and  confidence,  and  a  new  departure  in  colonial 
spirit  and  enterprise.  Only  on  one  side  was  the  sky  dark,  and 
there  hovered  the  cloud  of  the  rejuvenated  English  parliament. 
The  seeds  of  the  American  revolution  had  ever  been  in  its  claim 
of  a  right  to  legislate  for  the  colonies.  Now  the  seeds  were 
bursting  through  the  ground,  for  parliament  was  already  legis- 
lating on  American  commerce ;  they  would  grow  and  bear 
bloody  fruit  when  the  avowal  came  that  the  right  existed  to 
legislate  for  them  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

STATE  OUTLINES. — We  have  now  taken  a  hasty  view  of 
English  titles  to  the  territory  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  We  have 
followed  the  divisions  of  that  territory  among  the  colonies,  and 
seen  how  each  colony  got  metes  and  bounds.  Further,  we  have 
endeavored  to  give  a  reason  for  the  existence  of  each  colony,  its 
underlying  and  actuating  motive  for  colonization,  the  class  of 
mind  that  took  part  in  the  work  of  pioneering,  the  shape  their 
new  institutions  took  almost  from  the  start ;  and  especially  have 
we  tried  to  impress  on  the  reader  a  knowledge  of  the  active 
political  spirit,  the  love  of  freedom,  the  desire  for  unfettered  per- 
sonal sovereignty,  the  rapid  growth  of  the  democratic  idea  and 
republican  institutions,  in  the  new  land,  all  in  spite  of  firm  attach- 
ment to  monarchy,  and  because  the  men,  the  time,  the  country, 
made  other  results  impossible. 

One  can  already  see  in  these  beginnings  the  dawn  of  the  full 
state  institution.     The  spirit  which  permeated  each  colony  at 


64  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

the  time  of  the  English  revolution  of  1688  did  not  change,  ex- 
cept as  it  grew  larger,  freer,  bolder,  till  the  colonial  yoke  was 
broken.*  And  so  one  can  see  in  the  confused  and  overlapping 
boundaries  of  these  colonies  the  dim  territorial  outlines  of  the 
thirteen  original  States.  Indeed  some,  as  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Rhode  Island,  never  afterwards  shifted  their  colonial  limits. 
With  others,  time  brought  about  many  geographic  changes,  and 
settled  grave  questions  of  boundary  which  arose  chiefly  from 
the  fact  that  their  charters  and  grants  were  either  open  at  the 
western  end,  or  extended  clear  through  to  the  Pacific.  The 
names  of  the  colonies  became  the  names  of  the  respective 
States  both  undar  the  articles  of  confederation  and  the  present 
federal  constitution. 

FRENCH  EMPIRE.— Though  the  Dutch,  the  Swedes,  and  the 
French  had  passed  from  the  Atlantic  front  of  the  present  United 
States,  the  latter  were  still  the  proud  claimants  of  vast  and  fertile 
areas  North,  West,  and  South.  French  adventure  in  America 
was  a  strange  admixture  of  commercial  and  religious  zeal.  A 
single  person  was  often  priest,  trader,  and  colonist.  As  already 
seen,  the  French  advent  was  early.  Years  before  the  Pilgrims 
anchored  at  Cape  Cod,  French  missionaries  had  .planted  a 
Roman  Church  in  eastern  Maine  (161 5),  and  Le  Caron,  sub- 
sisting by  alms  from  the  natives,  had,  on  foot  and  in  canoe, 
pushed  his  way  to  the  rivers  of  Lake  Huron  (1616).  The  grant 
of  New  France  to  Richelieu,  Champlain,  Razilly  and  the  hundred 
associates,  by  Louis  XIII.  (1627),  embraced  the  St.  Lawrence 
basin,  and  that  of  all  rivers  running  into  the  sea  (hence  the 
French  claim  to  Maine  and  New  York),  and  also  all  the  country 

*  "  Even  if  the  colonists  disclaimed  any  present  passion  for  independence,  they 
were,  in  the  inherent  opposition  between  their  principles  and  the  English  system, 
as  ripe  for  governing  themselves  in  1689  as  in  1776." — Bancroft,  vol.  Hi.,  109. 

"The  independency  the  colonies  thirst  after  is  notorious." — Biitish  Lords  of 
Trade,  in  1 701. 

"  Commonwealth  notions  improve  daily,  and  if  it  be  not  checked  in  time  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  English  subjects  will  be  thought  too  narrow." — Quarry, 
writing  in  1703. 

"  The  colonists  will  in  time  cast  off  their  allegiance  and  set  up  a  government  of 
their  own." — Print,  of  1705. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  65 

south  of  Virginia  and  north  of  Spanish  Florida  (perhaps  even 
all  Florida).*  To  the  West  all  was  open,  and  to  the  Jesuit  was 
entrusted  the  work  of  enlarging  the  French  Dominion.  Cham- 
plain  held  and  peopled  the  line  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Brebeuf 
and  Daniel  pierced  the  Huron  possessions,  chanting  their  Te 
Deums  among  the  pines  and  bringing  the  tawny  natives  to  sea 
the  light.  Quebec  and  Montreal  got  to  be  important  towns,  and 
the  great  lake  water-ways  became  familiar.  Frenchmen  stood 
looking  into  the  land  of  the  Sioux,  the  great  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, five  years  before  Eliot  addressed  the  Indian  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston.  Marquette  established  the  Mission  of  St. 
Mary,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior,  in  1668.  It  was  the  oldest 
settlement  by  Europeans  within  the  present  State  of  Michigan, 
but  was  not  permanent.  He  projected  the  discovery  of  the  true 
Mississippi,  and  designed  to  plant  the  banners  of  France  on  the 
Pacific  or  by  the  side  of  Spain,  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  With 
Joliet  for  a  companion,  they  ascend  the  Fox  River,  cross  to  the 
Wisconsin,  and  in  two  birch-bark  canoes  '■  happily  float  down  the 
great  river "  between  the  wide  plains  of  Illinois  and  Iowa,  to 
Des  Moines,  then  past  the  great  Missouri,  the  Ohio  (then  called 
Wabash),  and  on  to  the  Akansea  (Arkansas).  There  they  found 
that  the  Father  of  Rivers  went,  not  into  the  ocean  east  of  Florida, 
nor  yet  into  the  Gulf  of  California.  Returning,  they  ascended 
the  Illinois,  passed  up  through  Chicago  to  Lake  Michigan  (Lake 
of  the  Illinois),  and  on  to  the  Green  Bay  Settlement  (1673). 

La  Salle  took  up  the  wondrous  tale  and  added  one  of  its  most 
brilliant  chapters.  His  towns  mark  his  trail.  Leaving  Niagara 
in  1679,  he  was  at  the  site  of  Detroit,f  Mackinaw,  up  the  St. 

*This  New  France  of  the  South  was  the  portion  Coligny  designed  to  settle  with 
Huguenots,  and  after  him  Raleigh.  It  passed  naturally  from  France  to  England, 
because  both  countries  were  anxious  to  see  Raleigh  redeem  Coligny's  failure,  and  to 
have  a  Protestant  barrier  set  up  against  Spain's  Catholic  Florida. 

f  Detroit  was  permanently  settled  by  De  la  Motte  Cadillac,  with  one  hundred 
Frenchmen,  in  June,  1 701.  It  is  the  oldest  permanent  settlement  in  Michigan. 
Michigan,  therefore,  has  a  history  back  of  Georgia,  and  is  the  oldest  of  the  Western 
States  with,  perhaps,  the  exception  of  Illinois.  We  say  ger haps,  because  the  claim 
is  made  that  Kaskaskia  (111.)  was  the  oldest  permanent  European  settlement  in  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi.  It  was  founded  by  Father  Gravier,  as  a  Jesuit  Mission, 
5 


66  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Joseph,  and  over  at  Kankakee.  While  Hennepin  took  in  the 
upper  Mississippi,  perhaps  to  its  source,  La  Salle  studied  the 
valleys  of  the  Ohio,  Illinois  and  Tennessee,  and  in  1682  descended 
the  Mississippi  to  its  mouth,  realizing  Marquette's  dream  of  plant- 
ing the  arms  of  France  on  the  Gulf.  It  was  named  Louisiana,  in 
honor  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  "  the  terrestrial  paradise  of  America," 
"  the  delight  of  the  New  World."  By  1685  a  colony  came  for  Lou- 
isiana, but  striking  Matagorda  Bay,  it  stopped  there,  and  made 
Texas  a  part  of  the  French  Empire  in  America.  By  no  treaty 
or  document  did  France  ever  relinquish  her  hold  on  Texas  ex- 
cept by  the  general  cessions  of  Louisiana. 

For  years  France  clung  tenaciously  to  her  magnificent  Amer- 
ican possessions,  the  richest,  best  watered,  most  boundless, 
owned  by  any  foreign  nation.  Though  an  active  and  indefati- 
gable colonist,  her  institutions  were  too  far  behind  the  age,  too 
much  infused  with  Romanism,  too  feudal  in  character,  to  find 
high  or  permanent  development  in  the  new  soil.  By  1706  her 
title  to  the  New  France  of  the  South,  between  Virginia  (really  * 
the  Carolinas)  and  Florida,  had  been  wholly  merged  in  that  of 
England.  In  17 13,  Acadia  (Nova  Scotia  and  part  of  Maine)  was 
ceded  to  the  English.  It  "  was  the  most  important  part "  of  the 
New  France  of  the  North.  There  was  a  general  withdrawal  of 
all  French  claims  to  the  line  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  to  the  set- 
tlements in  New  York.  But  by  1721  they  were  back  at  Niagara, 
and  stout  claimants  for,  as  well  as  actual  occupants  of,  their  St. 
Lawrence  possessions. 

Their  Louisiana,  which  had  not  been  affected  by  the  peace  of 
Utrecht  (17 1 3),  was  a  wonderful  country.  Blending  with  New 
France  on  the  line  of  the  lakes,  and  cut  off  nowhere  in  the  north 
except  by  the  possessions  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  in  the 
extreme  northwest,  it  ran  to  the  gulf  at  Mobile,  swept  the  gulf 
line  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  then  up  to  the  Red  River 
ridges,  then  west  to  the  Gulf  of  California.      These  were  ideal 

but  the  date  is  not  known  exactly.  He  was  in  Illinois  in  1693,  and  probably  his 
mission  was  then  founded.  The  fact  that  Kaskaskia  got  to  be  an  important  mis- 
sionary centre  may  have  helped  to  give  it  rank  as  the  oldest  permanent  settlement 
of  the  West. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  67 

bounds,  but  such  as  France  was  willing  to  maintain  against  both 
England  and  Spain.  .Not  a  fountain  flowed  west  of  the  sources 
of  the  Allegheny,  Monongahela,  Kanawha  or  Tennessee  which 
did  not  rise  in  French  soil.  What  a  menace  to  the  British 
colonies !  What  a  barrier  to  westward  advancement !  Such 
could  not  long  be.  By  the  tripartite  treaty  of  February  16, 
1763,  between  England,  France  and  Spain,  France  ceded  to  Eng- 
land all  Canada  and  all  of  her  Louisiana  east  of  the  Mississippi 
and  as  far  south  as  the  Iberville  River,  thence  eastward  to  the  sea. 
This  left  her  only  a  small  strip  along  the  gulf,  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  her  immense  domains  west  of  that  river.  But  only 
for  a  moment.  On  the  same  day  all  that  was  left  of  Louisiana 
on  the  continent  was  ceded  to  Spain.  France  was  virtually  out 
of  the  country.  It  had  been  a  war  (the  Seven  Years'  War)  for 
new  territorial  adjustment,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  and 
even  in  view  of  the  results  on  this  continent  alone,  well  may 
George  III.  have  said :  "  England  never  signed  such  a  peace 
before,  nor,  I  believe,  any  other  power  in  Europe." 

RESULTS  OF  FRENCH  LOSS.— Moreover,  it  had  been 
a  war  largely  fought  on  American  soil.  Never  before  had  the 
forests  of  the  New  World  reverberated  the  steady  tramp  of  so 
many  armed  and  disciplined  men.  At  Lake  George  alone  there 
assembled  an  army  of  15,000  from  New  York,  New  Jersey  and 
New  England  for  the  grand  assault  on  Canada.  To  the  south 
the  forces  of  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  fell  into  line 
to  move  on  Fort  Duquesne,  and  embalm  the  name  of  Pitt  in  the 
border  town  (Pittsburg),  which  was  to  stand  as  the  gateway  of 
the  west  so  long  as  the  Allegheny  and  Monongahela  shall  flow 
to  form  the  Ohio,  or  the  English  tongue  shall  continue  to  be  the 
language  of  freedom  in  the  boundless  areas  traversed  by  their 
waters.  And  still  farther  to  the  south  arose  the  clangor  of  camp 
and  din  of  war.  France  would  strike  the  rear  of  Virginia  and 
the  Carolinas  by  means  of  the  Indians  in  the  fastnesses  of  Ten- 
nessee, fed  and  spurred  on  by  food  and  counsel  from  the  line  of 
the  Mississippi.  The  rangers  of  the  Carolinas  did  their  best  to 
puncture  the  eastward  moving  centre  of  the  mighty  Cherokees. 
If  they  failed,  failure  was  not  disastrous,  for  peace  covered  dis- 


68  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

comfiture  with  the  bloom  of  new  auspices,  and  a  knowledge  of 
the  Tennessee  and  Cumberland  valleys  had  been  gained  which 
would  soon  be  turned  to  good  account. 

THE  AMERICAN  OUTLOOK.— -If  the  English  king  and 
Protestant  Europe  could  justly  fall  into  raptures  over  the  im- 
mense results  of  the  war  in  America  alone,  much  more  could 
the  colonies  pride  themselves  on  such  results.  They  had  opened 
an  empire  for  themselves  beyond  the  Alleghenies,  across  the 
prairies,  even  to  the  father  of  waters.  The  acquisition  repre- 
sented their  money,  valor  and  blood.  Even  the  plan  of  striking 
France  through  her  New  France  and  Louisiana  was  American, 
and  due  to  the  sagacity  of  our  own  Franklin.  Then  its  result  here 
was  not  a  mere  riddance  of  a  powerful  neighbor,  not  a  mere 
acquisition  of  limitless,  fertile  acres.  It  was  proof  that  the 
colonies  could  stand  together  in  the  face  of  a  common  danger, 
evidence  that  thus  compacted  they  had  all  the  elements  of  a 
nation,  and  especially  that  of  strength  to  defend  themselves 
against  old  world  aggression,  however  skilfully  armed  and  boldly 
pushed.  With  confidence,  therefore,  they  peered  from  the  peaks 
of  the  Alleghenies  into  their  western  valleys,  and  with  a  fervor, 
too,  equal  to  that  of  Marquette,  who,  seventy  years  before,  stand- 
ing on  the  margin  of  the  lakes,  cast  his  prophetic  eye  to  the 
gulf  and  saw  the  French  lily  bloom  perennially  amid  the  wild 
flowers  of  the  prairies.  Thus  contemplating  a  political  mastery 
which  ranged  from  the  gulf  to  the  poles,  whose  forms  of  institu- 
tion, law  and  literature  were  to  spread  the  English  tongue  more 
widely  than  any  that  had  ever  given  expression  to  human 
thought,  the  gazers  from  their  mountain  tops  might  well  have 
chanted  in  chorus  Bancroft's  sublime  apostrophe : 

"  Go  forth,  then,  language  of  Milton  and  Hampden,  language 
of  my  country,  take  possession  of  the  North  American  conti- 
nent !  Gladden  the  waste  places  with  every  tone  that  has  been 
rightly  struck  on  the  English  lyre,  with  every  English  word  that 
has  been  spoken  well  for  liberty  and  for  man !  Give  an  echo  to 
the  now  silent  and  solitary  mountains ;  gush  out  with  the  foun- 
tains that  as  yet  sing  their  anthems  all  day  long  without  response; 
fill  the  valleys  with  the  voices  of  love  in  its  purity,  the  pledges 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  (J9 

of  friendship  in  its  faithfulness,  and  as  the  morning  sun  drinks 
the  dewdrop  from  the  flowers  all  the  way  from  the  dreary  At- 
lantic to  the  Peaceful  ocean,  meet  him  with  the  joyous  hum  of  the 
early  industry  of  freemen !  Utter  boldly  and  spread  widely 
through  the  world  the  thoughts  of  the  coming  apostles  of  the 
people's  liberty,  till  the  sound  that  cheers  the  desert  shall  thrill 
through  the  heart  of  humanity,  and  the  lips  of  the  messenger  of 
the  people's  power,  as  he  stands  in  beauty  upon  the  mountains, 
shall  proclaim  the  renovating  tidings  of  equal  freedom  for  the 


race 


DRIFT  TOWARD  INDEPENDENCE.— -The  plans  of 
kings,  as  well  as  those  of  ordinary  mortals,  go  oft  awry.  The 
wisdom  of  statesmen  however  shrewd  may  become  a  torment  to 
nations.  When  England  drove  out  the  Stuarts,  and  enthroned 
Protestantism  in  the  person  of  William  III.  and  Mary,  she  un- 
wittingly strengthened  the  hands  of  aristocracy,  and  organized 
a  parliament  which  in  support  of  its  own  claims  to  authority 
could  never  consistently  surrender  its  control  of  the  American 
colonies.  Here  was  the  beginning  of  independence  and  revolu- 
tion. Now,  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1763),  and  the  cession  of  her 
American  possessions  to  England  and  Spain,  France  had  very 
deftly  shifted  the  whole  colonial  policy  of  Europe.  Her  states- 
men saw  that  for  France  to  attempt  to  maintain  colonies  in  New 
France  and  Louisiana,  was  to  incur  constant  wars  and  expend- 
itures, if  not  to  attempt  impossibilities.  They  saw  that  her 
monarchical  forms  simply  shut  off  from  her  American  colonies 
even  her  own  philosophy,  economy,  industrial  genius,  .legal 
skill,  and  ideas  of  Protestant  freedom,  and  that  without  these,  or 
even  better  than  these,  no  American  colony  could  be  made  to 
live  permanently  and  prosper  vigorously.  They  saw  that  the 
exhausted  polity  of  the  middle  ages,  the  castes  of  feudal  Europe, 
the  despotism  of  infallible  churchism,  the  titles  of  nobility, 
the  leases  of  land  to  vassals,  and  vassalage  itself,  could  not 
be  perpetuated,  where  men  who  held  the  plough  were  the 
bone  and  sinew  of  the  land,  and  the  only  hope  of  colonial 
success. 

And  seeing  these  things — the  power  of  England  and  Spain 


70  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  opened  their  eyes  to  them — they  were  not  afraid  to  make 
confession  of  them  by  that  surrender  which  left  France  without 
a  patch  of  American  ground. 

And  they  saw  other  things  too.  They  saw  that  as  England 
held  the  Atlantic  front,  her  future  colonial  policy  would  be 
largely  commercial.  If  France  should  add  to  this  front  a  do- 
main extending  to  the  Mississippi,  to  the  gulf,  and  to  the  pole, 
it  would  make  England's  policy  both  political  and  commercial. 
It  would  sharpen  the  desire  of  her  parliament  to  rule  it  from 
home,  and  would  make  anxious  and  determined  that  authority, 
which  nothing  but  revolution  could  shake.  In  a  word,  it  would 
fully  commit  England  to  a  dominion  in  America,  in  accordance 
with  her  own  forms  of  law.  And  thus  committed,  France  saw 
that  the  British  situation  would  be  full  of  dangers.  Far  ad- 
vanced as  England  was,  it  would  still  be  like  an  attempt  to  fit  a 
dead  carcass  to  a  living  soul,  for  English-America  had  English 
liberties  in  greater  purity,  and  with  far  more  of  the  power  of  the 
people  than  in  England.  The  colonial  inhabitants  were  self- 
organized  bodies  of  freeholders,  natural  forest-levelers,  industrious 
soil-winners,  bold  pioneers,  pushing  their  way  farther  and  farther 
each  year,  and  scorning  to  take  any  step  backward.  They  had 
schools,  printing  presses,  books,  newspapers,  lawyers,  doctors, 
ministers  of  their  own  choosing.  They  were  self-helpful  in 
private  affairs,  and  confident  of  their  ability  to  care  for  them- 
selves politically  through  their  local  legislatures  and  municipal 
corporations.  They  were  proud  of  their  dwelling-place,  and 
had  unbounded  faith  in  its  future,  under  their  own  management. 
They  were  strong  numerically  and  physically,  and  had  just 
showed  that  they  were  capable  of  union  both  for  defending  the 
flag  of  England,  and  driving  off  the  French  foe  that  hovered  all 
along  their  northern  and  western  border.  That  menace  removed, 
the  need  of  reliance  on  England  for  protection  against  France 
no  longer  felt,  left  alone  to  confront  only  the  attempt  of  England 
to  fasten  on  them  her  obnoxious  laws,  what  wouldn't  they  do  ? 
France  saw  what  they  would  do,  and  knew  what  they  were 
capable  of  doing.  Her  surrender  of  Canada  and  Louisiana  was 
therefore  a  blow  at  England.     She  would  turn  the  force  to  which 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.         .  71 

she  had  to  succumb  into  a  weapon  with  which   England  might 
cut  her  own  colonial  throat.* 

BAD  FIX  OF  ENGLAND.— The  Treaty  of  Paris  (1763) 
left  England  with  a  debt  of  ^700,000,000*  half  of  which  was  due 
to  The  Seven  Years'  War.  She  got  nothing  in  Europe  to  com- 
pensate her.  But  she  got,  in  America,  Canada  and  the  Ohio 
Valley.  With  her  rule  of  the  former  we  have  nothing  to  do. 
The  latter  came  directly  to  her  Atlantic  colonies.  As  they  pro- 
fited, therefore  should  England  profit.  Here  began  that  scheme 
of  parliamentary  control  which  was  designed  to  make  the  col- 
onies pay  as  much  of  the  English  war  debt  as  possible,  which 
took  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  their  commerce,  which  imposed 
burdensome  taxes,  which  denied  representation  in  the  British 
parliament,  and  which  culminated  in  the  claim  of  a  right  to  ex- 
clusive legislative  jurisdiction.  The  colonial  charters  should  all 
fall  and  one  uniform  system  of  government  be  substituted  in 
their  stead.  To  make  sure  of  order  and  strict  enforcement  of 
law,  a  part  of  the  standing  army  was  to  find  quarters  in  the  col- 
onies and  be  supported  at  their  expense.      The  father  of  the 

*This  policy  of  France,  even  if  a  compulsory  one,  was  far-sighted  and  clung  to 
with  the  greatest  tenacity.  She  had  studied  it  long  and  well,  and  its  merits  were 
recognized  by  shrewd  observers,  long  before  the  game  was  exposed  by  the  surrender 
of  her  American  territory.  As  early  as  1748  it  was  reasoned  in  New  York  that  the 
conquest  of  Canada  by  relieving  the  northern  colonies  from  danger  would  hasten 
their  emancipation.  A  Swedish  traveller,  in  that  year,  published  the  same  in 
Europe  as  his  impression.  It  was  an  early  dream  of  John  Adams  that  the  "re- 
moval of  the  turbulent  Gallics,"  would  be  a  prelude  to  the  approaching  greatness 
of  the  country.  The  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs  warned  the  English  envoy 
that  the  cession  of  Canada  would  lead  to  the  independence  of  North  America. 
When  New  France  surrendered,  Choiseul,  a  Frenchman,  exclaimed,  "  We  have 
caught  them  (the  English)  at  last."  Vergennes  said,  "England  will  ere  long  re- 
pent of  having  removed  the  only  check  that  could  keep  her  colonies  in  awe.  She 
will  call  on  them  to  contribute  toward  supporting  the  burdens  they  helped  to  bring 
on  her,  and  they  will  answer  by  striking  off  all  dependence."  Lord  Mansfield  de- 
clared, "  Ever  since  the  Treaty  of  Paris  I  always  thought  the  Northern  Colonies 
were  meditating  a  state  of  independency  on  Great  Britain.  France  backed  the 
policy  thus  begun  by  aiding  the  colonies  when  they  did  strike  for  independence. 
And  so  Napoleon,  to  further  aid  the  commercial  supremacy  of  the  United  States 
and  cripple  that  of  England,  got  possession  of  Spanish  Louisiana,  only  to  turn  it 
over  to  this  country." 


# 


72  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

scheme  was  the  celebrated  Charles  Townsend,  English  First 
Lord  of  Trade,  with  the  administration  of  the  colonies,  who  was 
supposed  to  know  more  about  American  affairs  than  any  other 
man.  It  struck  parliament  March  9,  1763,  in  the  shape  of  an 
American  tax-bill,  and  almost  immediately  the  colonies,  espe- 
cially those  of  the  north,  began  to  thunder  back  their  resentment. 
The  horns  of  parliament  and  the  colonies  were  locked  in  that 
dread  encounter  which  in  thirteen  years  would  result  in  inde- 
pendence. 

FIRST  COLONIAL  CONGRESS.—* ^Tbwhsend's  Tax  scheme 
was  known  to  be  the  forerunner  of  the  Stamp  Act,  Sugar  Act, 
and  Tea  Act,  which,  when  they  came,  would  crown  the  power 
of  parliament  to  get  into  the  homes  and  pockets  of  the  American 
colonists.  The  sentiment  of  protest  therefore  became  as  lively 
as  if  these  acts  were  already  a  fact.  The  stream  of  resistance 
ran  rapidly  and  angrily,  and  bore  along  inevitably  toward  the 
final  plunge  into  revolution.  The  eloquent  voices  of  Samuel 
Adams  and  James  Otis  were  heard  in  Massachusetts,  and  a 
Boston  town-meeting,  protesting  loyalty  to  the  crown,  pleaded 
for  the  rights  of  "  the  free-born  subjects  of  Great  Britain  in 
America."* 

A  response  was  heard  from  the  Rhode  Island  assembly,  where 
Stephen  Hopkins  was  governor  (1764).  New  York,  which  had 
moved  in  1 7 59,  now  seconded  her  first  motion.  North  Carolina 
expressed  her  concurrence  with  the  views  of  Massachusetts  in 
the  same  year.  And  soon  Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  South 
Carolina,  and  Virginia  joined  their  voices  of  remonstrance  to 
the  chorus,  which  was  now  heard  high  above  the  din  of  waves 

*  Otis  argued  that  the  original  possessors  of  power  were  the  whole  people  ;  that 
the  colonies  enjoyed  the  right  of  governing  and  taxing  themselves  through  their  local 
legislatures ;  that  there  was  no  proscription  old  enough  to  supersede  the  law  of 
nature  and  the  grant  of  God  Almighty,  who  had  given  all  men  a  right  to  be  free; 
that  nothing  but  life  and  liberty  were  hereditable;  that  in  solving  the  grand  political 
problem  the  first  principle  must  be  the  equality  and  power  of  the  whole.  And  these 
became  the  prevailing  Whig  (anti-Tory)  views  of  the  day  and  the  colonial  cause. 
The  party  names  were  Whigs,  Patriots,  Sons  of  Liberty,  these  for  the  colonists 
opposed  to  taxation;  and  Loyalists,  Tories  and  Friends  of  Government,  these  for 
the  parliament  and  crown. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  73 

on  the  whole  Atlantic  front.  Plea  followed  plea,  for  justice; 
petition  after  petition  was  sent  over  for  parliament  to  stay  its 
hard,  heavy  hand.  Argument  after  argument  was  advanced  in 
favor  of  free  colonial  existence,  subject  always  to  that  depend- 
ence which  had  existed  from  the  start.  Parliament  persisted. 
Townsend  closed  his  mightiest  effort, in  favor  of  the  Stamp  Act 
(1765)  with  "These  children  of  our  planting  (the  colonists)^ 
nourished  by  our  indulgence  until  they  are  grown  to  a  good 
degree  of  strength  and  opulence,  and  protected  by  our  arms, 
will  they  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  us  from  the 
heavy  load  of  national  expense  which  we  lie  under  ?  " 

To  which  Colonel  Barre,  with  eye  darting  fire  and  voice  full 
of  emotion,  replied :  "  Children  planted  by  your  care  ?  No ! 
your  oppression  planted  them  in  America.  They  fled  from  your 
tyranny  into  a  then  uninhabited  land  where  they  were  exposed 
to  almost  all  the  hardships  to  which  human  nature  is  liable,  and 
among  others  to  the  savage  cruelty  of  the  enemy  of  the  country 
— a  people  the  most  subtle  and  terrible  of  any  that  ever  in- 
habited any  part  of  God's  earth ;  yet,  actuated  by  principles  of 
true  English  liberty,  they  met  these  hardships  with  pleasure, 
compared  with  those  they  suffered  in  their  own  country  from 
the  hands  of  those  that  should  have  been  their  friends. 

"They  nourished  by  your  indulgence?  They  grew  by  your 
neglect  of  them.  As  soon  as  you  began  to  care  for  them,  that 
care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to  rule  over  them  in  one 
department  and  another,  who  were  perhaps  the  deputies  of  some 
deputy  of  members  of  this  house,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberty,  to 
misrepresent  their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon  them — men  whose 
behavior  on  many  occasions  has  caused  the  blood  of  those  Sons 
of  Liberty  to  recoil  within  them — men  promoted  to  the  highest 
seats  of  justice;  some,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad  by  going 
to  foreign  countries  to  escape  being  brought  to  a  bar  of  justice 
in  their  own. 

"  They  protected  by  your  arms  ?  They  have  nobly  taken  up 
arms  in  your  defence,  have  exerted  their  valor  amidst  their  con- 
stant and  laborious  industry  for  the  defence  of  a  country  whose 
frontiers,  while  drenched  in  blood,  its  interior  parts  have  yielded 


74  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

all  its  little  savings  to  your  enlargement ;  and  believe  me — re- 
member  I  tl lis  day  told  you  so — that  the  same  spirit  which  actuated 
that  people  at  first  will  continue  with  them  still.  But  prudence 
forbids  me  to  explain  myself  further.  God  knows  I  do  not  at 
this  time  speak  from  motives  of  party  heat.  What  I  deliver  are 
the  genuine  sentiments  of  my  heart ;  however  superior  to  me  in 
general  knowledge  and  experience  the  respectable  body  of  this 
House  (of  Commons)  may  be,  yet  I  claim  to  know  more  of 
America  than  most  of  you,  having  seen  and  been  conversant  in 
that  country.  The  people  there  are  as  truly  loyal,  I  believe,  as 
any  subjects  the  king  has  ;  but  a  people  jealous  of  their  liberties, 
and  who  will  vindicate  them,  if  they  should  be  violated.  But 
the  subject  is  too  delicate.     I  will  say  no  more." 

Imagine  the  effect  upon  the  colonists  of  a  speech  like  this 
fired  right  into  the  midst  of  a  Tory  parliament !  Otis  suggested 
to  the  Massachusetts  assembly  a  meeting  of  committees  from  all 
the  assemblies  of  the  colonies  and  a  circular  was  sent  out  to 
such  assemblies,  to  secure  joint  action  in  opposing  the  English 
policy.  Now,  England  trusted  her  entire  policy  of  taxation  to 
the  assumed  fact  that  union  among  the  colonies  was  impossible. 
As  the  response  to  the  Massachusetts  circular  was  slow,  it  began 
to  seem  as  if  the  English  idea  were,  for  the  time  being,  correct, 
but  Virginia  sprang  into  the  front,  and  her  Patrick  Henry, 
against  the  opposition  of  such  as  Bland,  Pendleton,  Randolph, 
and  Wythe,  startled  her  House  of  Burgesses  with  his  warning 
flash  of  history :  "  Tarquin  and  Caesar  had  each  a  Brutus ; 
Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell ;  and  George  the  Third  [cries  of 
treason  !  treason  !]  may  profit  by  their  example  !  "  The  result 
(1765)  was  a  series  of  resolutions  whose  gist  was  no  obedience 
to  a  law  imposing  a  tax  not  sanctioned  by  the  general  assembly. 
Rhode  Island  agreed  to  act  in  concert  with  Massachusetts. 
South  Carolina,  through  the  influence  of  Gadsden,  selected  com- 
missioners. Pennsylvania  and  Connecticut  acted  similarly.  All 
the  thirteen  colonies  either  expressed  sympathy  or  chose  dele- 
gates. "  Join  or  die "  became  a  favorite  motto.  The  "  Sons 
of  Liberty"  were  organized,  who  meant  opposition  of  the 
most     determined     character.      "  Liberty,    property,    and    no 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  75 

stamps  "  was  the  greeting  prepared  for  the  English  stamp  dis- 
tributors.* 

The  congress  met  in  the  City  Hall,  New  York,  Oct.  7,  1765. 
It  consisted  of  twenty-eight  delegates  from  nine  colonies,  four, 
though  sympathizing  with  the  movement,  not  choosing  repre- 
sentatives. For  the  first  time  the  patriots  of  America  were 
together  on  the  question  of  entire  colonial  union.  It  published 
a  declaration  of  rights  and  grievances,  expressing  loyalty  to  the 
king,  respect  for  parliament  where  it  had  a  right  to  legislate, 
claiming  the  rights  of  English-born  subjects,  affirming  the  injus- 
tice of  taxation  without  representation,  setting  forth  the  adequacy 
of  their  own  local  legislatures  to  attend  to  all  their  local  con- 
cerns, f  An  address  to  the  king  was  prepared  in  the  same  spirit. 
The  congress  adjourned  on  the  25th  of  October. 

There  was  something  now  to  give  coherency  to  debate  and 
resolution  in  the  respective  colonies.  The  Whig  and  Tory 
parties  in  each  could  talk  to  a  point,  and  they  did  with  a  direct- 
ness  and  vehemence  which   made  the  forest  assemblies   ring. 

*  The  Stamp  Act  passed  the  House  of  Commons  Feb.  27,  1765,  and  the  House 
of  Lords  March  8,  1765.  It  introduced  direct  taxation  into  the  English  policy. 
But  for  the  fact  that  it  was  carrying  that  policy  to  the  uttermost,  it  should  not  have 
been  as  objectionable  as  the  previous  navigation  acts  which  virtually  limited  Ameri- 
can trade  to  England  alone.  Americans  could  get  no  commodity  of  use  to  them, 
from  any  nation,  other  than  England,  without  collecting  a  heavy  duty  on  it  for 
England's  benefit.  And  now,  under  the  Stamp  Act,  stamps  were  to  be  paid  for  and 
affixed  to  all  legal  and  commercial  transactions  of  moment. 

f  The  colonies  represented  were  : 

Massachusetts,  by  James  Otis,  Oliver  Partridge,  Timothy  Ruggles. 

South  Carolina,  by  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,  John  Rutledge. 

Pennsylvania,  by  John  Dickinson,  John  Morton,  George  Bryan. 

Rhode  Island,  by  Metcalf  Bowler,  Henry  Ward. 

Connecticut,  by  Eliphalet  Dyer,  David  Rowland,  William  S.  Johnson. 

Delaware,  by  Thomas  McKean,  Caesar  Rodney. 

Maryland,  by  William  Murdock,  Edward  Tilghman,  Thomas  Ringgold. 

New  Jersey,  by  Robert  Ogden,  Hendrick  Fisher,  Joseph  Bordon. 

New  York,  by  Robert  Livingston,  John  Cruger,  Philip  Livingstone,  William 
Bayard,  Leonard  Lespinward. 

Virginia,  New  Hampshire,  Georgia  and  North  Carolina  did  not  send  delegates. 

Delegates  present  from  only  six  of  the  colonies  signed  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
gress ;  New  York,  Connecticut  and  South  Carolina  delegates  not  being  authorized 
to  sign. 


76  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

The  turmoil  grew  thicker  and  louder,  and  the  voice  of  remon- 
strance turned  to  angry,  desperate  threat  of  everlasting  resist- 
ance, when  the  odious  Grenville  ministry  fell  and  the  Rocking- 
ham Cabinet  took  its  place.  It  had  an  ear  for  colonial  plaint, 
and   Franklin  *   was   there  to   fill   it  with    his  wisely  weighed 

*  Grenville.  "  Do  you  think  it  right  that  America  should  be  protected  by  this 
country  and  pay  no  part  of  the  expense  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  That  is  not  the  case  :  the  colonies  raised,  clothed  and  paid  during  the 
last  war  (with  France  for  Canada  and  Louisiana)  25,000  men  and  spent  many  mil- 
lions of  pounds." 

Grenville.  "  Were  you  not  reimbursed  by  parliament  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  Only  what,  in  your  opinion,  we  had  advanced  beyond  our  propor- 
tion, and  it  was  a  very  small  part  of  what  we  spent.  Pennsylvania  spent  ^500,000 
and  got  back  ^60,000." 

Grenville.  "  Do  you  think  the  people  of  America  would  submit  to  pay  a  stamp 
duty,  if  it  were  moderated?" 

Franklin.  "  No ;  never.     They  will  never  submit  to  it." 

Grenville.  "  May  not  a  military  force  carry  the  Stamp  Act  into  execution  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  Suppose  one  were  sent  to  America ;  they  will  find  nobody  in  arms, 
what  can  they  do  ?  They  cannot  force  a  man  to  take  stamps  who  chooses  to  do 
without  them.     They  will  not  find  rebellion ;  they  may,  indeed,  make  one." 

Grenville.  "  How  would  the  Americans  receive  a  future  tax,  imposed  on  the  same 
principle  with  that  of  the  Stamp  Act  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  Just  as  they  do  this ;  they  will  not  pay  it." 

Grenville.  "  What  will  be  the  opinion  of  the  Americans  on  the  resolution  of 
parliament  asserting  the  right  to  tax  them?  " 

Franklin.  "  They  will  think  it  unconstitutional  and  unjust." 

Grenville.  "  How  would  they  receive  an  internal  regulation  connected  with  the  tax?  " 

Franklin.  "  It  would  be  objected  to.  When  aids  to  the  crown  are  wanted  they 
are,  according  to  the  old  established  usage,  to  be  asked  of  the  assemblies,  who  will, 
as  they  always  have  done,  grant  them  freely.  They  think  it  extremely  hard  that  a 
body  in  which  they  have  no  representation  should  make  a  merit  of  giving  what  is 
not  its  own,  but  theirs." 

Townsend.  "  Is  not  the  post-office  which  they  have  long  received  a  tax  as  well  as 
regulation?" 

Franklin.  "  No ;  the  money  paid  for  postage  of  letters  is  a  remuneration  for 
service  done." 

Townsend.  "  If  a  small  tax  were  levied,  would  they  submit  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  They  will  oppose  it  to  the  last.  The  people  will  pay  no  internal  tax 
imposed  by  parliament." 

Grenville.  "  But  suppose  the  internal  tax  to  be  laid  on  the  necessaries  of  life  ?  " 

Franklin.  "  I  do  not  know  a  single  article  imported  into  the  northern  colonies 
but  what  th«y  can  do  without  or  make  themselves.  The  people  will  work  and  spin 
for  themselves  in  their  own  nouses.  In  three  years  there  may  be  wool  and  manu- 
factures enough." — Condensed  from  Bancroft,  vol.  v.,  430-433. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  77 

words  of  remonstrance  and  counsel.  The  Stamp  Act  was  re- 
pealed March  1 8,  1766,  and  a  thrill  of  joy  was  felt  throughout 
colonial  America.  Liberty  Tree  in  Boston  was  lighted  with 
lanterns  :  South  Carolina  voted  Pitt,  the  Whig  leader  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  a  statue ;  Virginia  an  obelisk  to  the  king. 
The  resolutions  and  address  of  the  first  American  Congress, 
which  had  called  a  halt  in  parliament,  were  thus  being  rever- 
berated through  the  colonies. 

AN  AMERICAN  PARTY.— But  joy  was  soon  turned  to 
sorrow.  Pitt  left  the  Commons  and  went  into  the  House  of 
Lords,  as  Earl  of  Chatham.  This  brought  the  odious  Charles 
Townsend  to  the  front  again  in  the  Commons,  and  he  was  at  his 
old  scheme  of  American  taxation,  this  time  in  a  form  even  more 
objectionable  than  the  Stamp  Act.  An  export  tax  was  to  be 
collected  on  all  goods  sent  to  America.  Any  American  assem- 
bly which  dared  to  discuss  the  measure  or  appoint  delegates  to 
a  convention  or  congress  whose  object  was  to  remonstrate 
against  it  or  to  take  further  steps  toward  colonial  union,  was  to 
be  regarded  as  seditious,  and  if  need  be  dispersed.  Again  the 
colonies  were  in  a  ferment.  This  time  the  sentiment  of  union 
and  independence  was  deeper  and  bolder.  Every  colony  agreed 
to  resist  to  the  uttermost  the  claim  of  the  parliament.  The 
result  was  a  partial  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  act,  but  the  danger 
was  not  wholly  removed.  What  had  been  all  along  a  patriotic 
public  opinion  was  now  becoming  an  anti-English  or  American 
party.  The  demand  became  specific  for  a  Union  and  a  Con- 
gress, and  it  was  urged  that  such  a  union,  firm  and  perpetual, 
would  be  a  sure  foundation  for  freedom  and  the  great  basis 
of  every  public  blessing.  All  the  colonies  were  enjoined  to 
prepare  to  act  as  joint  members  of  the  Grand  American  Com- 
monwealth. 

TEA  ACT  AND  A  CONGRESS.— The  Tea  Act  of  '1773 
was  an  effort  to  tax  the  colonists  for  the  benefit  of  a  mere 
trading  company.  The  mighty  surge  of  passion  now  plainly 
meant  resistance.  The  demand  was  for  a  "  Congress  of  Ameri- 
can States  to  frame  a  bill  of  rights  or  form  an  Independent 
State,  an  American  Commonwealth."     Thus  thundered  the  Press 


78  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

throughout  the  colonies.  *  Union,  Union,  was  the  first,  the  last 
hope  for  America."  The  contents  of  the  Boston  tea-ships  were 
emptied  in  the  harbor.  Those  for  Philadelphia  put  back  with- 
out unloading.  Those  for  Charleston  landed  their  contents  to 
have  them  perish  in  the  cellars.  The  ministry  had  chosen  the 
least  effective  way  of  governing,  and  the  most  effective  way  of 
uniting  the  colonies.  Louder  than  ever  cried  the  Press;  V  No 
time  is  to  be  lost ;  a  Congress  or  meeting  of  the  American 
States  is  indispensable,  and  what  the  people  wills  shall  be 
effected  "  (1773).  The  predicament  of  parliament  was  getting 
more  desperate  every  day.  It  must  recede,  or  coerce  the  defiant 
colonists.  The  Boston  Port  Act  (1774)  was  coercive.  Now, 
said  Samuel  Adams,  "  Not  only  common  danger,  bondage  and 
disgrace,  but  national  truth  and  honor,  conspire  to  make  the 
colonists  resolve  to  stand  or  fall  together."  On  the  flag  floating 
over  the  popular  assemblies  which  gathered  everywhere  was  the 
legend  "  Union  and  Liberty."  Wrote  Ezra  Stiles,  "  If  oppres- 
sion proceeds  despotism  may  force  an  annual  congress ;  and  a 
public  spirit  of  enterprise  may  originate  an  American  Magna 
Charta  and  a  Bill  of  Rights,  supported  by  such  intrepid  and 
persevering  importunity  as  even  sovereignty  may  hereafter 
judge  it  not  wise  to  withstand.  There  will  be  a  Runnymede  in 
America."  *  A  population  of  two  and  a  half  million  colonists 
were  in  action,  moving  steadily  forward,  marching  together 
toward  an  end  which  Providence  had  marked  out  for  them. 

Plans  for  a  Congress  were  well  under  way.  Delegates  were 
being  selected  and  instructed,  and  the  talk  of  Independence, 
Union  and  force  was  universal.  The  calm  Washington  said  in 
the  Virginia  Convention,  "I  will  raise  one  thousand  men,  subsist 
them  and  equip  them  at  my  own  expense,  and  march  myself  at 
their  head  for  the  relief  of  Boston."  f  At  ten  o'clock,  Sept. 
5,  1774,  delegates  from  twelve  colonies  (Georgia  did  not  elect) 
met  at  Carpenters'  Hall,  Philadelphia,  and  began  the  Sessions  of 

#  Holeme's  Life  of  Stiles.     The  time  of  the  writing  was  July  I,  1 774. 
f  August,  1774,  Works  John  Adams,  ii.,  360.     Lynch  of  South  Carolina  said  to 
John  Adams  this  was  the  most  eloquent  speech  that  ever  was  made. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  79 

the  First  Continental  Congress.*  They  came  well  instructed 
and  full  of  the  work  in  hand,  literally  forced  together  by  a 
common  grievance.  The  spectacle  was  one  calculated  to  im- 
press any  beholder.  Differing  in  religion,  commercial  interests, 
in  everything  dependent  on  climate  and  labor,  in  usages  and 
manners,  and  swayed  by  prejudices,  even  quarreling  about 
boundaries,  the  colonies  found  themselves  in  one  representative 
body,  and  the  exponent  of  a  power  that  was  to  be  felt  throughout 
the  civilized  world. f 

CONGRESS  AND  UNION—"  To  petition  for  redress,  to 
restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  America."  On  this 
basis  the  Congress  started,  with  Peyton  Randolph  as  president. 
"  Each  colony  should  have  one  vote  ;  "  this  after  animated  de- 
bate. The  Congress  sat  with  closed  doors.  Word  came  that 
Gage  was  firing  on  Boston.  This  nerved  the  members.  Gallo- 
way's Tory  plan  for  governing  the  colonies  as  dependencies  of 
Great  Britain  was  rejected,  and  the  vote  showed  that  the  Whigs 
had  control  of  the  Congress.  A  resolution  of  sympathy  with, 
and  approval  of,  the  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts  people  was 

*  The  colonial  Congress  of  1765  at  New  York  was  properly  speaking  a  conven- 
tion.    So  of  that  at  Albany  in  1754. 

f  The  delegates  were,  in  the  order  of  their  choosing  by  the  colonies : 

Rhode  Island,  Stephen  Hopkins,  Samuel  Ward. 

Massachusetts,  Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robert  Treat 
Paine. 

Maryland,  Matthew  Tilghman,  Thomas  Johnson,  Robert  Goldsborough,  William 
Paca,  Samuel  Chase. 

Connecticut,  Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  Silas  Deane. 

New  Hampshire,  John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folsom. 

Pennsylvania,  Joseph  Galloway,  Samuel  Rhoades,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Charles 
Humphries,  John  Morton,  George  Ross,  Edward  Riddle. 

New  Jersey,  James  Kinsey,  William  Livingstone,  John  Dehart,  Stephen  Crane, 
Richard  Smith. 

Delaware,  Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  McKean,  George  Reed. 

South  Carolina,  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher 
Gadsden,  Edward  Rutledge. 

Virginia,  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Washington,  Patrick 
Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Edmund  Pendleton. 

North  Carolina,  William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  Richard  Caswell. 

New  York,  James  Duane,  John  Jay,  Philip  Livingston,  Isaac  Low,  William 
Floyd,  Henry  Wisner,  John  Alsop,  John  Herring,  Simon  Boerum. 


80  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

passed  and  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Gage.  On  October  14,  1774, 
the  celebrated  Bill  of  Rights  was  agreed  upon.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  two  articles  it  was  adopted  unanimously.  It  was  passed 
with  the  hope  that  it  would  lead  to  a  permanent  colonial  union, 
self-supporting,  self-governing,  yet  a  union  unbroken  in  its  con- 
nection with  England.  The  next  step  was  coercive.  The  Con- 
gress agreed  to  a  great  American  association  (October  20)  to 
regulate  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain.  It  consisted 
of  fourteen  articles,  and  the  covenant  was  in  these  words  :  "  We 
do  for  ourselves  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  colonies, 
whom  we  represent,  firmly  agree  and  associate  under  the  sacred 
ties  of  virtue,  honor  and  love  of  country."  It  looked  to  non- 
importation, non-exportation  and  non-consumption  of  English 
merchandise  as  a  means  of  compelling  the  restoration  of  Amer- 
ican rights.  It  struck  directly  at  the  slave  trade.  It  agreed  on 
non-intercourse  with  any  colony  that  violated  the  articles  of  the 
association,  holding  it  as  "  unworthy  the  rights  of  freemen  and 
as  inimical  to  the  liberties  of  their  country."  This  compact  for 
the  preservation  of  American  rights,  this  "  league  of  the  conti- 
nent which  first  expressed  the  sovereign  will  of  a  free  nation  in 
America,"  may  be  justly  regarded  as  the  commencement  of  the 
American  Union.*  Its  members  had  no  hope  that  their  actions 
woald  prove  acceptable  to  England.  They  therefore  adjourned, 
privately  advising  one  another  to  prepare  for  the  worst  and  to  be 
looking  after  sinews  of  war  and  methods  of  defence.  Fixing 
the  10th  of  May,  1775,  as  the  time  for  a  second  Congress,  it  dis- 
solved on  October  26,  1774.  Its  work  was  ratified  in  the  entire 
twelve  colonies  with  a  heartiness  and  unanimity  which  showed 

*  "  The  signature  of  the  association  by  the  members  of  the  Congress  may  be 
considered  as  the  commencement  of  the  American  Union." — Hildreth,  iii.,  p.  46. 

"Among  all  the  original  associates  in  the  memorable  league  of  the  continent  in 
1774,  which  first  expressed  the  sovereign  will  of  a  free  nation  in  America,  he 
(Washington)  was  the  only  one  remaining  in  the  general  government." — President 
John  Adams,  December  22,  1799. 

"  It  was  an  embodiment  of  the  sentiment  of  Union  and  of  the  will  of  the  people 
on  the  subject  of  their  commercial  relations — the  first  enactment,  substantially,  of  a 
general  law  for  America.  For  nearly  two  years  the  instrument  was  termed  "  The 
Association  of  the  United  Colonies." — Frothinghatri 's  Rise  of  the  Republic,  p.  374. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  81 

* 
how  deeply  the  sentiment  of  union  was  laid  and  how  all-pervad- 
ing it  was.  The  States  of  Greece,  after  centuries  of  existence, 
never  reached  the  dignity  thus  attained  by  the  American  col- 
onies, to  wit,  that  of  a  federal  council  habitually  directing  and  to 
be  habitually  obeyed.  The  Whigs  saw  in  the  union  a  sentiment 
crystallized  into  law  and  power.  The  Tories  saw  in  it  only  an 
ebullition,  a  rope  of  sand.  It  was  at  least  such  a  thing,  said 
Richard  Stockton,  "  as  would  repel  force  by  force  if  the  British 
government  should  attempt  to  execute  its  acts  by  force."  The 
doings  of  the  Congress  were  rejected  by  the  king  and  parlia- 
ment, and  force  was  agreed  upon. 

SECOND  CONGRESS.— -Nearly  the  same  members  as  com- 
posed the  first  Congress  assembled  in  Independence  Hall,  May  10, 
1775.  All  its  acts  looked  to  a  closer  colonial  union.  But  up  came 
the  question  of  sovereignty.  What  is  its  source,  what  its  limit? 
Whence  does  it  come,  where  does  it  stop  ?  The  answer  would  in- 
volve the  real  principle  of  government.  The  provincial  assembly 
had  been  a  great  training  school.  It  was,  tacitly  at  least,  agreed  that 
the  people  were  the  source  of  sovereignty,  that  it  was  theirs  to 
command,  to  institute  organic  law,  to  establish  public  authority, 
to  compel  obedience.  On  this  foundation  rose  the  American 
superstructure  of  permanent,  federal  government.  It  was  not  a 
shock  to  the  architects,  but  in  fitting  the  principle  to  practical 
union  much  difficulty  would  be  experienced,  many  surrenders 
would  have  to  be  made,  for,  be  it  known,  the  colonies  had  as  yet 
few  elements  of  union  in  themselves.  The  impelling  thing  was  a 
common  danger.  The  vigor,  power,  beauty,  advantage,  pride  of 
union  were  things  to  be  unknown  to  them,  or  only  guessed  at, 
till  the  panoply  of  union  had  been  over  them  for  a  little  time. 

The  second  great  question  was  defence.  Boston  was  besieged. 
Washington  was  made  commander-in-chief  of  all  armies  raised 
or  to  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  America  by  unanimous  ballot 
on  June  15,  1775.  Thus  began  an  American  army.  Franklin 
submitted  a  plan  of  confederation  and  perpetual  union  under  the 
name  of  "  United  Colonies  of  North  America."*     Lord  North 

*  This  plan  was  submitted  July  21,  1775.     It  was  not  acted  on  at  this  session,  but 
was  largely  incorporated  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 
6 


;S2  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  weakened  a  little  and  submitted  a  plan  by  which  he  thought 
peace  might  be  brought  about.  It  was  submitted  to  Franklin, 
Jefferson,  John  Adams  and  Richard  Henry  Lee.  Their  report, 
repudiating  it,  was  adopted  by  the  Congress  July  31.  The  col- 
onies deliberately  chose  the  hazards  of  war  rather  than  surrender 
their  ancient  right  of  self-government.  North  hoped  to  deal 
with  them  as  separate  units.  They  resolved  to  be  dealt  with  only 
as  a  bundle  of  units — a  nation.  Postal  communication  was  estab- 
lished from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia ;  two  persons  were  ap- 
pointed to  act  as  joint  treasurers  of  the  colonies  ;  other  defensive 
measures  followed.  Then  Congress  adjourned  (August  1)  till 
September  5.  The  nearer  war  came,  the  more  they  shrank  from 
it,  at  least  the  more  cautious  they  became.  Tory  sentiment  was 
active.  Every  step  taken  must  be  a  sure  one.  The  adjourn- 
ment would  give  time  to  hear  from  the  colonists,  and  especially 
to  hear  from  the  last  memorial  to  the  king.  By  the  1 3th  of 
September  the  Congress  was  in  full  session  again,  with  Georgia 
represented.  From  this  time  on  the  union  was  called  "  The 
Thirteen  United  Colonies."  The  king's  reply  to  the  memorial 
came  back  in  the  shape  of  a  proclamation  for  suppressing  rebel- 
lion and  sedition,  for,  said  he,  "  It  would  be  better  to  totally 
abandon  the  colonies  than  to  admit  a  single  shadow  of  their 
doctrines."  The  wheels  of  Providence  were  now  in  swiftest 
motion.  Lexington  and  Concord  had  been  fought  in  April, 
Ticonderoga  in  May,  Bunker  Hill  in  June.  South  Carolina  had 
been  warned  to  resist  all  attempts  to  occupy  Charleston,  and 
Virginia  encouraged  to  defy  Lord  Dunmore  to  the  uttermost. 
A  naval  code  was  created  (November  17).  Every  measure  was 
now  for  offensive  war,  not  defensive.  The  press  took  up  the 
idea  of  independence.  The  thought  of  union,  as  a  dependency 
of  Britain,  was  gone.  "A  Grand  Republic  of  the  American 
United  Colonies,  which  will,  by  the  blessing  of  heaven,  soon 
work  out  our  salvation  and  perpetuate  the  liberties,  increase  the 
wealth,  the  power  and  the  glory  of  this  western  world ; "  this 
was  the  popular  thought.  Ten  years  had  worked  the  idea  of 
union  into  an  actual  "  Continental  Association."  Would  it  take 
the  idea  of  independence  as  long  to  work  into  actual  independ- 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  83 

ence  ?     The  Tories  were  numerous  in  the  local  assemblies,  and 
active.     They  could  retard  action,  if  not  prevent  it. 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.— -The  Congress 
was  proceeding  in  matters  of  peace  and  war  as  though  "  The 
United  Colonies  "  were  one  political  power.  To  the  encourage- 
ment of  powerful  sentiment  had  been  added  the  confidence  of 
victory  in  armed  conflict.  New  Hampshire,  South  Carolina  and 
Virginia  were  recommended  by  Congress  to  form  local  govern- 
ments. This  was  a  step  which  looked  directly  to  independence. 
On  New  Year  Day,  1776,  Washington  unfurled  the  "  Flag  of  Thir- 
teen Stripes,"  as  the  flag  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  arrayed  it 
as  the  symbol  of  national  power  against  the  far-famed  banner  of 
St.  George.  From  this  time  till  June  the  Congress  was  busy 
with  questions  of  war  and  finance.  Its  acts  were  those  of  a  de- 
termined and  active  revolutionary  government.  But  it  was  all 
the  while  being  petitioned  to  cut  the  chain  which  bound  the  col- 
onies to  England,  and  which  was  hampering  their  individual  and 
concerted  action.  It  therefore  recommended  to  all  the  colonies 
to  form  local  governments,  independent  of  charters,  royal  gov- 
ernors, and  every  English  restriction.  On  June  7,  1776,  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee  moved  for  Independence,  a  Foreign  Alliance,  and 
a  Confederation.  John  Adams  seconded  the  motion.  A  com- 
mittee was  formed  on  Independence,  composed  of  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson, John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  and  they  were  given  till  July  to  report. 
A  committee  of  one  from  each  colony  was  also  formed  on  Articles 
of  Confederation.  By  the  last  of  June  it  could  be  said  that  op- 
position to  Independence,  in  every  colony  except  New  York, 
had  ceased  ;  at  least  twelve  colonies  had  instructed  their  delegates 
in  Congress  to  vote  for  a  declaration.  And  these  delegates  were 
present  in  the  Congress  on  July  1,  when  it  took  up  the  resolution 
on  Independence,  or  rather  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Inde- 
pendence. Four  days  of  debate  and  amendment  brought  forth 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  agreed  upon  by  the  delegates 
from  twelve  States  (July  4,  1776) — New  York  delegates  not  vot- 
ing under  her  instructions.  It  was  ordered  to  be  authenticated 
by  the   signatures  of  John    Hancock,  President,  and  Charles 


84  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Thomson,  Secretary,  sent  out  to  the  State  assemblies,  and  read 
at  the  head  of  the  army.  On  July  9,  the  convention  of  New 
York  resolved  to  support  it.  By  August  2,  it  was  engrossed 
and  ready  for  the  signatures  of  the  members.*  The  high  honor 
of  having  been  its  author  is  due  to  Jefferson,  for  the  changes 
made  in  his  draft,  though  numerous,  did  not  alter  its  tone  nor 
general  character.  The  equally  high  honor  of  having  been  its 
strongest  champion  in  the  Congress  belongs  to  John  Adams. 
Said  Jefferson  to  Daniel  Webster,  "  John  Adams  was  our  Colos- 
sus on  the  floor.  He  was  not  graceful,  nor  elegant,  nor  remark- 
ably fluent,  but  he  came  out  occasionally  with  a  power  of  thought 
and  expression  that  moved  us  from  our  seats."  f  And  now  that 
"  the  greatest  question  has  been  decided  which  ever  was  debated 
in  America,  and  a  greater  perhaps  never  was  or  will  be  decided 
among  men,"  The  United  Colonies  were  decreed  a  political 
unit  of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  Declaration  was 
proclaimed  everywhere  among  the  people  as  the  inestimable 
title-deed  of  their  liberties,  and  they  received  it  with  speech, 
salute,  bon-fire  and  general  rejoicing.  It  seemed  as  if  a  decree 
promulgated  from  heaven. 

WHAT  IT  DID. — Before  the  Declaration  was  submitted  to  a 
vote,  a  test  resolution  was  laid  before  the  Congress  (July  2,  1776) 
as  follows  :  "  That  these  United  Colonies  are  and  of  right  ought 
to  be  free  and  independent  States  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all 
allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection 
between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is  and  ought  to  be 
totally  dissolved."  Twelve  colonies  united  in  adopting  it.  This 
assured  the  passage  of  the  Declaration.  It  was  its  preamble,  as 
it  were.     Observe  that  in  it  the  word  "  Colonies  "  is   dropped, 

*  There  is  much  uncertainty  about  the  signing  of  the  Declaration.  The  engrossed 
copy,  signed  on  August  2,  still  exists  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Jeffer- 
son has  given  the  impression  that  it  was  generally  signed  on  July  4,  but  this  copy  of 
it  is  not  known  to  exist.  John  Adams  wrote  on  the  9th  of  July,  "  As  soon  as  an 
American  seal  is  prepared  I  conjecture  the  Declaration  will  be  superscribed  by  all 
the  members."  Now,  a  committee  composed  of  Franklin,  John  Adams  and  Jeffer- 
son, was  appointed  by  Congress  to  prepare  a  device  for  the  Seal  of  "  The  United 
States  of  America,"  after  the  Declaration  had  passed,  probably  on  the  5th  of  July. 

f  Curtis'  Life  of  Webster,  vol.  i.,  589. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  85 

never  to  be  taken  up  again,  and  the  word  "  States  "  *  substituted. 
So  the  Declaration  was  "  The  Declaration  by  the  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  Assembled,"  and 
the  conclusion  is :  "  Therefore  we  the  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  Assembled,"  etc.  The  steps 
toward  national  birth  were  the  ripening  of  public  sentiment  into 
a  conviction  that  a  common  country  was  necessary,  a  delegation 
of  power  by  the  colonies  for  that  purpose,  a  preliminary  resolu- 
tion declaring  the  colonies  independent  States,  a  declaration  to 
that  effect,  a  ratification  of  that  declaration  by  the  States,  Thus 
the  United  Colonies  by  their  joint  act  passed  into  "  The  United 
States."  The  Declaration  has  been  called  the  fundamental  act 
of  Union.f  It  was  the  embodiment  of  the  public  will  as  a  source 
of  authority,  when  it  was  the  will  of  the  people  composing  one 
nation.  J  It  established  Union  as  a  fundamental  law.  The  old 
law  was  the  law  of  diversity.  It  transformed  the  sentiment  of 
nationality  into  a  fact — the  new  birth  was  that  of  a  nation,  a 
country.  As  colonies,  each  had  a  State  of  its  own,  and  could 
have  had,  in  one  way  or  another.  But  only  by  creating  a  law 
high  over  all,  only  by  ordaining  and  establishing  something  out 
of  that  supremacy  which  resided  in  all  the  people,  could  a  union, 
a  nation,  a  country,  come.  The  Declaration  announced  to  all 
nations  that  a  new  political  sovereignty  had  arisen,  whose  work- 
ings internally  were  all  right,  whose  external  workings  sought 
recognition.  The  colonist  was  true  to  his  colony,  yet  he 
never  hesitated  in  his  allegiance  to  the  king.  He  ever  claimed 
and  was  ever  proud  of  the  rights  of  a  British  subject.  Now 
he    was    equally    true    to    his   Colony     (the    State),   but    the 

*  The  title  of  "  The  United  States  of  America  "  was  formally  assumed  in  the 
Articles  of  the  Confederation,  when  they  came  to  be  adopted.  But  it  was  in  use. 
without  formal  enactment  from  the  date  and  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. On  the  9th  of  September,  1776,  it  was  ordered  that  all  continental  com- 
missions and  all  other  instruments,  where  the  words  "  United  Colonies  "  had  been 
used,  the  style  should  be  altered  to  the  "  United  States." — Journals,  ii.,  349. 

f  Writings  of  Madison,  iii.,  482. 

J  "In  our  complex  system  of  polity  the  public  will,  as  a  source  of  authority, 
may  be  the  will  of  the  people  as  composing  one  nation." — Madison's  Writings,  iii., 
479- 


8Q  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

allegiance  which  was  to  the  king  or  to  Great  Britain  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  new  political  unit,  the  United  States.  For  hundreds 
of  years  the  contention  had  been  for  the  doctrine  of  the  equality 
of  the  human  race.  The  Declaration  clothed  this  abstract  truth 
with  vitalizing  power.  "  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident, 
that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  to  secure  these 
rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that  whenever 
any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  it  and  institute  new 
government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles  and  organ- 
izing its  powers  in  such  form  as  shall  to  them  seem  most  likely 
to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness."  This  is  the  American 
theory  expressed  as  Buckle  says  :  "  In  words  the  memory  of  which 
can  never  die."  To  maintain  it  the  battles  of  the  revolution  were 
fought,  and  to  build  on  it  a  worthy  superstructure  of  government 
and  law  was  the  work  of  the  fathers  of  the  constitution. 

NATURE  OF  THE  CONGRESS.— The  Continental  Con- 
gress, for  by  this  name  it  got  to  be  known,  continued  to  be  the 
National  Government  in  fact,  and  conducted  National  affairs  till 
the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  March,  I78i,near 
the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  There  was  no  change  in  its 
construction,  except  that  the  delegates  to  it  were  appointed  by 
the  State  legislatures,  as  soon  as  the  States  had  organized  State 
governments,  which  they  made  haste  to  do,  under  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  Congress  of  1776.*     The  powers  of  the  Con- 

*  New  Jersey  adopted  a  State  Constitution  July  2,  1776,  which  went  into  full 
•operation,  and  the  government  thus  formed  lasted  for  sixty-eight  years. 

Delaware  adopted  a  Constitution  and  form  of  government  (Sept.  20,  1776)  which 
lasted  for  sixteen  years. 

Maryland  agreed  on  a  Declaration  of  Rights,  Nov.  3,  1776,  and  on  the  8th,  upon 
a  Constitution,  which  was  not  changed  for  seventy-five  years. 

Pennsylvania  framed  a  Constitution  Sept.  28,  1776,  which  terminated  its  charter. 
But  it  was  not  generally  received.  Owing  to  division,  the  State  officers  were  sup- 
ported in  their  authority  by  a  Committee  of  Congress,  till  the  amended  Constitu- 
tion of  1790. 


BUILDING  GEOGRAPHICALLY.  87 

tinental  Congress  were  nowhere  defined  or  limited.  They  in- 
cluded power  to  declare  war  and  make  peace,  to  raise  armies 
and  equip  navies,  to  form  treaties  and  alliances  with  foreign 
nations,  to  contract  debts, 'and  do  all  other  acts  of  a  sovereign 
government  which  were  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  United 
States.  No  Colony,  or  State,  disputed  the  powers  thus  assumed 
and  exercised.  They  originated  from  necessity  and  were  only 
limited  by  events.  Revolutionary  though  they  were,  the  Con- 
gress in  their  exercise  was  supported  by  the  people,  and  there 
was  no  other  authority  to  question  its  acts.  It  was  evident  that 
when  the  dangers  of  war  had  passed,  when  the  public  liberties  and 
independence  of  all  the  States  had  been  assured,  and  when  peace 
had  dawned,  these  extraordinary  powers  of  the  Congress  would 
have  to  give  way  to  something  more  certain  and  better  under- 
stood. And  right  here  arose  a  momentous  question.  In  relax- 
ing the  control  of  Congress,  there  was  danger  that  the  Union 
which  existed  by  reason  of  the  Congress  would  be  dissolved,  and 
that  the  States  would  drift  back  into  independent  communities, 
without  a  central  head,  with  no  common  system,  with  discordant 
local  interests,  with  rivalries  and  jealousies  as  to  boundaries,  com- 
merce, manufactures,  and  institutions.  Hard  as  had  been  the 
trial  of  the  Revolution,  here  was  something  calculated  to  stir 
deeper  apprehension,  and  tax  more  severely  the  genius  of  states- 
men. 

ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION.— As  these  Articles, 
finally  adopted  by  all  the  States,  March,  1 781,  were  the  begin- 
ning of  a  government  more  specific  than  that  of  the  Congress 
which  had  carried  on  the  Revolution  thus  far,  yet  not  so  specific 
as  that  formed  by  the  Constitution  of  1787,  they  can  be  best  ex- 
plained in  connection  with  the  latter.     As  the  Congress  led  to 

North  Carolina  adopted  a  Constitution,  Oct.  18,  1776,  which  lasted  for  sixty-nine 
years. 

Georgia  adopted  a  Constitution  Feb.  5,  1777,  lasting  eight  years. 

New  York  adopted  a  Constitution,  April  20,  1777. 

Of  the  six  States  which  adopted  constitutions  and  forms  of  government  before 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  South  Carolina  amended  hers  in  1778,  Virginia 
in  1829,  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  did  not  displace  their  charters  for  many 
years,  New  Hampshire  in  1784,  Massachusetts  in  1780  and  1821. 


88  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  Articles  of  Confederation,  so  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
led  to  the  Constitution.  "  States  "  got  to  be  a  definitive,  well- 
understood  term  under  the  Articles.  They  were  ''Articles  of 
Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union  between  the  States  "  (men- 
tioning them  all).  "  The  style  of  this  Confederacy  shall  be  The 
United  States  of  America,"  Art.  I.  For  this  reason,  also,  we 
prefer  to  treat  of  the  Articles  in  our  next  chapter,  which  con- 
cerns the  finer  pieces  of  our  fabric — the  States.  But  as  the  war 
came  to  an  end  under  the  government  of  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, it  must  be  understood  that  "  The  United  States  of 
America,"  which  solemnized  the  peace  of  1783,  and  accepted  of 
the  cessions  of  British  territory,  was  the  only  power  then  existing 
which  could  do  these  National  acts,  and  bind  all  the  States  by  its 
authority. 

FURTHER  BUILDING.— -The  war  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution resulted  in  the  treaty  of  Sept.  3,  1783,  signed  at  Paris.  By 
it  Great  Britain  relinquished  all  her  "  claims  to  the  government, 
proprietary  and  territorial  rights  "  of  the  United  States  (naming 
the  thirteen),  and  acknowledged  them  "  to  be  free,  sovereign  and 
independent  States."  It  further  ceded  all  the  territory  south  of 
the  Great  Lake  line,  northward  (in  general)  of  310  N.  lat,  and 
westward  to  the  Mississippi,  to  the  United  States.  Those  pre- 
tentious charters  and  grants  from  the  Crown,  which  ran  through 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  had  now  for  their  western  limit 
the  "  Father  of  Waters."  The  territory  of  the  United  States  lay 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Mississippi.  The  right  of  Spain  (for- 
merly France)  to  all  beyond,  was  recognized. 

STATE  OWNERSHIP.— But  through  this  territory,  before 
it  was  ceded,  ran  the  titles  of  the  Colonies  or  States.  Their 
claims  became  a  source  of  trouble  long  before  the  date  of  the 
treaty.  Thus  Connecticut,  whose  charter  possessions  extended 
indefinitely  to  the  west,  had  colonized  in  the  Wyoming  Valley, 
Pa.,  and  was  exercising  a  disputed  jurisdiction  as  early  as  1769; 
so  also  in  the  Northwest,  in  what  became  the  "  Western  Reserve 
of  Connecticut."  Virginia  and  New  York  had  clashed,  for  a 
similar  reason,  both  their  boundaries  being  limitless  to  the  west. 
So  New  York  and  Massachusetts  had  had  trouble,  and  several 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  89 

other  States.  This  whole  matter  of  State  ownership  and  juris- 
diction westward  came  up  in  a  conspicuous  and  dangerous  form 
when  the  Articles  of  Confederation  were  before  the  States  for 
ratification.  Some  of  the  States  refused  to  ratify  till  the  question 
of  western  lands  was  disposed  of.  Lord  North  made  much  of 
this  delay,  and  pretended  to  see  in  this  land  subject  a  perpetual 
source  of  disagreement  and  a  final  refusal  to  establish  a  Union 
under  the  Articles.  It  was  not  a  new  subject,  for  the  conserva- 
tive Dickinson;  of  Pennsylvania,  had  introduced  it  into  the  Con- 
gress and  insisted  upon  its  being  settled  satisfactorily  before  that 
body  passed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  As  to  their  own 
boundaries,  there  was  no  controversy  with  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware, New  Jersey,  Maryland,  New  Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Isl- 
and, but  the  remaining  seven  States  were  deeply  concerned,  for 
theirs  were  the  charters  running  to  the  Mississippi  or  the  Pacific. 
The  former  States  took  the  ground  that  any  unoccupied,  unde- 
fined territory  wrested  from  a  common  enemy  by  the  blood  and 
treasure  of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies,  ought  to  be  considered 
as  common  property,  subject  to  be  parcelled  out  by  Congress 
into  free,  convenient,  and  independent  governments.  On  these 
grounds  Maryland  refused  to  ratify  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
until  an  Article  was  added,  securing  the  Western  domain  for  the 
common  benefit.  Virginia  entered  into  furious  defence  of  her 
magnificent  territory,  embracing  Kentucky  and  parts  of  Ohio, 
Indiana  and  Illinois.  There  must  be  concession  somewhere  or 
no  Articles  of  Confederation.  The  question  must  be  put  out  of 
the  way  before  a  closer  Union  could  be  assured.  To  be  sure,  the 
land  was  not  yet  conquered  from  Great  Britain,  but  should  it  be, 
it  were  well  to  have  the  matter  settled.  New  York  was  the  first 
to  move.  By  resolution  of  Feb.  19,  1780,  she  agreed  to  relin- 
quish her  right  to  unoccupied  territory  for  the  common  benefit. 
Congress,  mindful  of  the  importance  of  Union,  and  4<  to  their 
very  existence  as  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  people," 
advised  (Sept.  6,  1780)  similar  surrenders  by  the  other  States, 
and  on  Oct.  10  resolved  that  out  of  the  lands  thus  ceded  should 
be  formed  States  with  the  same  rights  of  sovereignty,  freedom, 
and    independence  as  those  possessed   by  the   original  States. 


90  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Through  the  influence  of  Madison,  Virginia  agreed  to  surrender 
her  western  domain,  and  so  of  the  others.  Thus  the  leading 
obstacle  to  the  ratification  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  was 
removed.  When  the  land  became  theirs  by  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  of  1783,  would  these  States  keep  their  pledges? 

ADJUSTMENT.— New  York  was  prompt  to  keep  hers. 
Choosing  the  meridian  of  790  55'  as  the  limit  of  westward  occu- 
pancy, she  formally  ceded  all  her  domain  west  of  that  to  the 
United  States  for  the  common  benefit,  on  March  1,  1784.  This 
was  but  a  small  patch  of  316  square  miles  which  afterwards 
went  to  Pennsylvania.  Her  cession  was  worthless  without  the 
consent  of  Massachusetts,  who  claimed  clear  through.  (See 
Massachusetts,  below.)  But  New  York  still  disputed  with  New 
Hampshire  the  prize  of  the  territory  which  afterwards  became 
Vermont.  This  prize,  after  much  contention,  and  some  blood- 
shed, she  relinquished  in  1790,  and  took  her  present  limits  and 
titles. 

Virginia  followed  New  York  March  1,  1784.  Her  cession 
was  of  that  part  of  the  great  Territory,  afterwards  known  as  the 
"  Territory  of  the  Northwest,"  *  lying  between  41  °  north  latitude 
and  the  southern  border  of  Kentucky.  That  part  of  her  cession 
north  of  the  Ohio,  according  to  its  terms,  entered  into  and 
formed  a  part  of  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois.  The 
part  south  of  the  Ohio  afterwards  became  Kentucky. 

Massachusetts  curtailed  her  indefinite  claims  April  19,  1785,  by 
relinquishing  her  right  to  the  small  bit  of  ground  just  west  of 
the  New  York  boundary,  which  was  then,  Jan.  3,  1792,  given 
to  Pennsylvania.     She  held  her   Maine  possessions   till    1820, 

*  The  "  Territory  of  the  Northwest"  was  organized  under  the  ordinance  of  Con- 
tinental Congress  of  July  13, 1787,  which  ordinance  is  regarded  as  a  model,  both  as 
to  its  text  and  display  of  the  principles  of  civil,  religious  and  political  liberty.  It  is 
popularly  ascribed  to  Jefferson,  but  was  written  by  Nathan  Dane,  of  Beverly,  Mass. 
Article  VI.  of  this  ordinance  reads :  "  There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involun- 
tary servitude  in  said  Territory  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted."  This  clause  afterwards  became  noteworthy 
as  showing  wherein  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  had  exercised  the  right  to  ex- 
clude slavery  from  the  Territories.  Its  language  was  copied  in  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise affair,  1819-20;  in  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  1846,  and  in  the  XIII.  amendment 
to  the  constitution,  1865. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  91 

when  they  were  surrendered  in  order  that  Maine  might  become 
a  State  in  the  Union.  In  1855  the  district  known  as  the  "  Bos- 
ton Corner"  was  ceded  to  New  York,  and  in  1 861,  by  ex- 
changes with  Rhode  Island,  both  these  States  got  their  present 
limits. 

Connecticut  under  her  ostentatious  claims  to  western  do- 
mains had  sent  out  strong  colonies  into  Pennsylvania  and  the 
northwest.  Her  claim  to  Pennsylvania  soil  was  a  matter  for 
judicial  determination.  In  order  to  quiet  titles  in  the  northwest, 
she,  Sept.  14,  1786,  relinquished  her  claim  to  everything  west  of 
a  line  drawn  due  north  and  south,  120  miles  west  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania line.  This  left  her  a  "reserve"  120  miles  wide.  On 
May  30,  1800,  she  yielded  all  territory  and  jurisdiction  west  of 
her  present  limits,  reserving  whatever  right  of  soil  she  may  have 
had  as  a  protection  to  those  who  held  title  from  her. 

South  Carolina  ceded  her  claim  to  a  strip  of  territory  only 
twelve  miles  wide,  lying  south  of  35 °  north  latitude,  and  extend- 
ing along  the  southern  borders  of  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee, 
to  the  Mississippi,  on  Aug.  9,  1787. 

North  Carolina  adjusted  her  western  border,  Feb.  25,  1790, 
by  ceding  the  territory  which  afterwards  became  Tennessee. 

Georgia  made  a  most  important  cession  of  the  territory  west 
of  her  present  western  boundary,  June  16,  1802. 

These  cessions  of  their  lands,  and  surrenders  of  their  claims  to 
lands,  by  the  original  States,  fulfilled  their  pledges  to  thus  dis- 
pose of  them  for  the  common  benefit,  made  before  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  were  adopted,  and  in  order  that  they  might  be 
adopted.  They  quieted  the  title  of  the  United  States  to  all  the 
territory,  outside  of  the  limits  of  the  States,  ceded  by  Great 
Britain  in  1783.  They  put  this  part  of  the  fruits  of  the  war  at 
the  disposal  of  all  the  people.  The  United  States  could  now 
begin  to  enjoy  the  full  fruitions  of  that  treaty.  The  States  would 
cease  their  clamors  and  jealousies  about  old  charter  boundaries, 
and  the  general  government  could  go  on  with  its  great  work  of 
State  building  and  the  acquisition  of  new  territory.  The  old 
States  had  done  nobly  in  making  these  surrenders.  They  proved 
by  them  the  depth   of  their  interest  in  the  new  experiment  of 


92  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

self-constituted  federal  government,  and  the  extent  of  their  de- 
sire not  to  let  selfish  love  of  acres  and  limitless  boundaries  stand 
in  the  way  of  permanent  national  union,  peace  and  progress. 
As  States  they  could  not  contribute  further  to  the  geographic 
framework  of  the  nation,  nor  to  matters  of  title.  The  govern- 
ment as  a  whole  must  now  buy  or  conquer  its  own  rough  stones 
and  timbers. 

THE  LOUISIANA  PURCHASE.— And  it  went  about  the 
work  right  speedily.  The  English  cession  of  1783  left  intact 
the  Spanish  claim  to  Florida  and  Louisiana,  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  beyond  that  river  the  United  States  owned  nothing, 
the  boundary  being  the  middle  of  the  stream.  We  have  seen 
how  France  ceded  her  Louisiana  to  Spain  in  1763,  and  what  it 
meant.  Foreign  possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  was 
not  tolerable.  Nor  was  similar  possession  of  its  western  shores, 
and  to  its  middle,  any  more  tolerable.  Both  were  an  annoyance 
and  a  menace,  as  had  been  abundantly  proved  time  and  again, 
and  as  would  continue  to  be  proved,  if  not  removed.  In  1795  a 
treaty  had  been  made  with  Spain  which  gave  the  United  States 
commercial  rights  at  New  Orleans.  In  1802  Spain  gave  notice 
that  these  rights  had  ceased.  Alarm  spread  all  along  the  line 
of  the  river.  It  was  looked  upon  as  a  Spanish  trick,  instigated 
by  France.  But  what  was  the  consternation  when  it  was  discov- 
ered that  two  years  before  Spain  had  parted  with  Louisiana  to 
France,  though  the  distinctive  act  of  cession  had  not  yet  taken 
place.  The  treaty  of  cession  had  been  a  secret  one,  carried  out 
in  the  interest  of  Napoleon.  Though  we  doubt  not  it  was  a 
shrewd  move  on  the  part  of  France  to  further  cripple  England 
by  first  getting  back  possession  of  this  immense  domain  and 
then  turning  an  honest  penny  by  selling  to  the  United  States, 
thus  helping  the  creation  of  a  great  commercial  rival  to  England 
on  this  continent,  in  accordance  with  the  French  theory  of  1763, 
yet  Jefferson,  then  President,  chose  to  look  upon  it  as  an  attempt 
of  France  to  rival  England  directly.  He  therefore  sent  Monroe 
to  the  aid  of  Livingston,  minister  to  France,  first  to  protest  that 
if  France  took  possession  the  United  States  would  be  forced  into 
an  alliance  with  England  against  her,  and,  second,  to  sound 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  93 

France  as  to  the  probability  of  a  purchase.  Probably  the  latter 
was  what  France  wanted.  She  was  needy,  was  about  to  war 
with  England,  and  was  in  no  position  to  be  hampered  with  such 
a  possession.  Driving  the  best  bargain  she  could,  going  up  in 
her  price  from  $13,000,000  to  $15,000,000,  a  sale  was  consum- 
mated by  treaty  of  April  30,  1803,  ratified  by  the  Senate  Oct.  20, 
1803,  and  by  a  resolution  of  the  House  to  carry  it  into  effect* 

Of  the  $15,000,000,  to  be  paid,  $3,750,000  were  withheld  to  be 
disbursed,  under  the  French  Spoliation  bill,  to  pay  the  losses 
Americans  had  suffered  in  their  commerce  at  the  hands  of  the 
French.  By  this  magnificent  purchase  the  United  States  got  a 
gulf  frontage  east  of  the  Mississippi  extending  from  that  river  to 
Florida,  though  all  this  Spain  disputed.  Leaping  the  Missis- 
sippi the  country  shot  clear  to  the  Pacific,  for  the  ceded  territory 
embraced  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Iowa,  Nebraska, 
Oregon,  Minnesota  west  of  the  Mississippi,  part  of  Kansas,  the 
Territories  of  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  Washington,  the  Indian 
country,  and  portions  of  Colorado  and  Wyoming,f  an  added 
empire  of  900,000  J  square  miles,  or  one  larger  than  the  entire 
area  of  the  country  before. 

SPAIN  CEDES  FLORIDA.— The  next  cession  of  foreign 
soil  was  by  Spain,  Feb.  22,  18 19.  This  was  a  transaction  almost 
wholly  in  the  interest  of  Spain,  judged  by  the  extent  of  territory 
which  passed.  She  claimed  that  her  Florida  ran  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, also  that  she  had  never  recognized  France's  claim  to  that 
part  of  Louisiana  west  of  the  Sabine  River  (Texas).    The  United 

*  Owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Federalists  to  this  purchase,  which  they  regarded 
unwarranted  by  the  constitution  and  as  tending  to  increase  the  preponderance  of  the 
South  in  national  legislation,  Jefferson  called  the  Eighth  Congress  together  earlier 
than  usual  fof  the  express  purpose  of  having  it  ratify  the  treaty  of  purchase  and, 
vindicate  his  procedure.  He  admitted  that  the  constitution  gave  no  power  to  pur- 
chase foreign  territory  and  make  it  a  part  of  the  Union,  but  claimed  that  when  once 
the  deed  was  done,  it  could  be  validated  by  the  nation's  ratification. 

f  For  the  French  boundaries  of  their  Louisiana,  much  wider  than  those  here 
enumerated,  see  page  66.  And  this  is  important,  for  Texas  was  clearly  in  the 
Louisiana  of  France,  as  the  United  States  acknowledged  when  Spain  came  to  cede 
Florida. 

\  Not  counting  what  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  Oregon  treaty  of  1846, 
amounting  to  300,000  square  miles. 


94  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

States  claimed  that  Louisiana  ran  eastward  to  the  present 
boundary  of  Florida.  To  quiet  everything,  Spain  ceded  her 
Florida  clear  to  the  Mississippi,  for  the  sum  of  $5,000,000,  and 
the  additional  consideration  that  the  United  States  should 
abandon  all  claim  to  that  part  of  French  Louisiana  which  lay 
west  of  the  Sabine.  Thus  a  territory  equal  to  six  Floridas, 
which  had  already  been  bought  and  paid  for  by  the  United 
States,  was  surrendered  to  Spain,  and  was  soon  to  become  a  part 
of  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  In  twenty-six  (1845)  years  it 
drifted  back  to  the  United  States  again,  as  we  shall  see  when 
the  cession  of  Texas  is  reached. 

THE  OREGON  TREATY.— Away  up  in  the  Northwest  the 
boundary  of  Louisiana  could  not  be  made  to  fit  to  that  claimed 
by  Great  Britain  for  her  possessions.  The  United  States  claimed 
540  40'  N.  lat.  as  the  boundary.  England  claimed  that  it  was 
the  Columbia  River.  From  1827,  the  disputed  territory  had 
been  held  by  both  claimants.  The  Democratic  party  made  it  an 
issue  in  their  platform  of  1844  to  claim  to  540  40',  with  or  without 
war  with  England.  The  watchword  all  along  the  line  was  "  540 
40'  or  fight."  In  the  Congress  of  1845-46,  Calhoun,  to  the 
great  embarrassment  of  President  Polk  and  the  Democratic 
party,  proposed  490  as  a  compromise  line.  After  much  party 
backing  and  filling,  and  long  negotiation,  a  treaty  was  agreed 
upon,  June  15,  1846,  which  was  ratified  by  the  Senate,  the 
Whigs  coming  to  the  rescue  of  the  President,  saving  him  from 
his  party  friends  and  the  country  from  war.  The  treaty  fixed 
490  N.  lat.  as  the  boundary,  as  originally  proposed  by  Calhoun. 
This  necessitated  an  immense  cession  of  land — all  between  the 
southern  limit  claimed  by  Great  Britain  and  the  490 — to  the 
United  States.  It  amounted  to  308,052  square  miles,  and  the 
cession  was  called  "The  Cession  by  the  Oregon  Treaty  of  1846." 
Thus  were  cured  the  defects  of  the  treaty  of  purchase  of  1803, 
with  France,  and  the  Ashburton  treaty  of  1842,  with  Great 
Britain. 

ANNEXATION  OF  TEXAS*— Texas  had  been  a  State  of 

*  As  Texas  came  directly  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  see  further  about  her  history 
in  connection  with  the  State  of  Texas,  next  article. 


BUILDING   GEOGRAPHICALLY.  95 

the  Republic  of  Mexico,  but  had  seceded,  had  set  up  for  herself 
an  independent  republic,  and  was,  in  1845,  at  wai"  with  Mexico, 
though  an  armistice  was  then  pending,  with  a  view  to  peace.  It 
was  deemed  an  opportune  moment  to  secure  her  vast  domain 
for  the  United  States.  Under  the  lead  of  Calhoun,  a  treaty  of 
annexation,  pure  and  simple,  was  proposed,  but  rejected.  This 
was  followed  by  another  proposing  her  admission  into  the 
Union,  which  was  coupled  with  one  for  negotiation  and  treaty. 
In  this  shape  it  passed,  and  Texas  was  admitted  as  a  State  Dec. 
29,  1845.  Her  debt,  amounting  to  $7,500,000,  was  assumed  by 
the  United  States.  Besides  incorporating  her  wonderful  territory 
of  318,000  square  miles,  with  our  own,  she  relinquished  all  her 
claims,  by  virtue  of  her  having  been  a  member  of  the  Mexican 
Republic,  to  the  lands  west  of  the  27th  meridian,  and  now  in  the 
territory  embraced  by  Colorado  and  New  Mexico.  Her  status 
being  that  of  war  with  Mexico,  it  was  assumed  by  the  United 
States.  Thus  the  country  was  plunged  into  the  Mexican  war, 
which  made  the  Texas  experiment  a  very  costly  one  in  the  end. 
By  that  war,  however,  other  vast  and  valuable  areas  were  ac- 
quired. 

MEXICAN  CESSION.— The  Mexican  war  (1846-48)  which 
had  been  going  on  for  two  years  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the 
treaty  of  Feb.  2,  1848.  By  its  terms  Mexico  ceded  all  the 
territory  now  covered  by  the  States  of  California  and  Nevada, 
also  her  claims  to  Texas,  Utah,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  and 
parts  of  Wyoming,  Colorado  and  the  Indian  country,  holding, 
however,  to  a  part  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  south  of  the 
Gila  River.  The  lower  Rio  Grande  from  its  mouth  to  El  Paso 
was  taken  for  the  boundary  of  Texas.  The  United  States  paid 
Mexico,  for  this  land,  $15,000,000,  in  five  annual  instalments, 
and  in  addition  assumed  the  claims  of  American  citizens  against 
Mexico,  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  $3,250,000. 

GADSDEN  PURCHASE.— The  lands,  above  mentioned,  as 
reserved  by  Mexico  south  of  the  Gila  river,  were  purchased  by 
the  United  States,  Dec.  30,  1853,  for  $10,000,000.  The  transac- 
tion became  known  as  the  "  Gadsden  Purchase."  This  purchase 
gave  the  United  States  a  better  southern  boundary,  and  compact 


96  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

areas  between  the  two  oceans.  "  Westward  the  course  of  em- 
pire "  had  taken  its  way,  and  the  Pacific  front  took  a  range  of 
1,343  miles,  as  against  the  Atlantic's  2,163  miles. 

ALASKA  CESS  ION". — The  last  accession  of  national  terri- 
tory was  May  28,  1867,  when  Russia  ceded  all  her  territory  in 
North  America  to  the  United  States  for  the  sum  of  $7,200,000. 
This  gave  us  Alaska,  which  is  not  coterminous  territory,  being 
cut  off  by  intervening  British  possessions.  The  policy  of  this 
purchase  was,  at  first,  regarded  as  unwise.  But  time  has  changed 
sentiment  respecting  it.  If  the  question  were  up  as  to  the  pro- 
priety of  its  sale  at  the  price  paid  for  it  there  would  be  a  nega- 
tive response.  It  is,  to  say  the  least,  a  good  pivotal  and  strategic 
point,  barren  as  it  may  be  of  other  importance. 

TERRITORIAL  SUMMARY.— How  look  our  national  areas 
when  thrown  into  figures  ?  Using  estimates  and  round  numbers 
the  showing  is  as  follows: 

Sq.  miles.  Sq.  miles. 

Estimated  Area 1783         820,680  Gadsden  Purchase..  .  1853  30,000 

Louisiana  Purchase ....  1803         899,579  Alaska  Purchase ....  1867  500,000 

Florida  Purchase 1819           66,900                                Grand  Total  3,466,166 

Oregon  Treaty  Lands . .  1846         308,052  Est>d  Lake  &  Water  Surface  396,1 16 

Texas  Annexation 1846         318,000                                     c         .,  ttbtz  ~o~ 

Mexican  Cession..    ...1848         522^55                                    Sq.  miles  3,862,282 

Acres      2,471,860,480 

To  all  these  acres  the  United  States  has  undisputed  title. 
They  are  the  acquisition  of  one  hundred  years  of  national  sover- 
eignty, and  are  exceeded  by  the  figures  of  only  three  other  em 
pires  in  the  world — Great  Britain  with  all  her  detached  de- 
pendencies, the  Chinese  Empire  and  Russian  Empire.  And 
now,  having  seen  Whence  our  national  titles  sprang,  having 
built  our  country  territorially,  and  having  studied  the  beginnings 
of  our  institutions  amid  colonial  life,  let  us  turn  to  that  part  of 
the  fabric  in  which  States  comprise  the  artistic  subdivisions  and 
comprise  the  sublime  whole. 


WEST    FROM      GRTSEmVICH 


ip  lis  iE 


BUILDING  POLITICALLY; 

OR, 

THE  CONSTITUTION  AND   THE  STATES. 

ROM  COLONY  TO  STATE.— Having  taken  a  view 
of  the  country  in  the  rough,  seen  its  titles  and  begin- 
nings as  they  arose  like  dry  land  out  of  a  multitude  of 
waters,  caught  something  of  that  free,  republican  spirit 
which  ripened  in  the  colonies  and  urged  perpetually 
toward  independence  and  union,  and  witnessed  our  majestic 
territorial  strides  from  Atlantic  to  Pacific,  buying  where  the 
market  was  open,  conquering  where  it  was  closed,  let  us  turn  to 
finer  parts  of  the  national  fabric. 

The  resolution  of  the  Continental  Congress,  passed  May  10, 
1776,  suppressing  royal  authority  in  the  colonies,  made  neces- 
sary the  formation  of  local  'governments,  capable  of  answering 
the  ends  of  political  society  and  of  continuing  without  interrup- 
tion the  protection  of  law  oyer  property,  life  and  public  order. 
These  newly  formed  local  governments,  or  these  reformed  col- 
onial governments,  for  fortunately  the  political  situation  in  many 
of  the  colonies  required  but  little  departure  from  their  previous 
local  institutions,  were  the  true  beginnings  of  the  States.  They 
were  spoken  of  as  "  States  "  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  they  made  a  near  approach  to  States  as  they  now  are,  under 
the  Articles  of  Confederation.  But,  though  States  of  a  Union, 
they  were  not  our  States  of  the  Union.  How  were  they  trans- 
formed ? 

THE  FIRST  STEP. — As  has  been   seen,  the    Continental 

Congress  was  the  only  government  during  the  Revolution  and 

up  until  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in   1781. 

It  was  simply  a  revolutionary  government,  with  power  for  any- 

7  (97) 


98  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

thing  or  nothing,  just  as  its  acts  were  sanctioned  or  condemned 
by  the  popular  voice.  It  was  the  result  of  a  Union  on  account 
of  public  danger  and  not  of  a  Union  as  the  result  of  a  charter 
or  constitution.  When  the  danger  had  passed,  the  function  of 
the  Congress  would  cease,  and  the  Union  would  melt  into  its 
original  components.  There  was  more  danger  in  this  than  in 
the  presence  of  an  armed  foe.  Statesmen  were  busy  at  work  to 
prevent  such  a  catastrophe.  Before  the  Declaration  Franklin 
had  proposed  a  scheme  of  Confederation.  The  Continental  Con- 
gress of  1775  (the  Congress  of  the  Declaration  as  it  was  called) 
had  raised  a  committee  in  whose  hands  measures  for  a  more 
permanent  Union  were  placed.  The  newspapers  teemed  with 
plans  for  a  permanent  republican  government.  On  the  12th  of 
July,  1776,  the  committee  of  Congress  reported  Articles,  drawn  by 
John  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania.  They  did  not  meet  the 
approval  of  the  Congress,  but  rather  plunged  it  into  debate  over 
questions  of  commerce,  public  lands,  taxation,  and  the  relative 
positions  of  the  larger  and  smaller  States.  For  sixteen  months 
the  Articles  were  delayed.  At  last,  November  15,  1777,  an 
agreement  was  had,  and  a  draft  of  Articles,  as  agreed  upon  by 
the  Congress,  was  sent  out  to  the  States  for  ratification,  together 
with  a  letter  commending  them  as  a  plan  "  for  securing  the  free- 
dom, sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  United  States,"  as  the 
best  that  could  be  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  all,  as  "  essen- 
tial to  their  very  existence  as  a  free  people,  "  and  without  which 
they  might"  soon  be  constrained  to  bid  adieu  to  independence, 
liberty  and  safety.  " 

Nine  of  the  States  promptly  ordered  their  delegates  in  Con- 
gress to  rati'y  the  Articles,  which  was  done  July,  1778.  But 
they  were  not  to  be  binding  unless  ratified  by  all  the  States. 
Political  languor  seemed  to  have  taken  the  place  of  that  blaze 
of  freedom  which  had  hitherto  burned  so  brightly  in  the  inchoate 
States.  The  burdens  of  war  pressed  heavily.  Congress  issued 
an  appeal  to  the  remaining  States  "  to  conclude  the  glorious 
compact."  Henry  Laurens,  the  President  of  Congress,  wrote 
despairingly  to  Washington  :  "  Where  is  virtue,  where  is  patriot- 
ism now,  when  almost  every  man  has  turned  his  attention  to 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  99 

gain  and  pleasure,  practising  every  artifice  of  Change-alley  or 
Jonathan's  ?  "  * 

The  capture  of  Burgoyne,  October  16,  1777,  and  word  of  a 
French  alliance,  February  6,  1778,  served  to  stir  enthusiasm 
again  and  revive  the  hope  of  Union  under  fully  ratified  Articles. 
A  few  other  States  gave  their  assent,  but  Maryland  held  out. 
She  would  not  consent  till  the  great  question  of  public  domain 
was  disposed  of,  nor  did  she  consent  till  the  States  to  whom  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi  would  have  fallen  by  virtue  of  their 
charter  limits  patriotically  agreed  to  surrender  all  lands  which 
England  might  cede  by  any  treaty  of  peace  to  the  United  States. 
All  conquered,  or  to  be  conquered,  lands  thus  made  common 
property,  Maryland  ratified  February  2,  1 78 1,  and  signed  March 
I,  1 78 1.  The  revolutionary  government  by  a  Congress  was  at  an 
end.  The  step  taken  made  union  firmer  under  the  forms  of  the 
first  American  constitution. 

WHAT    THE    ARTICLES    DIDj—They    renewed    the 

*  Jonathan's  was  a  London  coffee-house,  the  resort  of  speculators.  Precisely  why 
the  English  applied  the  term  to  Americans  is  not  clear.  But,  as  thus  applied,  it 
appears  in  a  printed  ballad  on  the  expedition  to  Rhode  Island,  1778,  "Jonathan 
felt  bold,  sir."  The  British  account  of  the  burning  of  Fairfield,  1779,  uses  the 
word  thus :  "  The  troops  faced  about  and  drove  Jonathan."  In  the  form  of  "  Brother 
Jonathan,"  the  term  hardly  appeared  till  after  peace  had  softened  the  asperities  of  war. 

-{•The  great  seal  of  the  American  Union  was  adopted  June  20,  1782.  It  was 
the  American  Eagle,  holding  in  his  right  talon  an  olive  branch,  in  his  left  a  bundle 
of  thirteen  arrows,  in  his  beak  a  scroll  inscribed  with  "E  Pluribtis  Unum  "  (one 
composed  of  many),  and  over  his  head  an  azure  field  with  thirteen  stars.  On  the 
reverse  was  an  unfinished  pyramid  with  an  eye,  having  over  it  "Annuit  Coeptis"  (a 
beginning  permitted,  or  approved),  at  the  base  MDCCLXXVL,  and  underneath 
**  Novus  Ordo  Seclorum  "  (a  new  order  of  ages). 

Previously,  June  14,  1777,  Congress  voted  "  That  the  flag  of  the  United  States  be 
thirteen  stripes,  alternately  red  and  white ;  that  the  Union  be  thirteen  stars,  white, 
in  a  blue  field,  representing  a  new  constellation.  This  flag  continued  till  Ver- 
mont (1791)  and  Kentucky  (1792)  were  admitted,  when  it  was  changed  (Act  of 
January  13,  1794)  to  fifteen  stripes  and  fifteen  stars.  It  became  apparent  that  the 
increase  of  stripes,  as  new  States  were  admitted,  would  throw  the  flag  out  of  pro- 
portion. Therefore  the  following  was  passed,  April  4,  1818:  "  That  from  and  after 
the  4th  of  July  next  the  flag  of  the  United  States  be  thirteen  horizontal  stripes, 
alternate  fed  and  white ;  that  the  Union  be  twenty  stars  (the  then  number  of 
States),  white,  in  a  blue  field ;  that,  on  the  admission  of  every  new  State,  one 
star  be  added  to  the  union  of  the  flag,  such  addition  to  be  made  on  the  4th  of  July 
next  succeeding  such  admission." 


100  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

pledge  of  the  States  to  Union,  or  rather  made  public  and  official 
record  of  such  pledge.  They  made  inter-state  citizenship  free. 
They  created  a  Congress  and  defined  its  powers,  but  endowed  it 
with  no  executive  function.  They  gave  the  States  something  to 
conform  to.  They  created  a  tribunal  to  settle  disputes  between 
the  States.  But  the  best  thing  they  did  was  to  confer  a  great 
educational  service  through  their  weaknesses  and  defects. 

WHAT  THEY  DID  NOT  DO.— In  saying  that. the  Ar- 
ticles soon  proved  themselves  full  of  glaring  defects,  it  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  the  States,  while  colonies,  had  been  subject  to 
a  foreign  rule  whose  restrictions  had  been  severely  felt  and  whose 
assumptions  had  been  a  source  of  constant  jealousy  and  alarm. 
They  had,  naturally,  nourished  a  spirit  of  resistance  to  all  author- 
ity outside  of  themselves,  and,  having  no  experience  of  the  con- 
venience or- necessity  of  a  general  government  to  care  for  their 
common  interests,  they  deemed  the  least  possible  delegation  of 
their  power  quite  sufficient  for  national  purposes.  Therefore  the 
Articles  created  a  confederation  which  had  few  powers  for  peace. 
It  could  make  treaties,  but  could  not  execute  them;  appoint  am- 
bassadors, but  not  pay  their  expenses ;  borrow  money,  but  not 
pay  a  dollar;  make  coin,  but  not  import  an  ounce  of  bullion; 
declare  war  and  order  the  number  of  troops,  but  not  raise  a  single 
soldier;  in  short,  declare  anything  and  do  nothing.  It  was 
truly  a  feeble  thread  on  which  to  string  thirteen  States  and  hold 
them  in'  bonds  of  union.  Its  unfitness  as  a  frame  of  government 
for  a  free,  enterprising  and  industrious  people,  so  manifest  at  the 
start,  grew  more  and  more  so,  till  it  finally  lost  all  vigor  and  re- 
spect and  tottered  to  its  fall.  Should  it  be  left  to  silent  dissolu- 
tion, or  should  an  attempt  be  made  to  form  something  more 
commanding  and  vigorous  before  the  great  interests  of  the  Union 
were  crushed  and  buried  beneath  its  ruins? 

DA  WN  OF  A  CONSTITUTION.— -Hamilton  saw  the  de- 
fects of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and  (1780)  proposed  a  con- 
vention to  reform  them  even  before  they  were  ratified  by  the 
States.  Similar  propositions  were  made  by  Pelatiah  Webster  in 
1 78 1,  the  New  York  Legislature  in  1782,  Hamilton  in  Con- 
gress 1783,  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  1784,  Governor  Bowdoin  in 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  301'  : 

1785.  But  it  required  more  than  cold  propositions  and  dignified 
discussion  to  overcome  the  indifference  of  the  States.  It  re- 
quired the  flat  refusal  of  New  Jersey  to  comply  with  an  act  of 
Congress.  It  required  the  open  offense  of  Massachusetts  in 
raising  troops  to  crush  Shay's  rebellion.  It  required  the  quarrel 
between  Virginia  and  Maryland  as  to  the  right  to  navigate  the 
waters  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Potomac.  This  last  brought  a 
convention  to  Annapolis,  September  11,  1786.  Only  five  States 
were  represented.  They  did  nothing  respecting  the  point  in  dis- 
pute ;  they  could  do  nothing.  But  Hamilton  was  there,  and 
Madison,  and  Dickinson,  and  they  saw  but  one  way  out  of  such 
difficulties — that  was  by  creating  a  stronger  central  government 
and  endowing  it  with  ample  powers  on  all  such  delicate  subjects. 
Their  report  suggested  a  call  of  delegates  from  all  the  States  to 
meet  in  Philadelphia,  May  (second  Monday),  1787. 

A  CONSTITUTION.— Congress  adopted  this  report,  Febru- 
ary 21,  1787,  and  ordered  a  Convention.  All  the  States  sent 
delegates  except  Rhode  Island.  On  May  14,  they  met  in  Inde- 
pendence Hall,  but  a  majority  of  the  States  not  being  represented 
they  adjourned  from  day  to  day  till  the  25th.  Then  organiz- 
ing by  the  election  of  George  Washington  as  President,  they 
proceeded  to  business.  It  was  a  memorable  body.  The  veterans 
of  the  revolution  were  there,  and  the  wise  statesmen  of  the  times 
which  gave  birth  to  the  Bill  of  Rights,  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  the  Articles  of  the  Confederation.  They  were 
there  to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  past  and  propose  a  new  de- 
parture for  the  future.  Franklin  was  there,  at  eighty-one.  John- 
son of  Connecticut,  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina,  and  Dickinson, 
had  been  members  of  the  Stamp  Act  Congress.  Seven  of  them 
had  been  in  the  Congress  of  1774.  Eight  of  them  had  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  Their  deliberations  ran  through 
four  months,  and  they  were  carried  on  amid  great  diversity  of 
opinion.*     The    antagonisms    of   American   society,   errors    of 

*The  sessions  were  held  with  closed  doors,  and  the  utmost  secrecy  was  enjoined, 
no  member  being  even  allowed  to  copy  from  the  Convention's  Journal,  which  was 
entrusted  to  Washington,  and  by  him  deposited  in  the  State  Department.  It  was 
printed  by  direction  of  Congress  in  181 8. 


10^  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

opinion  and  deep-rooted  prejudices,  local  interests,  State  jealousies 
and  ambitions,  and  especially  the  matter  of  slavery,  these  all 
trooped  into  the  convention  to  make  it  a  scene  of  furious  storms, 
and  to  threaten  its  disruption  time  and  again.  Even  the  calm 
and  hopeful  Washington  said  he  almost  despaired  of  seeing  a 
favorable  issue  to  the  proceedings,  and  more  than  once  repented 
of  having  had  any  agency  in  the  business.  But  an  era  of  com- 
promise was  reached,  and  the  work  was  completed  on  September 
17,  1787.  All  the  members  present  signed  The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  except  Edmund  Randolph  and 
George  Mason  of  Virginia,  and  Elbridge  Gerry  of  Massachusetts. 
It  was  then  sent  to  the  States  to  be  ratified  by  Conventions, 
specially  called  for  the  purpose,  and  was  to  become  operative 
when  so  ratified  by  nine  of  the  States.  All  the  States  called 
Conventions  and  ratified,  except  Rhode  Island  and  North 
Carolina.* 

NEW  GOVERNMENT.— On  July  2,  1788,  the  President  of 
Congress  laid  before  that  body  the  ratification  of  the  requisite 
nine  States.  By  September  13,  "a  plan  for  putting  the  Con- 
stitution in  operation  "  was  completed.  The  first  Wednesday  in 
January  was  fixed  for  the  appointment  of  electors;  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February  for  their  meeting  to  vote  for  a  President ; 
and  the  first  Wednesday  in  March  as  the  time,  and  New  York 
as  the  place,  for  commencing  proceedings  under  the  new  Con- 
stitution. The  necessary  elections  of  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives having  been  held,  the  first  Congress  assembled  at  New 
York,  Wednesday,  March  4,  1789,  to  adjourn  for  want  of  a 
quorum  till  April  6,  when  the  votes  of  the  electors  being  counted 
it  was  found  that  George  Washington  had  been  unanimously 
elected   President  and  John  Adams  Vice-President.     On  April 

*  North  Carolina  afterwards  in  a  new  convention  held  November,  1789,  adopted 
the  Constitution,  and  Rhode  Island  by  a  convention  held  May,  1790.  The  debates 
in  the  respective  State  Conventions  over  the  question  of  ratifying  took  the  widest 
range  and  showed  great  diversity  of  sentiment.  In  only  three  States  was  the  Con- 
stitution adopted  unanimously,  New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Georgia.  In  Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  South  Carolina  it  had  large  majorities.  In  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York  and  Virginia  it  had  a  bare  majority,  and  in  the  remaining  States 
a  small  majority. 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  103 

30,  Washington  was  sworn  into  office,  and  our  present  form  of 
government  was  a  fact.* 

SENTIMENT.— -In  his  inaugural  Washington  said,  "  In  the 
important  revolution  just  accomplished  in  the  system  of  their 
united  government,  the  tranquil  delibeaations  and  voluntary  con- 
sent of  so  many  distinct  communities,  from  which  the  event  has 
resulted,  cannot  be  compared  with  the  means  by  which  most 
governments  have  been  established,  without  some  return  of  pious 
gratitude,  along  with  an  humble  anticipation  of  the  future  bless- 
ings which  the  past  seems  to  presage." 

"  The  strongest  government  on  earth "  and  "  the  only  one 
where  every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  law,  would  fly  to  the  stand- 
ard of  the  law,  and  would  meet  invasions  of  the  public  order  as 
his  own  personal  concern." — Jefferson's  Inaugural. 

"  America  has  emerged  from  her  struggle  into  tranquillity  and 
freedom,  into  affluence  and  credit ;  and  the  authors  of  her  Con- 
stitution have  constructed  a  great  permanent  experimental  an- 
swer to  the  sophisms  and  declarations  of  the  detractors  of 
liberty." — Sir  James  Mackintosh. 

14  To  those  great  men  who  framed  the  Constitution  and  secured 
the  adoption  of  it,  we  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  which  can  scarcely 
be  repaid.  It  was  not  then,  as  it  is  now,  looked  upon,  from 
the  blessings  which,  under  the  guidance  of  Divine  Providence,  it 
has  bestowed,  with  general  favor  and  affection.  On  the  contrary, 
many  of  those  pure  and  disinterested  patriots,  who  stood  forth 
the  firm  advocates  of  its  principles,  did  so  at  the  expense  of 
existing  popularity.  They  felt  that  they  had  a  higher  duty  to 
perform  than  to  flatter  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  or  subserve 
selfish,  sectional  or  local  interests.  Many  of  them  went  to  their 
graves  without  the  soothing  consolation  that  their  services  and 
sacrifices  were  appreciated.  Scorning  every  attempt  to  rise  to 
power  and  influence  by  the  common  arts  of  the  demagogue, 
they  were  content  to  trust  their  characters  and  conduct  to  the 
deliberate  judgment  of  posterity." — Story  on  the  Constitution. 

*  Chancellor  Livingston  administered  the  oath  of  office.  The  President  delivered 
his  inaugural  address  in  the  presence  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  a  custom  whicji 
was  adhered  to  till  Jefferson  changed  it. 


104  BUILDING  AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

"  It  animated  freemen  all  over  the  world  to  resist  oppression. 
It  gave  an  example  of  a  great  people  not  only  emancipating 
themselves,  but  governing  themselves  without  even  a  monarch 
to  control  or  an  aristocracy  to  restrain  them  ;  and  it  demonstrated 
for  the  first  time  in  the  rystory  of  the  world,  contrary  to  all  the 
predictions  of  statesmen  and  the  theories  of  speculative  inquirers, 
that  a  great  nation,  when  duly  prepared  for  the  task,  is  capable 
of  self-government ;  or  in  other  words,  that  a  purely  republican 
form  of  government  can  be  formed  and  maintained  in  a  country 
of  vast  extent,  peopled  by  millions  of  inhabitants." — Brougham's 
Political  Philosophy. 

"The  republican  government  was  a  success  because  in  its 
operation  it  met  the  needs  of  the  two  fundamental  conditions  of 
American  political  life,  diversity  and  union,  as  correlative  forces 
— on  the  one  hand,  the  development  of  the  Commonwealth  or 
State  ;  on  the  other,  of  the  union  or  nation." — Frotldngham  s 
Rise  of  the  Republic. 

"  It  actually  secured,  for  what  is  really  a  long  period  of  time, 
a  greater  amount  of  combined  peace  and  freedom  than  was  ever 
before  enjoyed  by  so  large  a  portion  of  the  earth's  surface. 
There  have  been,  and  still  are,  vaster  despotic  empires;  but  never 
before  has  so  large  an  inhabited  territory  remained  for  more  than 
seventy  years  in  the  enjoyment  of  internal  freedom  and  of  ex- 
emption from  the-  scourge  of  internal  war." — Freeman  s  Hist,  of 
Federal  Gov. 

Even  as  Freeman  wrote  (1861),  the  Republic  was  passing 
through  its  severest  ordeal — that  of  civil  war ;  and  the  verdict 
rendered  in  this  supreme  court  of  armed  force  was  in  favor  of  the 
Constitution.  All  the  above  are  wonderfully  pleasing  and  in- 
spiring pictures  of  potency  and  adaptation,  yet  they  were  not 
undreamt  of  among  the  early  patriot  seers. 

"  The  celestial  light  of  the  gospel  was  directed  here  by  the 
finger  of  God ;  it  will  doubtless  finally  drive  the  long,  long  night 
of  heathenish  darkness  from  America.  So  arts  and  sciences  will 
change  the  face  of  nature  in  their  tour  from  hence  over  the  Appa- 
lachian chain  to  the  Western  ocean  ;  and  as  they  march  through 
the  vast  desert,  the  residence  of  wild  beasts  will  be  broken  up 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  105 

and  their  obscure  howl  cease  forever.  Instead  of  which,  the 
stones  and  trees  will  dance  together  at  the  music  of  Orpheus, 
the  rocks  will  disclose  their  hidden  gems,  and  the  inestimable 
treasures  of  gold  and  silver  be  broken  up.  Huge  mountains  of 
iron-ore  are  already  discovered,  and  vast  stores  are  reserved  for 
future  generations.  This  metal,  more  useful  than  gold  and 
silver,  will  employ  millions  of  hands,  not  only  to  form  the  mar- 
tial sword  and  peaceful  share,  alternately,  but  an  infinity  of 
utensils  improved  in  the  exercise  of  art  and  handicraft  amongst 
men.  Nature  through  all  her  works  has  stamped  authority  on 
this  law,  namely,  that  all  fit  matter  shall  be  improved  to  its  best 
purposes.  Shall  not,  then,  those  vast  quarries  that  teem  with 
mechanic  stone,  those  for  structure  be  piled  into  great  cities,  and 
those  for  sculpture  to  perpetuate  the  honor  of  renowned  heroes, 
even  those  who  shall  now  save  their  country  ?  O  ye  unborn 
inhabitants  of  America !  should  this  page  escape  the  destined 
conflagration  at  the  year's  end,  and  these  alphabetical  letters 
remain  legible,  when  your  eyes  behold  the  sun  after  he  has 
rolled  the  season  round  for  two  or  three  centuries  more,  you  will 
know  that  in  Anno  Domini  1758,  we  dreamed  of  your  times."  * 
THE  OLD  THIRTEEN  STATES.— These  States  had  first 
colonial  existence,  then  independent  revolutionary  existence 
under  the  Congress,  then  united  existence  under  the  pledge  of 
the  Confederation,  and  now  they  come  to  have  cemented  exist- 
ence under  the  Constitution  and  constitutional  form  of  govern- 
ment. Their  membership  in  the  Republic  dates  from  their  rati- 
fication of  the  Constitution  by  conventions  chosen  for  the  pur- 
pose. These  dates  are:  "Delaware,  Dec.  7,  1787;  Pennsylvania, 
Dec.  12,  1787;  New  Jersey,  Dec.  18,  1787;  Georgia,  Jan.  2,  1788; 
Connecticut,  Jan.  9,  1788;  Massachusetts,  Feb.  6,  1788;  Mary- 
land, April  28,  1788;  South  Carolina,  May  23,  1788;  New 
Hampshire,  June  21,  1788;  Virginia,  June  25,  1788;  New  York, 
July  26,  1788;  North  Carolina,  Nov.  21,  1789;  Rhode  Island, 
May  29,  1790. 

*  Written  by  Nathaniel  Ames,  father  of  Fisher  Ames,  in  Ames'  Almanac  for  1758, 
and  one  of  the  most  remarkable  prophecies  relating  to  America. 


106  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

THE  EARLIEST  TERRITORIES.— While  yet  the  country 
was  limping  along  under  the  Confederation,  it  entered  upon  the 
work  of  disposing  of  its  lands  acquired  by  the  treaty  of  1783. 
Its  first  action  was  by  the  celebrated  ordinance  of  July  13,  1787, 
already  alluded  to,  which  created  "  The  Territory  Northwest  of 
the  Ohio  river  "  out  of  the  Virginia  cession  up  to  41  °,  and  out 
of  all  north  of  that  parallel,  ceded  by  Great  Britain.  Out  of  this 
territory,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  ordinance,  not  less 
than  three  States  were  to  be  formed  fronting  on  the  Ohio  river. 
Out  of  all  that  was  left,  lying  north  of  an  east  and  west  line 
drawn  through  the  southern  extremity  of  Lake  Michigan,  one 
or  two  other  States  were  to  be  formed.  The  provisions  of  this 
ordinance  were  afterwards  carried  out  in  the  formation  of  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Illinois,  and  so,  of  the  remaining  portion  of  the  ter- 
ritory, were  formed  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  that  part  of  Min- 
nesota east  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  next  disposition  of  public  domain  was  made  by  the 
present  government  on  May  26,  1790.  It  then  erected  the  "Ter- 
ritory south  of  the  Ohio  river,"  out  of  cessions  by  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina,  and  gave  it  a  government  similar  to  that  or- 
dained for  the  Territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio.  Out  of  this 
Territory,  in  due  time,  sprang  the  States  of  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee, though  to  the  latter  was  added  the  strip  of  twelve  miles 
wide,  ceded  by  South  Carolina. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA.— All  this  was  simply  pushing 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  government  in  a  Territorial  way.  The 
real  work  of  State  carving  and  building,  outside  of  original 
limits,  was,  however,  soon  to  begin  in  earnest.  But  we  must 
first  notice  that  important  grant  which  had  the  effect  of  fixing 
the  location  of  the  National  Capital.  Article  1,  Sec.  8,  of  the 
Constitution  empowered  Congress  "  to  exercise  exclusive  legis- 
lation, in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such  district  (not  exceeding 
ten  miles  square)  as  may  by  cession  of  particular  States,  and 
the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of  government  of 
the  United  States."  By  act  of  her  legislature,  Dec.  23,  1788, 
Maryland  made  a  cession  of  territory  ten  miles  square  for  the 
above  purpose.     Nearly  a  year  afterwards,  Dec.  3,   1789,  Vir- 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  107 

ginia  ceded  a  like,  or  less,  quantity  of  land  for  a  similar  purpose. 
Thus  the  government  was  in  possession  of  more  than  it  needed 
for  a  capital.  However,  it  accepted  both  grants,  July  16,  1790, 
and  ordained  that  the  same  should  become  the  permanent  seat 
of  government  of  the  United  States.  In  the  same  act  the  Presi- 
dent was  authorized  to  fix  the  boundaries  of  the  cessions  so  as 
to  bring  their  limits  within  the  constitutional  provision  of  ten 
miles  square.  *  This  he  did  by  proclamation,  March  30,  1791. 
The  territory  retained  embraced  sixty-four  square  miles  of  that 
part  ceded  by  Maryland  and  thirty-six  of  that  ceded  by  Virginia. 
Over  this  the  government  assumed  control  by  Act  of  Feb.  27, 
1 80 1.  But  it  was  cut  in  twain  by  the  Potomac.  Therefore,  by 
act  of  July  9,  1846,  the  Virginia  portion  was  retroceded  to  that 
State,  leaving  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  permanent  seat 
of  government  to  occupy  only  the  Maryland  cession  of  about 
sixty-four  square  miles. 

VERMONT  FIRST.— The  introduction  of  new  States  makes 
a  curious  and  instructive  history.  Some  ripened  as  Territories 
and  drifted  naturally  into  their  places  as  States  of  the  Union. 
Others  were  forced  into  position  ere  they  were  ready,  in  obedi- 
ence to  a  balancing  principle  which,  at  an  early  day,  was  resorted 
to  for  the  gratification  of  sectional  feelings  and  interests.  Still 
others  were  admitted  for  protective  border  or  commercial  rea- 
sons. But,  let  it  be  hoped,  that  all  were  admitted  for  their  own 
advantage  and  that  of  the  national  government,  and  that  now 
no  one  would  wish  to  lose  its  place  in  the  federal  arch. 

The  first  to  link  her  fortunes  with  the  "  old  thirteen  "  was 
Vermont.  She,  above  all  others,  had  had  an  unfortunate  terri- 
torial existence,  and  her  admission  was  a  happy  escape  from 
troubles  which  otherwise  seemed  unending.  Claimed  by  Massa- 
chusetts under  the  wonderful  Plymouth  charter,  by  New  Hamp- 
shire whose  western  limit  was  practically  unascertained,  by  New 
York  because  "the  New  Netherlands,"  afterwards  the  possession 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  ran  indefinitely  northeastward,  and  by 
France  because  it  lay  along  a  water  way  into  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  peopled  more  or  less  by  all  these  claimants,  New  Hamp- 
shire had  been  from  the  earliest  times  a  common  raiding-ground 


108  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  seat  of  contention.  The  fight  between  New  York  and  New 
Hampshire  waxed  so  bitter  that  a  decision  was  invoked  from  the 
crown.  New  York  won,  and  her  line  was  adjudged  to  extend 
to  the  Connecticut  river.  The  folly  of  New  Y6rk  in  deciding 
the  New  Hampshire  grants  of  lands  in  Vermont  illegal  stirred 
up  the  landholders  to  armed  resistance.  There  is  no  telling 
how  far  the  war  would  have  been  carried,  for  the  Vermonters 
were  very  determined,  had  not  the  revolution  turned  attention 
in  another  direction.  Even  during  the  war  with  Great  Britain 
the  Vermonters,  January,  1777,  established  for  their  territory  an 
independent  jurisdiction  under  the  name  of  "  New  Connecticut  or 
Vermont."  Thus  equipped  they  petitioned  the  Continental  Con- 
gress for  admission  into  the  Union,  a  request  which  was  entitled 
to  respect,  for  Vermont  was  playing  a  brave  and  important  role, 
and  was  really  as  much  of  an  independent  colony  as  any  other. 
But  she  was  headed  off  by  New  York  and  New  Hampshire, 
neither  of  whom  were  yet  ready  to  relinquish  their  hold  upon 
her.  To  make  matters  worse  Massachusetts  revived  her  sleep- 
ing claim  to  the  soil.  The  plight  was  pitiable.  No  redress  was 
to  be  had  of  tlie  indecisive  government  of  the  Confederation,  for 
it  was  really  no  government  at  all.  The  farmers  again  flew  to 
arms  under  the  lead  of  the  intrepid  Ethan  Allen,  and  were  i\ow 
more  than  ever  determined  to  resist  the  attempt  of  New  York 
to  push  her  authority  into  their  midst.  The  British,  knowing 
the  tardiness  and  negligence  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation, 
and  hoping  that  the  Vermonters  would  soon  be  driven  to  seek 
the  protection  of  a  stronger  government,  actually  opened  negotia- 
tions to  have  them  cast  their  lot  in  with  theirs.  But  these 
spirited  Green  Mountain  men  were  not  disloyal  enough  for  that. 
They  clung  closely  together,  kept  up  a  government  of  their  own, 
fought  bravely  through  the  war  of  the  revolution,  and  at  the 
peace  of  1783  constituted  a  State,  so  far  as  machinery  went,  as 
perfect  as  any  of  the  original  thirteen. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  1787,  and  the  forma- 
tion of  the  new  government  under  it,  she  again  petitioned  for 
admission.  New  York  opposed  her  as  before.  But  this  time  the 
power  of  the  central  government  was  stronger.     It  could  hear 


BUILDING   TOLITICALLY.  109 

and  decide,  and  was  willing  to  do  so.  A  commission  was  created 
to  investigate  and  decide  the  conflict.  New  York  was  paid 
$30,000  with  which  to  quiet  the  titles  of  her  citizens  holding 
lands  in  Vermont.  Thereupon  she  withdrew  all  claims  to  juris- 
diction, and  by  act  of  Feb.  18,  1791,  to  take  effect  March  4, 
1 79 1,  Vermont  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  with  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  a  State.  As  intimated  her  independent  State 
existence  became  necessary  as  a  cure  for  the  evils  which  had 
come  upon  her  through  conflicting  claims  of  ownership  and 
their  foolish  assertion,  and  not  for  any  very  pressing  geographic 
or  commercial  reason.  The  United  States  now  embraced  four- 
teen States. 

KENTUCKY'S  ADMISSION.— Kentucky  very  properly 
came  into  the  Union  at  an  early  date.  She  had  been  a  dissatis- 
fied and  dangerous  Territory  for  a  long  time.  Her  region  had 
been  a  hunting-ground  and  battle-field  remote  from  her  mother 
Virginia,  whose  protection  was  quite  too  feeble  to  be  of  any 
account.  The  wild,  brave  spirits  who  had  found  a  home  in  the 
midst  of  "  the  dark  and  bloody  grounds  "  had  more  than  once 
declared  that  inasmuch  as  Virginia  could  give  them  no  pro- 
tection, they  ought  to  set  up  a  government  of  their  own.  But 
they  never  completely  severed  their  relations  with  the  mother 
colony  or  State,  for  the  reason  that  they  regarded  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Confederation  as  of  no  more  consequence  to  them, 
in  the  matter  of  protection,  than  Virginia.  So  they  drifted  amid 
years  and  years  of  conventions,  debates  and  resolutions,  on  the 
propriety  of  doing  something  toward  protective  organization. 
At  one  time  it  looked  as  if  the  entire  territory  might  be  lost  to 
the  Union,  and  a  war  to  recover  it  be  the  consequence.  Spain, 
understanding  the  situation,  secretly  proposed  rare  commercial 
favors  if  the  Territory  would  declare  independence  and  start  out 
on  a  career  of  its  own.  Knowledge  of  this  proposition  stirred  pub- 
lic sentiment  to  the  very  bottom.  Two  conventions  *  were  held  in 
quick  succession,  at  Danville,  looking  toward  a  territorial  govern- 
ment, and  as  a  greater  measure  of  safety  toward  admission  into  the 
Union.     In  these  the  debates  ran  high,  and  disputes  were  often 

*  They  were  the  sixth  and  seventh  which  had  been  held. 


HO  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

long  and  angry.  At  length  out  of  the  turmoil  came  a  proposi- 
tion to  recommend  separate  territorial  existence.  Congress 
acted  promptly  and  erected  "  The  Territory  South  of  the  Ohio 
River,"  including  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  May  26,  1 790.  This 
action  was  followed  Feb.  4,  1 791,  to  take  effect  June  1,  1792,  by 
another  act  admitting  Kentucky  into  the  Union  as  a  State.  Thus 
was  used  the  old  territory  of  Virginia  s6uth  of  the  Ohio. 

TENNESSEE  ADMITTED.— -Tennessee  was  that  part  of 
the  national  domain  ceded  by  North  Carolina,  to  which  was 
added,  on  the  south,  the  strip  of  twelve  miles  wide  ceded  by 
South  Carolina.  It  was  also  all  that  was  left  of  "  the  Territory 
South  of  the  Ohio,"  after  Kentucky  was  admitted.  It  too  was  a 
dangerous  Territory,  bordering  as  it  did  on  partly  foreign  waters 
(the  Mississippi),  and  subject  to  the  same  inducements  to  drift 
away  from  the  Atlantic  influence,  as  was  Kentucky.  Like  Ken- 
tucky, also,  the  Tennessee  region  had  early  become  the  scene  of 
white  settlement  and  bloody  Indian  encounter.  It  too  was  "  a 
dark  and  bloody  ground  "  for  many  years,  extending  from,  say 
1754  to  the  close  of  the  American  revolution.  Indeed,  during 
the  revolution  Great  Britain  attempted  to  work  in  the  rear  of 
the  American  situation  by  arming  the  Cherokees  and  pushing 
them  through  the  settlements  of  the  Cumberland  and  on  to  the 
colonists  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.  Only  by  the  most 
heroic  efforts  of  the  Carolina  and  Virginia  militia  was  the  terri- 
tory held  against  Indian  foe  and  English  promise  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  special  favors  if  they  too  would  take  up  arms  against  the 
Atlantic  colonists. 

As  long  as  the  territory  belonged  to  North  Carolina  it  was 
known  as  the  "  District  of  Washington."  After  the  peace  of 
1783,  and  the  founding  of  Nashville,  the  people  felt  that  the 
Mother  Colony  was  no  longer  protective,  yet  like  those  of  Ken- 
tucky, they  had  no  faith  in  the  government  of  the  Confederation, 
and  deemed  it  a  feeble  power  to  tie  to.  They  were,  therefore,  at 
sea  as  to  a  proper  allegiance,  till  after  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  1787.  Then,  with  a  stronger  central  government  in 
view,  one  which  could  afford  the  much  needed  protection,  and 
which  was  worthy  of   confidence  and   support,  their  political 


BUILDING    POLITICALLY.  Hi 

future  became  plain.  North  Carolina  relinquished  all  control  in 
1790,  and  in  the  same  year  Tennessee  became  a  part  of  "The 
Territory  South  of  the  Ohio."  Two  years  after  the  admission 
of  Kentucky,  the  people  formed  a  State  Constitution  and  pre- 
sented it  to  Congress.  It  was  approved  June  1,  1796,  and  Ten- 
nessee became  a  State  of  the  American  Union,  her  territory 
having  been  that  of  North  Carolina  and  part  of  South  Carolina. 
The  admission  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  was  a  commercial 
necessity.  They  gave  to  the  Union  a  Mississippi  frontage, 
headed  off  further  Spanish  scheming  in  the  upper  valley,  and 
presented  the  hand  of  our  dynasty  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  taken 
hold  of  in  friendly  commercial  clasp  across  the  "  Father  of 
Waters,"  or  with  iron  grip  for  supremacy  from  Lake  Itaska  to 
the  Delta.     The  stars  on  the  American  flag  numbered  sixteen. 

OHIO  GETS  READY.— Turning  the  century  the  govern- 
ment was  busy  with  its  "  Territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio."  By 
act  of  May  7,  1800,  to  take  effect  July  1,  1800,  it  was  divided 
into  two  parts.  This  was  getting  ready  for  the  State  of  Ohio, 
for  one  part  was  very  like  the  present  Ohio.  The  other  part  was 
incorporated  into  the  "  Territory  of  Indiana."  And  a  word  about 
this  "  Territory  of  Indiana."  It  of  course  comprised  all  that 
was  left  of  M  The  Territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio,"  after  Ohio 
was  taken  away.  But  it  had  a  greater  fame  before  it.  After 
France  made  her  cession  of  Louisiana  it  was,  by  act  of  October 
I,  1804,  erected  into  "The  District  of  Louisiana,"  and  placed 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  officers  appointed  to  govern  the 
Territory  of  Indiana.  Thus,  for  purposes  of  government,  the 
Territory  of  Indiana  was  a  vast  empire,  the  largest  by  far  ever 
organized  by  the  government  within  its  territory.  Territorial 
Indiana  reached  to  the  Pacific  and  the  gulf. 

The  part  cut  off,  and  which  was  to  become  Ohio,  embraced  all 
of  present  Ohio  up  to  a  line  drawn  east  and  west  through  the 
southern  point  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  this  was  Ohio  as  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  by  act  of  April  30,  1802,  to  take  effect 
November  29,  1802.  But  the  Ohio  of  to-day  contains  some 
600  square  miles  more  territory.  Her  northern  boundary  was 
adjusted  by  act  of  June  15,  1836,  called  the  "  Enabling  act  for 
the  State  of  Michigan,"  and  by  act  of  June  23,  i8?6. 


112  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

France  and  England,  both  original  claimants  of  Ohio,  began 
to  clash  about,  and  on,  the  soil  as  early  as  1750.  It  had  been  a 
stamping  ground  for  French  traders  long  before  this.  At  that 
time  Virginians  and  Englishmen,  having  obtained  a  grant  of 
600,000  acres,  came  as  settlers  and  traders.  Frequent  collisions 
with  the  French  ended  in  war.  To  drive  out  the  French  was 
the  object  of  Braddock's  disastrous  march  on  Fort  Du  Quesne. 
Not  until  the  loss  of  Canada  and  the  Mississippi  valley  by 
France  in  1763,  did  Ohio  become  undisputed  English  soil.  On 
account  of  these  rival  claims  and  bloody  disputes,  permanent 
settlement  was  tardy  in  a  land  so  inviting  and  so  contiguous  to 
the  old  States.  Even  after  the  organization  of  "  The  Territory  of 
the  Northwest,"  Ohio  was  by  no  means  a  pleasant  place  to  go  to, 
for  the  Indians  were  very  tenacious  of  their  titles  to  the  land, 
and  were  kept  in  a  state  of  ferment  and  opposition  by  the 
British  on  the  north.  The  entire  region  was  in  a  state  of  war 
from  1790  to  1794,  when  the  Miamies  were  humiliated  by 
General  Wayne.  After  this  migration  and  settlement  were 
phenomenally  rapid. 

LOUISIANA  COMES.— The  mention  of  Louisiana  intro- 
duces us  to  a  strange  people.  The  Latin  race  was  in  the  ascend- 
ant there  and  not  the  Saxon.  It  was  the  key  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  was  desirable  to  any  nation  with  commercial 
ambitions.  When  Spain  held  it  she  was  very  jealous  of  it,  and 
her  ownership  was  a  bar  to  free  commerce  through  either  gulf 
or  Mississippi  channels.  She  saw  that  her  occupancy  was  a 
standing  threat  on  the  United  States,  and  that  the  commercial 
drift  of  all  the  country  east  of  the  river,  whose  drainage  was 
into  it,  must  be  toward  her.  Hence,  her  schemes  of  an  empire 
which  should  embrace  both  sides  of  the  river.  Hence,  also, 
those  other  schemes,  of  which  Aaron  Burr's  was  one,  for  a  great 
southwestern  country  whose  strong  point  should  be  control  of 
the  "  Father  of  Waters  " — at  this  date  let  it  be  charitably  sup- 
posed, in  favor  of  the  United  States. 

After  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  from  France  in  1803,  no  time 
was  lost  in  getting  it  under  control.  That  part  of  the  immense 
territory  now  in  the  State  of  Louisiana  (nearly  all)  was  erected 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  \\o 

into  the  "Territory  of  Orleans,"  by  act  of  March  26,  1804. 
Claiborne,  who  was  sent  as  governor,  found  our  form  of  govern- 
ment unsuitable  for  a  people  who  spoke  little  English  and  whose 
institutions  rested  on  laws  and  customs  foreign  to  our  own.  So 
by  act  of  Congress  (1805")  tney  were  given  a  government  similar 
to  that  established  for  the  Territory  of  Mississippi,  which  also 
contained  a  mixed  Spanish  and  French  population.  Out  of  this 
act  sprang  a  system  of  local  laws,  embracing  many  features  of 
the  Code  Napoleon,  to  which  the  people  were  reconciled.  All 
the  rest  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  went  into  the  District  of 
Louisiana,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  became  a  part  of  the  Terri- 
tory of  Indiana. 

Spain  would  not  relinquish  her  right  to  the  territory  of 
Louisiana  lying  east  of  the  Mississippi,  claiming  that  her  ces- 
sion to  France  did  not  cover  it,  and  that  she  still  owned  it  as  a 
part  of  her  Florida.  Therefore,  in  1 8 10,  the  United  States 
seized  the  port  of  Baton  Rouge,  and  adjudged  the  Spanish 
territory  to  be  a  part  of  Louisiana.  An  act  of  Congress  passed 
Feb.  20,  181 1,  enabled  the  Territory  of  Orleans  to  become  a 
State.  By  act  of  April  8,  18 12,  to  take  effect  April  30,  the  same 
was  admitted  as  a  State,  under  the  name  of  Louisiana.  Thus 
finally  ended  what  had  for  a  long  time  been  a  quiet  struggle 
between  Spain  and  the  United  States  for  permanent  sovereignty 
of  a  section  which,  had  the  result  been  otherwise,  must  have 
for  a  long  time  retarded  our  western  growth.  The  admission 
was  a  matter  of  clear  and  decisive  policy,  in  a  commercial 
sense,  however  much  it  may  have  been  objected  to  by  certain 
parties  at  the  time.  It  created  a  sovereign  State  right  where  the 
greatest  inducement  existed  to  protect  it,  and  right  where  one 
of  firm  attachment  to  the  Union  was  most  needed.  It  projected 
the  national  authority  to  the  gulf  lines  and  set  up  an  everlasting 
barrier  to  interference  with  internal  commerce  along  ten  thou- 
sand miles  of  water  way. 

INDIANA    ADMITTED.— -The  vast  Territory  of   Indiana, 

created  in  1800  out  of  that  northwest  of  the  Ohio  and  extended 

indefinitely  by  adding,  in   1804,  the  District  of  Louisiana,  now 

gave  a  State  to  the  Union  and  its  name  to  that  State.     It  was 

8 


114  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

carved  out  of  the  southeastern  part  of  that  Territory  by  the  en- 
abling act  of  April  19,  18 16,  and  the  resolution  approving  of  its 
constitution  and  admitting  it  into  the  Union,  as  the  State  of  In- 
diana, was  passed  Dec.  11,  1 8 16.  The  State  was  not  without  a 
remote  territorial  history.  France  had  dotted  it  with  trading 
and  missionary  posts,  some  of  which,  as  Vincennes,  became 
permanent  settlements.  After  the  loss  of  the  French  territory, 
in  1763,  to  England,  Indiana,  like  Ohio,  was  not  an  inviting 
field  for  settlement.  The  Indians  were  tenacious  of  their  lands. 
Their  liking  for  the  old  French  influence,  and  the  ease  with 
which  the  British  stirred  them  up  to  resent  pioneering,  kept  back 
our  civilization.  After  the  treaty  of  1783,  when  the  whole  ter- 
ritory passed  from  Great  Britain  to  the  United  States  of  the 
Confederation,  the  Indians  became  bitterly  hostile.  In  1788,  one 
year  after  the  framing  of  the  constitution,  an  Indian  war  broke 
out,  which  involved  the  whole  Northwest.  It  only  ceased  when 
their  powerful  and  dangerous  confederacy  was  broken  by  the 
victories  of  General  Wayne.  Even  then  the  brave  Shawnee 
leader  Tecumseh  would  not  submit  but  held  on,  a  source  of 
terror  to  every  infant  settlement,  till  his  defeat  by  General  Har- 
rison in  the  celebrated  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  Nov.  11,  181 1. 

MISSISSIPPI  ADMITTED.— The  twentieth  State  to  enter 
the  Union  was  Mississippi.  It  was  carved  out  of  the  Territory 
of  Mississippi,  by  act  of  March  1,  1817,  which  was  also  the  date 
of  the  enabling  act.  Her  constitution  and  form  of  government 
having  been  submitted  to  Congress  and  approved,  she  was  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  by  joint  resolution  of  Dec.  10,  18 17. 
Out  of  the  balance  of  Mississippi  Territory,  the  State  of 
Alabama  was  created. 

ILLINOIS  A  STATE.— We  must  turn  to  the  north  for  the 
next  State  of  the  Union.  Not  less  than  three  States  were  to  be 
formed  out  of  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio.  Two  have  ap- 
peared, Ohio  and  Indiana.  The  third  takes  shape  as  Illinois. 
It  became  the  Territory  of  Illinois  by  act  of  March  1,  1809, 
though  it  extended  clear  to  the  British  possessions.  By  the 
enabling  act  of  April  18,  1 818,  the  present  limits  of  the  State 
were  fixed,  and  by  joint  resolution  of  Dec.  3,  18 18,  the  State  was 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  115 

admitted  into  the  Union.  Though  the  twenty-first  State,  Illinois 
had  a  history  extending  back  into  the  seventeenth  century.  Her 
towns  of  Kaskaskia,  Cahokia  and  others  were  French  settle- 
ments and  distributing  centres  as  early  as  1673.  But  the 
French  occupancy  was  a  lonely  one,  and  Illinois  presents  the 
historic  spectacle  of  a  Christian  civilization  gradually  falling 
back  and  merging  with  that  of  its  Indian  surroundings.  Like 
Ohio  and  Indiana,  Illinois  became  deeply  involved  in  the  French 
and  English  wars  for  the  possession  of  the  Northwest,  and  like 
them  it  passed  into  British  hands  by  the  treaty  of  1763,  and  into 
the  possession  of  the  United  States  by  the  treaty  of  1783. 

ALABAMA  ENTERS.— Now  that  we  have  had  a  Northern 
State  there  must  be  a  Southern  one.  By  this  time  it  was 
regarded  as  the  proper  thing  to  create  alternate  free  and  slave 
States.  Indeed,  few  States  had  hitherto  been  admitted  without 
discussion  of  the  question  of  slavery,  and  few  were  to  be  ad- 
mitted without  similar  discussion.  The  matter  had  been  some- 
what bitterly  mooted  when  the  question  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  was  up,  and  afterwards  when  Kentucky  was  a  candi- 
date for  admission.  Well,  the  new  State  was  to  be  Alabama, 
the  remnant  of  Mississippi  Territory.  Two  days  after  the  State 
of  Mississippi  was  cut  out  of  this  Territory,  the  Territory  of 
Alabama  was  formed,  March  3,  18 17.  Two  years  afterwards  an 
act  enabling  Alabama  to  become  a  State  was  passed,  March  2, 
1 8 19.  By  joint  resolution  of  Dec.  14,  1 8 19,  she  was  admitted 
as  a  State  in  the  Union,  the  twenty-second  on  the  list. 

MAINE  APPEARS. — There  was  a  race  between  the  North 
and  South  for  the  next  State,  the  twenty-third.  Maine  and 
Missouri  were  the  competitors,  with  Maine  in  the  lead.  Lapse 
of  time  had  fixed  the  claim  of  Massachusetts  to  the  soil  of 
Maine,  and  to  the  right  to  govern  her.  There  were  many  of  her 
people,  however,  who  never  acknowledged  this  claim,  and 
various  attempts  were  made,  notably  in  1785  and  1802,  to  effect 
a  separation.  At  length,  in  18 19,  the  Territorial  legislature* 
ordered  an  election  of  delegates  "  to  express  the  true  will  of  the 
people."     The  convention  thus  created,  operating  with  the  con- 

*  Not  a  Territory  of  the  United  States,  but  a  Territory  of  Massachusetts. 


116  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sent  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  adopted  a  constitution 
and  separate  form  of  government,  which  received  the  approba- 
tion of  the  people.  Massachusetts  made  formal  cession  of  all 
her  claims  to  the  Territory.  By  act  of  Congress,  March  3,  1820, 
to  take  effect  March  15,  1820,  Maine  was  admitted  into  the 
Union  as  a  State. 

MISSOURI  ENTERS  AMID  STORM.— At  least  a  year 
before  Maine  was  admitted,  a  bill  to  enable  the  Territory  of  Mis- 
souri (a  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase)  to  become  a  State  was 
introduced  in  Congress.  In  the  House  an  amendment  was 
offered,  in  the  words  of  the  ordinance  (1787)  for  the  government 
of  the  Territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio,  "  prohibiting  slavery  or 
involuntary  servitude  in  Missouri,  except  as  a  punishment  for 
crime."  Though  the  Republicans  (Democrats)  were  in  an  over- 
whelming majority  in  both  branches,  party  lines  were  dropped 
in  the  House,  and  the  amendment  was  carried,  but  was  rejected 
in  the  Senate.* 

This  brought  the  slavery  question  into  a  shape  it  had  never 
assumed  before.  It  came  suddenly.  Ex-President  Jefferson 
said,  "  it  startled  him  like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night."  It  came,  as  a 
question,  from  the  house  of  its  supposed  friends.  Before  this  the 
Ohio  River  had  been  a  convenient  line  upon  which  to  determine 
these  questions  of  slave  and  free  State  admissions.  But  there 
was  no  Ohio  beyond  the  Mississippi.  Hence  a  new  line  became 
necessary,  or  rather  no  line,  for  the  best  anti-slavery  minds  con- 
tended that  slavery  in  the  Territories  was  a  question  absolutely 
within  the  purview  of  Congress.  It  was  not  a  question  of 
parties.  The  Federal  party  was  practically  dead,  and  the  Re- 
publican (Democratic)  party  held  the  entire  political  line  north 
and  south.  It  therefore  became  a  question  of  sections,  and  bit- 
terly the  battle  was  fought  over  Missouri.  The  next  year  (1820) 
the  defeated  Missouri  bill  came  up  again  in  the  House,  as  did 

*  This  astounding  measure  and  vote  in  the  House,  together  with  the  popularity 
of  Clay's  plans  for  American  Protection  and  Internal  Improvement,  showed  that 
there  was  then  the  nucleus  of  a  new  party  within  the  Republican  ranks,  which  was 
soon  (1825)  to  assume  shape  as  the  National  Republican,  afterwards  the  Whig 
party. 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  117 

the  bill  to  admit  Maine.  Both  passed,  and  both  prohibited 
slavery.  The  Senate  passed  the  Maine  bill,  and  united  it  with  a 
bill  for  Missouri,  permitting  slavery.*  This  was  done  to  throw 
the  responsibility  of  rejection  on  the  House,  a  responsibility 
which  the  House  did  not  hesitate  to  assume,  for  it  speedily  de- 
feated the  Senate  bill.  Henry  Clay  then  came  forward  with  the 
celebrated  compromise  measure,  known  as  "  The  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820,"  by  which  both  sections  agreed  to  pass  the 
respective  bills,  one  admitting  Maine  as  a  free  State,  the  other 
admitting  Missouri  as  a  slave  State,  and  forever  prohibiting 
slavery  in  all  territory  north  of  the  line  of  360  30'. 

This  memorable  controversy  ended,  the  Missouri  enabling  act 
was  passed  March  6,  1820.  By  joint  resolution  of  March  2, 
1 82 1,  the  admission  of  the  State  was  further  provided  for,  and 
by  proclamation  of  August  10,  the  State  was  declared  to  be  a 
member  of  the  Union.  It  had  a  population  in  excess  of  the 
60,000  then  required  to  enable  a  Territory  to  become  a  State, 
and  its  chief  town,  St.  Louis,  with  a  population  of  5,000,  was  the 
commercial  emporium  of  the  upper.  Mississippi.  Missouri  was 
the  first  State  formed  wholly  out  of  the  territory  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  Though  but  a  small  part  of  that  land  of  Louisiana 
which  stretched  away  to  the  Pacific  and  up  to  the  British  line,  it 
was  felt  that  whatever  policy,  as  to  slavery,  prevailed  in  her  ad- 
mission would  be  likely  to  prevail  in  all  the  States  carved  out 
of  the  same  lands.  This  was  why  the  fight  over  her  admission 
was  so  bitter,  and  why  it  was  deemed  proper,  then  and  there,  to 
fix  the  policy  which  should  control  the  admission  of  future  trans- 
Mississippi  States,  by  the  compromise  line  of  360  30'.  By  act 
of  June  7,  1836,  the  northwest  boundary  of  the  State  was  ex- 
tended to  the  Missouri  River,  the  triangular  piece  thus  added 
containing  about  3,168  square  miles. 

ARKANSAS  ADMITTED.— There  was  a  period  of  rest  from 
the  work  of  State  building,  which  lasted  for  sixteen  years,  dur- 
ing which  time  the  outlying   territories  were   ripening.     The 

*  The  Senate  only  partially  divided  into  sections.  Enough  Northern  Senators 
voted  with  those  from  the  South,  to  defeat  the  action  of  the  House. 


118  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

"  Territory  of  Arkansaw  "  *  had  been  carved  out  of  the  Territory 
of  Missouri,  by  act  of  March  19,  1819.  It  had  limits  coincident 
with  those  of  the  present  State.  By  act  of  June  15,  1836,  the 
same  was  admitted  as  the  State  of  Arkansas.  It  had  not  a  full 
quota  of  inhabitants  when  admitted,  and  but  little  previous 
history  except  what  belonged  to  the  period  of  French  and 
Spanish  occupancy.  The  French  claimed  Arkansas  Post  as 
among  the  oldest  settlements  of  the  country. 

MICHIGAN  A  CANDIDATE.— An  important  State  was 
now  ready  in  the  Northwest.  The  Territory  of  Michigan  had 
been  formed  as  early  as  June  30,  1805,  from  the  Territory  of  In- 
diana. It  then  included  but  little  more  than  the  Michigan  penin- 
sula, between  Lakes  Huron  and  Erie  and  Lake  Michigan.  On 
June  28,  1834,  the  Territory  of  Michigan  was  made  to  extend  to 
the  Missouri  and  White  Earth  Rivers.  Out  of  this  large  area 
was  carved  the  present  State  of  Michigan,  by  the  enabling  act 
of  June  15,  1836.  Her  constitution  and  form  of  government 
having  met  with  the  approval  of  Congress,  she  was  admitted  as 
a  State  by  act  of  Jan.  26,  1837.  The  trail  of  the  French  trader 
and  missionary  is  plainer  in  Michigan  than  in  any  other  State  of 
the  Northwest.  Detroit  was  a  French  town  as  early  as  170 1. 
River,  lake,  bay,  and  town  bear  frequent  witness  to  the  French 
occupancy.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  American  influence  was 
felt  in  Michigan  before  1796.  During  the  war  of  18 12,  Detroit 
was  held  by  the  British,  and  became  the  starting-point  of  those 
Anglo-Indian  campaigns  which  wrapped  the  Northwest  in  gloom 
and  drenched  it  with  blood.  At  the  time  of  her  admission, 
Michigan  had  far  more  than  her  quota  of  population,  and  nearly 
four  times  as  many  as  Arkansas,  admitted  the  year  before. 

FLORIDA  A  MEMBER.— It  was  now  the  turn  of  the 
"  Flowery  realm."  Though  thinly  populated,  and  with  but  little 
more  than  half  a  quota,  it  was  deemed  politic  to  make  Florida 
the  twenty-seventh  State.  The  "  East  Florida,"  which  Spain 
ceded  Feb.  22,  1 8 19,  was  erected  into  the  Territory  of  Florida 
March  30,  1822.     By  act  of  March  3,  1845,  it  was  admitted  as  a 

*  The  Territory  was  that  of  Arkanscnv,  which  spelling  has  recently  been  decided 
by  the  State  authorities  to  control  the  pronunciation  of  Arkansas. 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  119 

State.  It  had  had  a  long  and  eventful  history  both  as  a  Spanish 
and  English  possession.  From  its  climate,  situation,  and  prom- 
ises, it  was  always  a  coveted  country,  yet  ever  an  expensive  one 
to  take  and  hold. 

IOWA  ADMITTED.— -The  day  that  gave  birth  to  Florida 
saw  also  a  new  State  in  the  Northwest.  Iowa  Territory  had  been 
cut  out  of  Wisconsin  Territory,  June  12,  1838.  This  Territory 
was  not  identical  with  the  present  State  of  Iowa,  but  embraced 
all  north  of  Missouri  and  between  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi 
Rivers.  Out  of  this  was  carved  a  State  of  Iowa,  which  was  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  March  3,  1845.  But  the  boundaries  were 
not  satisfactory.  By  act  of  Aug.  4,  1846,  the  northern  boundary 
was  lowered  from  the  parallel  running  through  the  mouth  of  the 
Mankato  or  Blue  Earth  River  to  where  it  now  is,  and  the  western 
boundary  was  pushed  from  meridian  of  \J°  3c/  to  where  it  now 
is.  After  this  adjustment  of  boundaries  the  State  was  readmitted 
Dec.  28,  1846.  As  part  of  the  French  domain,  Iowa  had  a 
history  as  early  as  1686,  when  Dubuque  was  a  fort  and  trading- 
post. 

TEXAS  ANNEXATION.— The  twenty-ninth  State,  Texas, 
was  the  most  imposing  piece  of  territory  that  had,  as  yet,  applied 
for  admission  into  the  Union.  It  was  not  carved  out  of  our  own 
territory  as  other  States  had  been,  nor  was  it  prepared  for  mem- 
bership by  any  process  of  ripening  under  a  Territorial  govern- 
ment. A  member  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  it  had  seceded  and 
set  up  for  itself.  Its  admission  into  the  American  Union  would 
be  a  surrender  of  its  independence  to  again  try  the  experiment 
of  membership  in  a  Republic  to  which  it  had  all  along  been  for- 
eign.* Discussion  of  the  question  of  Texas  Annexation  occu- 
pied most  of  the  time  of  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-eighth 
Congress,  1844-45.  A  proposition  to  prohibit  slavery  within  its 
borders  was  voted  down.f     With  full  knowledge  of  the  fact  that 

*  Quite  a  number  of  Saxon  settlers  had  drifted  into  Texas  who  had  done  much 
to  foster  the  spirit  of  annexation. 

f  Mexico  had  abolished  slavery  twenty  years  before,  and  therefore  by  the  law  of 
the  Mexican  Republic  Texas  was  free  territory.  But  Texas,  when  independent, 
had  re-established  slavery. 


120  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

its  status  was  one  of  war  with  Mexico,  and  that  annexation 
would  be  an  assumption  of  that  status,  the  Congress  voted  for 
it.  The  joint  resolution  of  annexation  prohibited  slavery  in  any- 
State  formed  of  Texas  territory  north  of  360  30',  but  left  the 
question  to  the  people  of  the  States  to  be  formed  of  said  terri- 
tory south  of  that  line.  We  have  already  seen  the  steps  by 
which  her  territory  passed  to  the  United  States  and  the  conse- 
quences.*    The  date  of  her  admission  was  Dec.  29,  1845. 

WISCONSIN  ADMITTED.— The  thirtieth  State  was  Wis- 
consin. The  Territory  of  Wisconsin  was  erected  by  act  of  April 
20,  1836.  It  was  cut  out  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan,  and  that 
part  east  of  the  Mississippi  had  previously  been  in  the  Territories 
of  Illinois,  Indiana  and  the  northwest  of  the  Ohio.  The  Terri- 
tory of  Wisconsin  embraced  the  States  of  Wisconsin,  Iowa  and 
part  of  Minnesota.  The  Territory  of  Iowa  was  severed  by  act  of 
June  12,  1838.  By  the  enabling  act  of  August  6,  1846,  Wiscon- 
sin took  its  present  shape,  and  by  act  of  May  29,  1848,  was  ad- 
mitted as  a  State.  Like  the  rest  of  the  northwest  territory 
Wisconsin  shows  in  its  names  of  places  the  trail  of  its  early 
French  occupants  and  owners. 

CALIFORNIA  COMES.— The  Mexican  war  ended  by  the 
peace  of  February  2,  1848,  called  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe- 
Hidalgo.  This  brought  that  immense  cession  of  territory  men- 
tioned on  page  95,  and  out  of  which  the  Territory  of  California 
was  organized.  This  cession  threw  the  country  into  another 
ferment  over  the  slavery  question.  By  the  laws  of  Mexico  all 
this  territory  was  free.  But  the  proslavery  wing  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  joined  issue  with  the  friends  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
and  forced  another  compromise  (that  of  1850),  which,  so  far  as 
California  was  concerned,  had  the  effect  of  making  her  a  free 
State. f  She  applied  for  admission  Feb.  13,  1850,  and  was  ad- 
mitted Sept.  9,  1850.  The  discovery  of  gold  in  her  soil,  the 
rapid  population  of  the  State  by  the  adventurous  and  not  too 
peaceful  "  forty-niners,"  and  various  apparent  commercial  rea- 
sons, not  to  say  a  pardonable  national  pride,  made  a  State  on 

*  See  ante,  p.  94,  and  page  533,  post. 

f  For  fuller  details  of  this  compromise  see  page  544. 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  121 

the  Pacific  coast  most  desirable.  The  arch  of  the  Union  now 
spanned  the  continent.  From  1787  to  1850  had  been  just  sixty- 
three  years. 

'  MINNESOTA  ADMITTED.— Minnesota  Territory  had  been 
formed  March  3,  1849,  out  of  the  parts  of  Territories  of  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin  not  included  in  those  two  States.  Out  of  this 
Territory  was  carved  the  present  State  of  Minnesota  by  the 
enabling  act  of  Feb.  26,  1857.  On  May  11,  1858,  the  State  of 
Minnesota  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  The  balance  of  Minne- 
sota Territory  went  to  Territory  of  Dakota. 

OREGON  HEARD  FROM.— The  Pacific  Coast  presents 
another  candidate.  The  immense  Territory  of  Oregon  was 
created  out  of  all  the  northwestern  portion  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  on  Aug.  14,  1848.  It  extended  from  the  fortieth 
parallel  to  the  British  possessions,  and  from  the  Pacific  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  with  an  area  of  nearly  300,000  square  miles. 
Out  of  this  domain  was  carved  the  State  of  Oregon,  which  by 
act  of  Feb.  14,  1859,  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  The  rest  of 
her  Territory  became  the  Territory  of  Washington. 

KANSAS,  AND  TROUBLE.— The  thirty-fourth  State,  Kan- 
sas, had  a  stormy  birth.  The  throes  she  engendered  shook  the 
Union  to  its  very  centre.  The  celebrated  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  House  Jan.  23,  1854.  It  was  designed 
to  establish  the  fact  that  the  compromise  of  1820  had  been  re- 
pealed by  that  of  1850,  and  further  to  establish  the  principle  that 
slavery,  north  or  south  of  360  30',  was  a  matter  for  the  people 
of  each  Territory  to  decide  for  themselves.  The  bill  passed  in 
March,  1854,  and  both  North  and  South  encouraged  colonization 
within  the  limits  of  Kansas,  which  the  bill  created  into  a  Terri- 
tory immediately  west  of  Missouri  and  between  370  and  400,. 
as  well  as  Nebraska,  lying  north  of  Kansas  and  between  400  and 
430.  Under  the  circumstances  the  condition  of  Kansas  was  that 
of  constant  petty  war.  It  became  a  "  bleeding  Kansas  "  indeed, 
and  as  to  bloodless  party  passion  the  rest  of  the  country  was  no 
better  off.*    For  seven  years  this  warfare  went  on,  and  only  ended 

*  For  fuller  details  of  Kansas-Nebraska  question  see  Administrations  and  Con- 
gresses, pages  554  anc*  566* 


122  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

after  the  work  of  seceding  from  the  Union  began.  Then  the 
government  which  had  been  set  up  under  the  Lecompton  con- 
stitution was  repudiated,  and  that  formed  under  the  Wyandot 
Free  State  Constitution  was  adopted  by  a  Republican  Congress 
Jan.  29,  1 86 1,  and  Kansas  became  a  State  in  the  Union.  The* 
Territory  of  Kansas  formed  under  the  bill  of  Jan.  23,  1854, 
adopted  May  30,  1854,  had  for  its  western  boundary  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  which  were  the  eastern  boundary  of  Utah.  The  act 
which  admitted  her  as  a  State  fixed  the  25th  meridian  as  her 
western  boundary.  All  the  rest  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  went 
to  the  Territory  of  Colorado. 

WEST  VIRGINIA  CREATED.— The  destructive  work  of 
secession  introduced  a  new  feature  in  State  building.  Virginia 
seceded  from  the  Union  and  cast  her  lot  with  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy, April  17,  1861.  Some  thirty-nine  of  the  western  coun- 
ties refused  to  be  bound  by  her  action.  Representatives  from 
these  met  at  Wheeling  to  protest  against  secession.  A  second 
convention  met  in  August  which  framed  a  separate  State  con- 
stitution and  form  of  government.  This  was  submitted  to  the 
people  in  May,  1862,  and  ratified.  It  was  then  submitted  to 
Congress,  and  after  some  slight  amendments  was  accepted.  The 
President  was  authorized  to  proclaim  that  it  should  take  effect 
June  19,  1863,  on  which  date  West  Virginia  became  a  State  in 
the  Union.  In  1872  the  counties  of  Jefferson  and  Berkley,  parts 
of  Old  Virginia,  were  added  to  West  Virginia,  the  thirty-fifth 
State. 

NEVADA  ADMITTED.— Nevada  Territory  was  erected 
March  2,  1861,  out  of  a  strip  from  California,  and  that  part  of 
Utah  Territory  lying  west  of  38th  meridian,  though  California 
has  not  yet  made  formal  cession  of  the  portion  taken  from  her. 
The  enabling  act  for  the  Territory  was  passed  March  21,  1864, 
and  on  October  31,  1864,  Nevada  was  admitted  as  a  State.  Her 
boundaries  were  much  enlarged  by  act  of  May  5,  1866,  which 
added  some  18,326  square  miles  from  Utah,  and  12,225  square 
miles  from  Arizona,  Territories. 

NEBRASKA  ACCEPTED.— The  original  Territory  of  Ne- 
braska was  erected  May  30,  1854,  out  of  that  part  of  the  public 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  123 

domain  lying  between  Minnesota  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  and 
between  400  N.  lat.,  and  the  British  possessions.  But  as  part  of 
this  Territory  shared  with  Kansas  the  vicissitudes  of  the  slavery 
excitement,  the  paring  process,  which  ran  through  half  a  dozen 
acts  of  Congress,  did  not  end  till  April  19,  1864,  when  an 
enabling  act  was  passed  for  the  present  limits  of  Nebraska.  On 
February  9,  1867,  she  was  admitted  as  a  State,  the  act  to  take 
effect  March  1,  1867. 

THE  CENTENNIAL  STATE.— The  Territory  of  Colorado 
was  created  by  act  of  February  28,  186 1.  It  was  one  of  a  set 
then  erected,*  about  which  no  mention  of  slavery  was  made 
in  obedience  to  the  terms  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  But  there 
was  then  no  need  of  such  mention,  for  the  South  had  given  up 
its  efforts  to  populate  the  debatable  Territories  and  vote  therein 
for  slavery,  and  had  entered  upon  secession  as  a  remedy  for  evils 
it  deemed  otherwise  incurable.  Owing  to  mining,  Colorado  had 
a  fluctuating  population  for  many  years.  A  State  Constitution 
was  framed  in  convention  1875-76,  and  accepted  by  the 
people  July  1,  1876.  The  date  of  final  admission  was  August 
1,  1876. 

TEARING  DOWN— -The  sentiment  of  the  country  respect- 
ing slavery  had  grown  more  divergent  ever  since  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution.  It  was  not  at  first  sectional,  but  as  time 
passed  it  took  that  shape.  Then  it  got  to  be  political  as  well. 
The  Kansas  affair  (see  Kansas),  the  division  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  its  convention  of  i860,  the  evidence  of  a  solidified  and 
overwhelming  anti-slavery  sentiment  supplied  by  the  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  determined  the  slave  States  to  no  longer  fight  a 
losing  battle  for  the  maintenance  and  spread  of  their  institution 
in  the  Union,  but  to  secede  and  set  up  a  central  government  of 
their  own.  Not  doubting  the  wisdom  of  the  step  nor  their  ability 
to  maintain  it  against  the  armed  remonstrance  they  knew  it  was 
sure  to  provoke,  they  began  the  work  of  dismemberment  in  i860. 
The  war  which  followed,  and  its  results,  must  be  the  historic  test 
of  both  the  wisdom  and  strength  of  their  undertaking,  as  well  as 
of  the  ability  of  the  Union  to  maintain  itself  against  this  kind 

*  Including  Nevada  and  Dakota. 


124  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

of  attack,  and  to  adapt  itself  to  the  prevalent  vital  thought  of 
each  succeeding  age. 

The  first  open  and  direct  step  of  dismemberment  was  taken  by 
South  Carolina  in  a  convention  called  for  the  purpose.  It  was 
an  ordinance  of  secession  entitled  "An  Ordinance  to  dissolve  the 
Union  between  the  State  of  South  Carolina  and  other  States  united 
with  her  in  the  compact  entitled  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  of  America,"  and  was  to  take  effect  Dec.  20,  i860.  Before 
the  end  of  January,  1861,  similar  ordinances  had  been  passed  by 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana  and  Texas. 
Delegates  from  these  States  met  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  in 
February,  1 861,  and  formed  a  government  called  the  "  Confederate 
States  of  America,"  whose  constitution  closely  resembled  that 
which  they  had  repudiated,  save  that  it  recognized  slavery  and 
prohibited  protective  tariffs.  This  Confederacy  attracted  other 
slave-holding  States  to  it,  to  wit,  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Arkansas 
and  North  Carolina.  Thus  eleven  States  were  lost  to  the 
American  Union  and  were  in  open  war  with  it.  It  was  the 
hardest  and  most  direct  blow  ever  administered  to  the  Republic, 
because  it  came  not  from  strangers  but  friends,  not  from  without 
but  within.  The  shock  was  fearful.  For  four  years  the  grand 
monument  of  the  fathers  trembled  to  its  base.  For  four  years 
Republican  institutions  existed  amid  cloud  and  darkness,  doubt- 
ful of  clearing  sky  or  auspicious  sunrise.  Those  years  ended, 
the  result  was  failure  of  the  Confederacy  to  maintain  itself,  the 
loss  of  slavery  to  its  States,  surrender  of  the  attempt  to  wrench 
by  force  what  reason  could  not  win. 

REBUILDING. — This  was  a  delicate  and  somewhat  tedious 
task.  There  was  no  standard  by  which  to  determine  the  relation 
of  these  seceded  States  to  the  National  Union,  now  that  they 
had  failed  to  validate  by  force  their  ordinances  of  separation. 
But  the  Supreme  Court  furnished  one  in  1869,  in  the  case  of 
Texas  vs.  White.  It  was  held  that  "  the  ordinances  of  secession 
were  absolutely  null,"  that  the  seceding  States  had  no  right  to 
secede,  had  never  been  out  of  the  Union,  could  not  get  out  ex- 
cept through  successful  rebellion.  That  the  utmost  they  had 
done  was  to  put  off  their  old  State  governments,  and  take  on 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  125 

others  which  fitted  them  for  membership  in  their  Confederacy, 
but  unfitted  them  for  the  place  a  State  must  hold  in  the  Union, 
under  the  amended  Constitution.  That,  therefore,  the  Congress 
had  the  right  to  re-establish  the  relation  of  these  seceded 
States  to  the  Union.  The  terms  fixed  were  the  establishment 
of  State  Constitutions  and  forms  of  government  in  accord  with 
the  amended  National  Constitution,  and  full  ratification  of  its 
provisions.  Waiving  the  above  questions,  Tennessee  had  sought 
and  secured  readmission,  July  24,  1866;  Arkansas,  June  22, 
1868;  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  Georgia  and 
Florida  under  act  of  June  25,  1868,  but  with  the  proviso  that 
they  must  further  subscribe  to  the  act  of  1867  regarding  free 
citizenship.  All  did  this  promptly  except  Georgia.  Virginia 
was  readmitted  Jan.  25,  1870;  Mississippi,  Feb.  23,  1870;  Texas, 
March  30,  1870.  Georgia  held  out  for  the  right  to  exclude 
negroes  from  office,  but  finally  opened  her  offices  to  all  citizens, 
and  was  readmitted  July  15,  1870.  The  Union  was  restored  to 
its  full  strength  and  majesty — let  it  be  said  to  a  fuller  strength 
and  majesty  than  before. 

THE  TERRITORIES.  UTAH.— Of  those  vast  outlying 
acres  not  yet  ready  for  States,  but  which  have  organizations  and 
governments  through  Congress,  Utah  Territory  was  formed  Sept. 
9,  1850.  It  had  then  an  immense  area  of  220,000  square  miles, 
parts  of  which  were  spared  to  Colorado,  Nebraska,  Nevada  and 
Wyoming,  leaving  its  present  boundaries  and  an  area  of  82,190 
square  miles.  This  Territory  is  the  seat  of  Mormonism,  and 
has  on  that  account  been  conspicuous  in  our  history. 

NEW  MEXICO.— -The  Territory  of  New  Mexico  was  erected 
Sept.  9,  1850,  the  same  day  as  Utah.  It  embraced  lands  ceded 
by  Mexico  and  those  included  in  the  Gadsden  purchase.  By 
losing  parts  to  Colorado  and  Arizona  it  has  gotten  its  present 
boundaries  and  an  area  of  122,460  square  miles. 

WASHINGTON. — Six  years  before  Oregon  became  a  State 
her  immense  territory  was  severed,  and  the  northern  portion  be- 
came Washington  Territory,  March  2,  1853.  By  losing,  the 
Territory  of  Idaho,  and  part  of  Nebraska,  it  got  its  present 
boundaries  and  an  area  of  66,880  square  miles. 


126  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

THE  INDIAN  COUNTRY.— The  idea  of  setting  apart  a  por- 
tion of  our  domain  for  the  exclusive  use  of  Indians  was  not 
more  humanitarian  than  the  result  of  a  need  for  protection. 
Remains  of  brave  tribes,  many  of  them  despairing,  most  of  them 
at  enmity  with  the  whites,  were  scattered  about  in  the  States  and 
Territories.  To  get  rid  of  them  by  putting  them  on  soil  they 
could  call  their  own,  where  they  would  not  be  in  the  white  man's 
way  and  where  they  might,  perchance,  lift  themselves  a  little 
toward  the  civilization  which  had  surrounded  them  and  driven 
them  thither,  was  the  object  of  an  Indian  Country.  It  was  laid 
off  geographically,  but  was  not  organized  as  a  Territory,  June 
30,  1834.  It  was  to  embrace  "all  that  part  of  the  United  States 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  not  within  the  States  of  Mfssouri, 
Louisiana  and  the  Territory  of  Arkansas."  The  extent  of  this 
country  and  the  fact  that  no  organization  was  provided  for 
showed  that  the  legislation  which  set  it  apart  was  not  serious. 
Almost  immediately  the  land  began  to  be  needed  for  other  pur- 
poses, and  there  was  nothing  in  the  act  setting  it  apart  for  Indian 
uses  to  raise  even  so  much  as  a  question  about  the  impropriety 
or  wrongfulness  of  dividing  it  up  and  appropriating  it  to  other 
uses.  So  by  various  Acts  of  Congress  this  "Indian  Country" 
was  pared  down  to  its  present  size  and  shape.  The  last  act,  that 
of  May  30,  1854,  organizing  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  limited  it 
to  69,830  square  miles,  with  Missouri  and  Arkansas  on  its  east, 
Kansas  on  its  north,  the  Red  River  on  its  south  and  the  100th 
meridian  on  its  west. 

The  "Indian  Country"  is  a  monument  of  national  honor  and 
disgrace ;  honor,  because  it  is  the  first  distinct  recognition,  on 
the  part  of  our  government,  of  a  policy  that  savored  of  human- 
ity; disgrace,  because,  until  lately,  it  was  the  only  formal  an- 
nouncement of  such  a  policy,  and  because  through  lack  of 
candor,  through  bad  management,  through  failure  to  engraft  on 
it  any  working  system,  it  has  never  produced  a  satisfactory 
fruitage.  It  seems  amazing  that  the  Saxon,  even  when  highly 
civilized  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  strong,  reducing  and  redeem- 
ing institutions,  should  always  have  regarded  the  Indian  problem 
as  a  difficult  one.     It  never  was  difficult.     The  French  mission- 


BUILDING   POLITICALLY.  127 

ary  and  trader  did  not  find  it  so.  But  then  he  chose  to  regard 
the  Indian  as  a  man,  as  endowed  with  feeling  akin  to  his  ownj  as 
owner  of  the  soil,  as  susceptible  to  civilizing  influences.  Failure 
to  so  regard  him  is  the  secret  of  our  neglect  of  the  Indian,  or 
rather  of  our  ungenerous  treatment  of  him.  The  idea  of  his 
extermination  got  an  early  hold  on  the  colonist,  and  we  seem 
never  to  have  been  able  to  outgrow  this  primitive  and  absurd  no- 
tion. Modern  humanitarians  are  more  awake  to  the  thought  of 
making  the  Indian  a  part  of  our  people.  They  feel  the  disgrace 
the  nation  has  brought  on  itself,  and  the  age,  by  its  unwillingness 
or  inability  to  devise  a  plan  by  which  the  Indian  can  be  turned 
from  his  ways  and  made  a  factor  in  industry,  art,  science,  govern- 
ment and  morals.  With  a  plan  of  government  which  will  secure 
him  schools,  right  to  own  separate  farms,  ownership  of  the  pro- 
ceeds thereof,  immunity  from  disturbance  by  whites  when  he 
appears  to  be  in  the  way,  the  franchise,  privileges  of  citizenship, 
there  is  no  doubt  of  his  future  peacefulness  and  usefulness. 

DAKOTA. — Dakota  Territory  was  erected  by  act  of  March 
2,  1 86 1,  out  of  the  Territory  of  Nebraska,  and  the  remains  of 
Minnesota  Territory.  It  contained  310,867  square  miles,  but 
by  losing  Idaho,  and  by  other  adjustments,  it  was  left  with  its 
present  area  of  147,700  square  miles,  July  25,  1868. 

ARIZONA. — Arizona  was  made  a  Territory  Feb.  24,  1863, 
out  of  lands  ceded  by  Mexico,  and  embraced  in  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico.  By  act  of  May  5,  1866,  she  lost  a  part  of  her 
soil  to  Nevada.     Present  area  1 12,920  square  miles. 

IDAHO. — Idaho  was  formed  from  Washington  Territory, 
March  3,  1863.  Her  area  was  118,439  square  miles,  which  was 
increased  by  various  acquisitions  to  326,373  square  miles. 
Then  by  losses  to  Montana,  Dakota  and  Wyoming,  she  got  her 
present  boundary,  and  area  of  84,290  square  miles,  all  of  which 
was  once  in  Washington  Territory,  formerly  in  Oregon  Terri- 
tory, and  is  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase. 

MONTANA — Was  erected  May  26,  1864,  from  northern 
Idaho.  Her  entire  area  of  145,310  square  miles  is  part  of  the 
Louisiana  Purchase. 

ALASKA  ACQUISITION.— -This  territory  is  unorganized, 


128  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

though  efforts  to  secure  a  Territorial  organization  are  now 
being  made.  It  came  into  the  possession  of  the  United  States 
May  28,  1867,  from  Russia  (see  ante).  Our  evidences  of 
sovereignty  there  and  the  keeping  of  the  peace  depend  on  the 
presence  of  the  military  or  naval  branches  of  the  government. 
Area  531,409  square  miles  ;  or  as  large  as  two  States  like  Texas, 
twenty  like  Pennsylvania,  or  four  hundred  and  thirty-four  like 
Rhode  Island. 

WYOMING. — The  last  Territory  formed  was  Wyoming,  by 
act  of  July  25,  1868.  Area  97,575  square  miles.  It  embraces 
the  remnants  of  more  States  and  Territories  than  any  other, 
being  the  last  formed.  It  includes  parts  of  the  French  and 
Mexican  cessions,  and  parts  of  what  were  Oregon,  Nebraska, 
Idaho,  Dakota,  Washington  and  Utah  Territories. 

ALL  HARMONIOUS.— -This  brings  all  the  Territory  of  the 
United  States  into  definite  subdivisions,  and  gives  to  each  a  form 
of  government  in  harmony  with  the  government  of  the  whole. 
The  States  have  constitutions,  forms  of  government,  and  codes 
of  laws,  enacted  by  their  people,  and  in  accord  with  the  federal 
constitution.  The  Territories  have  only  statutory  existence  and 
definite  metes  and  bounds.  Their  governments  do  not  exist  by 
voice  of  the  people  but  by  Act  of  Congress :  they  therefore  are 
provisional  and  temporary,  lasting  till  the  people  are  sufficiently 
numerous  *  and  unanimous  to  form  acceptable  State  govern- 
ments. As  already  seen,  Alaska  is  held  under  a  military  or 
naval  government. 

*  In  general,- the  population  ought  to  equal  the  last  apportionment  for  a  member 
of  Congress.  But  where  commercial  or  other  high  reasons  exist,  States  are  often 
admitted  with  a  less  quota. 


AMERICAN  PRODUCTS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 


BUILDING  INDUSTRIALLY; 

OR, 

ADVANTAGE  AND   RESOURCE. 

HAT  we  have  learned  of  the  dawn  of  our  government  and 

of  its   completed  political  shape  may  serve   to   invite 

further  study  of  its'  structure  and  better  knowledge  of 

©)  gy      its  real  sources  of  vitality.     Constitutions  may  be  very 

complete,  institutions  may  be  very  grand,  but  that  which  gives 

them  solemnity  and  efficacy  is  resource. 

That  our  institutions  do  promote  national  peace,  encourage 
individual  and  corporate  enterprise,  favor  the  growth  of  wealth 
and  morals,  contribute  to  that  political  and  material  development 
which  may  be  said  to  be  peculiar  to  the  United  States,  none  will 
deny.  But  outside  of  them  we  have  a  country  whose  grandeur 
is  phenomenal.  Without  lowering  our  pride  of  institution, 
weakening  our  patriotism,  or  departing  in  any  large  degree  from 
exact  truth,  it  may  be  said  that  any  constitutional  form  of  gov- 
ernment which  secured  freedom  of  action  in  dealing  with  our 
practically  inexhaustible  resources  and  measureless  advantages, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned  our  mineral  treasures,  fruitful 
soil,  beneficent  climate  and  unexampled  geographic  situation, 
would  have  made  of  the  United  States  a  home,  filled  with  plenty 
and  comfort,  and  one  equally  attractive  to  the  seekers  of  fortune 
from  other  parts  of  the  globe. 

While,  therefore,  we  very  properly  dispose  ourselves  to  study 
of  the  principles  of  our  government,  and  seek  to  know  their 
germs  and  results,  we  cannot  know  ourselves  entirely  till  we 
learn  something  of  our  material  side.  And,  rest  assured,  there 
is  as  much  in  that  side  to  delight  the  understanding,  encourage 
pertinent  inquiry,  stimulate  to  admiration,  and  contribute  to  in- 
9  (129) 


130  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

telligent  citizenship,  as  in  any  other.  Indeed,  we  do  not  hesitate 
to  say  that  in  a  physical  or  material  sense,  the  United  States  are 
a  more  wonderful  study,  their  endowment,  so  to  speak,  more 
superb  by  contrast,  their  resource  more  exceptional  and  blessed 
than  in  a  strictly  political  or  institutional  sense. 

We  do  not  say  this  for  the  purpose  of  diminishing  the  impor- 
tance of  any  part  of  our  wonderful  history,  but  rather  to  inspire 
inquiry  into  a  portion  which,  because  it  cannot  be  spiritedly  pre- 
sented, and  appeals  to  no  passion,  is  very  apt  to  be  neglected. 
All  should  be  read  together,  for  they  are  parts  of  a  majestic 
picture,  any  one  of  which  being  absent  the  whole  is  impaired. 

CLIMATE. — The  United  States  proper  is  entirely  within  the 
north  temperate  zone.  But  while  this  is  so  it  has  a  greater 
variety  of  climate  than  any  other  single  country.  One  may 
select  a  residence  with  the  temperature  of  Moscow  or  Calcutta, 
for  its  northern  boundary  is  but  iyj4°  from  the  frigid  zone,  and 
its  southern  but  I  *4°  from  the  torrid  zone.  Few  countries  equal 
it  in  breadth  north  and  south,  and  fewer  still  in  length  east  and 
west.  These  facts,  added  to  wonderful  differences  of  elevation 
and  to  its  land  and  water  conformations,  heighten  the  variety  of 
climate,  making  it  genial  here  and  severe  there,  but  nowhere  un- 
inviting or  deadly,  rather  everywhere  conducive  to  the  growth 
of  a  highly  civilized  community — cold  enough  to  make  a  home 
necessary,  warm  enough  to  encourage  husbandry. 

The  scientific  test  of  climate  is  its  mean  annual  temperature. 
This  is  the  average  temperature  of  a  place  as  ascertained  from 
all  the  observations  made  in  a  year.  It  runs  from  72 °  Fahren- 
heit at  St.  Augustine  or  New  Orleans  to  360  on  the  high  plains 
of  Minnesota,  or  43 °  in  Maine,  and  drops  into  a  range  of  from 
510  at  Puget  Sound  to  62  °  at  San  Diego,  Cal.  Our  Atlantic 
coast  temperature  is  uniformly  much  lower  than  that  of  the 
same  latitudes  in  Europe,  the  difference  being  in  some  instances 
equivalent  to  as  much  as  io°  of  latitude. 

Inland  the  four  mountain  ranges,  Appalachian  in  the  east  and 
Rocky  Mountains,  Sierra  Nevada  and  Cascade  ranges  in  the 
west,  have  a  wonderful  effect  on  our  climate.  While  the  long 
slopes  of  these  mountains  and  the  extensive  valleys  between  are 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  131 

vast  reservoirs  of  heat,  they  are  tempered  by  the  proximity  of 
these  cool,  wooded  and  often  snow-capped  heights  to  an  extent 
that  keeps  them  within  the  limit  of  temperate. 

Moisture  affects  climate.  The  rainfall  of  the  Atlantic  coast 
is  very  uniform,  being  42  inches  annually  in  New  England,  and 
increasing  gradually  to  63  inches  in  Florida.  So  the  distribution 
of  heat  is  far  more  uniform  in  this  portion  of  the  United  States 
than  in  any  other.  The  Mississippi  valley,  as  high  up  as  St. 
Louis,  is  within  the  influence  of  south  and  southwesterly  winds 
(supposably  gulf  trade  winds),  which  give  a  heavy  rainfall  to  the 
Southern  States,  and  gradually  decreases  to  the  north.  But  the 
whole  country  being  practically  within  the  region  of  variable 
winds,  there  is  quite  a  variety  of  moisture,  and,  in  so  far  as 
climate  depends  upon  it,  an  equal  variety  of  climate.  A  re- 
markable feature  of  our  climate  is  that  of  the  extreme  North- 
west, which  is  affected  by  the  Pacific  waters.  A  region  of  com- 
parative mildness,  covering  many  degrees  of  latitude,  extends 
inland  from  the  Puget  Sound  section,  and  its  genial  influence  is 
not  lost  till  it  passes  to  the  head  waters  of  our  great  lakes. 

This  wonderful  variety  of  temperate  climate  is  one  of  our 
greatest  natural  advantages  and  most  pleasing  attractions.  It 
consults  the  health,  habit  and  taste  of  every  citizen,  and  conduces 
to  an  abundance  of  soil  products  unsurpassed  by  any  other 
nation. 

VEGETATION. — Vegetation  affects  climate  and  yet  depends 
on  it.  All  east  of  the  Mississippi  is  a  region  of  forest  and 
prairie  vegetation.  Westward,  and  especially  northwestward,  the 
region  is  prairie,  running  into  arid  uplands.  In  the  northern  part 
of  the  first  region  the  evergreens  predominate,  as  pine,  spruce 
and  hemlock.  In  the  middle  part,  say  at  380  to  420  lat.,  the 
evergreens  give  way  to  oak,  elm,  ash,  maple,  chestnut,  walnut, 
hickory,  and  other  deciduous  trees.  Thence  southward  to  the 
gulf  evergreens  of  another  class  appear,  giving  fame  to  southern 
forests  as  the  best  in  the  world  for  live  oak  and  pitch  pine.  The 
region  west  of  the  Mississippi,  running  into  uplands,  bears  in- 
digenously only  grass  and  herb  plants,  though  it  will  support 
forests  if  properly  planted.     It  is  treeless  by  nature  because  the 


132  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

prevailing  winds  are  westerly  and  the  ranges  of  mountains  tap 
the  Pacific  evaporations  before  they  can  be  borne  so  far  inland. 
Art  is  striving  to  overcome  this  obstacle  to  forest  growth. 

Beyond  are  the  great  plains  and  elevated  plateaus  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras, with  still  less  humidity  of  atmosphere,  with  an  alkaline 
and  comparatively  barren  soil,  and  with  treeless  embellishment, 
save  as  some  kindly  bottom  or  protecting  recess  invites  growth. 
West  and  northwest  of  the  alkali  plains  the  region  is  again,  in 
general,  forest-bearing,  some  of  the  growth  being  gigantic  and 
dense,  and  mostly  of  pine  and  fir.  The  Pacific  slopes  have  both 
peculiar  vegetation  and  climate.  The  winters  are  mild,  short  and 
rainy,  and  the  summers  dry.  They  are  an  American  reproduc- 
tion of  the  Mediterranean  slopes  of  France  and  Italy. 

POPULATION.— -The  population  of  the  United  States  has 
increased  in  the  following  rapid  ratio : 

Per  cent 


1790 3,929,214  of  increase. 

1800 5,308,483  35-1 

1810 7,239,881  36.38 

1820 9>633,822  33.06 

1830 12,866,020  32.51 


Per  cent, 
of  increase. 

840 17,069,453  32.52 

850 23,191,876  35.83 

860 31,443,321  35.11 

870 38,558,371  22.65 

880 50,155,783  30-08 


Subdivided  and  allotted  the  following  appears  : 


Persons 50,155,783 

Area  in  sq.  miles  (omitting 

Alaska) 2,970,000 

Families 9,945,916 

Dwellings 8,955,812 

Persons  to  a  sq.  mile 17-29 


Families  to  a  sq.  mile 3.43 

Dwellings  to  a  sq.  mile 3.02 

Acres  to  a  person 37-°i 

Acres  to  a  family 186.62 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.60 

Persons  to  a  family 5.04 


The  rank  of  the  United  States  may  be  better  seen  thus : 

Countries.  Population. 

Chinese  Empire 435,000,000  Est. 

British  India 250,000,000 

Russian  Empire 98,000,000 

United  States 50,000,000 

Germany 45,000,000 

Austria 40,000,000 

France 38,000,000 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland..  .  35,000,000 

Japan 36,000,000 

Turkey 33,000,000 

Italy 27,000,000 

Spain 1 7,000,000 

From  which  it  appears  that  the  United  States  ranks  as  the 
fourth  country  in  population,  British  India  being  considered  as 


Sq.  miles. 

Inhabitants  to 
Sq.  mile. 

4,000,000 
800,000 

109 
312 

8,500,000 

11 

3,500,000 
208,000 

216 

240,000 

166 

204,000 

186 

121,000 

146,000 
1,800,000 

290 

246 

18 

113,000 

183,000 

239 

93 

BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  133 

a  part  of  Great  Britain.  It  will  be  seen  also  that,  except  Russia, 
it  is  the  thinnest  populated  of  the  great  nations.  The  most 
densely  populated  country  is  Belgium,  its  11,373  square  miles 
supporting  a  population  of  5,500,000,  or  about  480  to  the  square 
mile. 

The  rapidity  of  increase  in  our  population  is  marvellous.  It 
has  held  to  a  decennial  average  of  over  30  per  cent.,  or  a  grand 
total  of  over  1200  per  cent,  on  the  census  of  1790.  This  rate 
is  from  five  to  seven  times  that  of  Great  Britain,  Russia  or 
France.  It  is  attributable  to  births  or  natural  increase,  and 
somewhat  to  territorial  acquisition. 

But  immigration  has  contributed  more  than  any  other  factor 
to  our  wonderful  rate  of  increase  in  population.  There  are  no 
returns  of  immigrant  arrivals  prior  to  1820,  but  in  that  year  the 
arrivals  were  8,385  ;  in  1830,  23,322;  in  1840,  84,066;  in  1850, 
369,980.  These  beginning  figures  of  each  decade  show  that  the 
intermediate  years  witnessed  a  rapid  increase  of  arrivals.  In 
1854  the  arrivals  reached  the  hitherto  unprecedented  number  of 
427,833.  From  that  time  till  i860  they  fell  off  each  year,  the 
arrivals  then  being  only  153,640.  This  was  owing  to  the  panic 
of  1857.  During  1861  the  arrivals  were  91,920,  and  in  1862 
about  the  same.  In  1863  they  were  176,282,  and  in  1864,  193,- 
416.  These  were  the  years  of  the  civil  war.  From  that  time 
on  they  arose  each  year  till  1873,  when  they  were  437,004. 
Then  came  the  panic  of  1873,  and  there  was  an  annual  falling 
off  till  1878,  when  they  were  138,469.  Then  there  was  a  re- 
bound, and  in  1 88 1  the  figures  were  669,431  ;  in  1882,  712,544; 
in  1883,  560,196,  an  average  for  the  three  years  of  over  600,000 
a  year.  These  figures  are  curious  as  showing  that  our  prosperity 
is  a  direct  invitation  to  immigration.  They  are  also  significant 
as  pointing  to  the  constancy  and  strength  of  this  element  of  in- 
crease in  our  population.  The  total  immigration  since  1790 
exceeds  1 1,000,000  persons,  and  the  number  of  foreigners  in  our 
midst  in  1880  as  shown  by  the  census  was  6,679,943. 

Assuming  that  the  value  of  each  immigrant  is  $800,  the  total 
of  11,000,000  added  to  our  population  from  time  to  time  has 
directly  increased  the  wealth  of  the  country  by  the  stupendous 
sum  of  $8,800,000,000. 


i88i.  1882.  1883. 

Sweden 49,760  58,739  28,748 

Canada 102,922  83,074  62,218 

Acou„triesr}  93,345  105,9*5  65,83, 


134  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

For  the  past  three  years  foreign  countries  contributed  to  our 
population  as  follows : 

1881.       1882.       1883. 

SflSKd  }.'«**  ,63,355  ^A>S 
Germany  .  .  210,485  229,996  180,812 
Austria....      21,109        15,950       11,032 

it^iy 15.387     29,317     29,446 

Norway....   22,705   26,188   19,704  669,431   712,544  560,196 

This  proportion  4of  the  respective  nationalities  does  not  hold  in 
all  the  past.  All-in-all  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  chiefly  through 
Ireland,  has  been  the  largest  contributor.  But  of  late  years  the 
German  tide  has  been  flowing  hitherward  the  strongest;  not 
strong  enough  however  to  catch  up  with  the  British  tide,  for  we 
find  that  of  our  6,679,943  foreign-born  population  in  1880, 
2,772,169  were  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  1,966,742 
from  the  German  Empire. 

Looking  back  along  the  line  of  causes  which  have  led  to  this 
great  immigration,  we  find  first  the  attractiveness  of  our  institu- 
tions. They  offer  in  general  larger  political  freedom,  and  in  busi- 
ness men  are  not  tied  down  by  iron-clad  caste.  Excellence  and 
cheapness  of  land  form  another  cause.  The  opening  of  the  then 
Northwest  invited  a  heavy  stream  of  immigration,  beginning  with 
1825.  This  stream  was  accelerated  in  1832,  and  for  a  few  years 
afterwards  by  troubles  in  Europe.  The  loss  of  the  potato  crop 
in  Ireland  in  1847  perceptibly  increased  the  inflow.  Now  the  new 
Northwest  with  its  splendid  wheat-fields  offers  fresh  attractions. 
"The  certainty  of  finding  labor,  higher  pay  for  the  same  than 
abroad,  equality  of  citizenship,  suffrage  after  five  years'  residence, 
and  various  causes  which  will  readily  occur  to  the  reader,  have 
operated  and  will  operate  as  invitations  to  foreigners  to  come 
and  dwell  with  us. 

Many  times  during  our  history  the  question  of  immigration 
has  agitated  the  popular  mind,  and  once  it  took  political  shape, 
giving  rise  to  the  American  or  Know-Nothing  party,  in  or  about 
1844.  It  is  true  that  the  quality  of  immigrants  has  not  at  all 
times  been  of  the  best,  and  their  number  has  sometimes  been 
startling.  But  our  traditions  have  ever  favored  their  coming, 
except  in  the  shape  of  absolute  criminals  and  paupers.     If  in- 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  135 

dustrious  and  frugal  they  can  never  be  objectionable;  and  re- 
specting such,  it  is  safe  to  say,  *  let  them  come  just  as  fast  as  the 
country  can  assimilate  them."  The  objection  to  the  native 
American  idea  was  that  it  drew  no  line  of  distinction  between  a 
profitable  and  profitless  immigrant.  Many  who  would  be 
profitable  are  tempted  to  stop  in  the  cities,  where  they  become 
so  clannish  as  to  prevent  assimilation,  or  quickly  augment 
the  criminal  classes.  This  is  one  of  the  wrongs  of  liberty,  but 
its  corrective  Is  not  in  locking  our  doors  to  every  one  that 
knocks. 

The  voting  population  of  the  United  States,  under  the  census 
of  1880,  appears  approximately  as  follows: 

MALES    OVER   TWENTY-ONE   YEARS    OF   AGE. 

Colored,  Chinese,  Japanese 
Native  Whites.  Foreign-born.  and  Civilized  Indians.  Total. 

8,270,518  3,072,487  1,487,344  12,830,349 

The  number  of  votes  actually  polled  in  the  Presidential  election 
of  1880  was  9,204,428.  Therefore  one-fourth  of  the  males  over 
twenty-one  years  of  age  did  not  vote. 

The  natural  militia  of  the  United  States,  that  is,  all  between 
the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty-four,  is  10,231,239.  This  is  our 
defensive  or  offensive  contingent.  From  such  a  number  many 
magnificent  armies  could  be  recruited. 

The  colored  population  of  the  United  States  was,  in  1880, 
6,580,793.  They  are  chiefly  in  the  Southern  States,  as  will  be 
seen  in  the  population  tables  of  the  respective  States.  Since 
the  abolition  of  slavery  they  rank  as  citizens,  but  on  account 
of  color  they  are  productive  of  problems.  Their  natural  in- 
crease is  set  down  as  greater  in  proportion  than  that  of  the 
whites.  Accepting  this  as  true,  and  allowing  that  with  equal 
opportunities  they  will,  in  time,  become  as  intelligent,  persever- 
ing and  thrifty,  they  must  rise  to  great  industrial  importance  in 
a  zone  of  our  country  which  seems  peculiarly  fitted  for  them  by 
reason  of  its  climate  and  production. 

In  all  other  respects  nationalities  will  blend  and  disappear  in 
our  domains,  and  we  shall  have  the  proud  distinction  of  having 


136  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

built  the  world  into  our  population,  inspired  it  with  love  of  free 
institutions,  awakened  in  it  new  thoughts  of  man's  capacity  for 
improvement,  and  given  it  full  faith  in  his  ability  to  govern  him- 
self without  the  interposition  of  jeweled  crown  or  cruel  sceptre. 
What  we  shall  then  be  in  language,  it  is  not  hard  to  tell.  An 
adequate  English  will  be  the  common  speech,  rich  in  commer- 
cial, industrial  and  scientific  phrases,  strong  and  apt  for  conver- 
sation, direct  for  argument,  and  facile  for  pathos,  poetry  and 
love.  What  we  shall  be  physically  and  in  the  elements  of  man- 
hood, may  be  surmised  from  what  we  are  alrea'dy  permitted  to 
see.  There  is  no  cross  under  our  free  institutions,  on  our  fruit- 
ful soil,  and  amid  our  grand  opportunities,  between  German, 
English,  Scotch,  Irish,  Swede,  Frank,  Swiss,  Italian,  Russian,  or 
what  not,  that  does  not  result  in  a  better  American  than  the 
original.  The  mixing  of  bloods,  tempers,  geniuses,  and  all 
constitutional  qualities,  under  the  auspices  here  existent, 
must  as  surely  produce  a  stronger,  braver  and  more  catholic 
man  as  did  a  blending  of  similar  qualities  on  the  plains  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

OCCUPATIONS.— The  people  of  the  United  States  are 
divided,  for  statistical  purposes,  into  four  great  classes  of  occu- 
pations, viz. :  Agriculture,  Professional  and  Personal  Services, 
Trade  and  Transportation,  and  Manufactures,  which  last  includes 
mechanical  and  mining  industries.  The  showing  for  each  is  as 
follows  : 

All  Persons.  Males.  Females. 

Agriculture 7^70,493  7.<>75>983  594,5 10 

Professional  and  Personal  Services 4,074,238  2,712,943  1,361,295 

Trade  and  Transportation 1,810,256  1,750,892  59»3^4 

Manufacturing,  Mechanical  and  Mining..  3,837,112  3,205,124  631,988 

Total I7>392>°99  14. 744.942         2,647,157 

From  this  it  will  seen  that  34.68  per  cent,  of  our  population  is 
engaged  in  gainful  occupation.  In  1 870  the  proportion  so  en- 
gaged was  32.43  per  cent,  of  the  population,  the  entire  number 
then  being  12,505,923.  We  are,  therefore,  growing  more  in- 
dustrious. It  will  be  seen  too  that,  so  far  as  the  numbers  em- 
ployed indicate,  we  are  as  yet  essentially  an  agricultural  people, 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  137 

though  the  other  occupations  show  a  greater  relative  increase  of 
persons  engaged  during  the  past  ten  years. 

AGRICULTURE. — This  branch  of  industry  finds  a  natural 
home  in  the  United  States.  It  has  ever  been  a  great  and  con- 
stant contributor  to  our  national  wealth  and  prosperity,  and  the 
country's  mainstay  in  time  of  depression  or  war.  Its  growth 
has  been  phenomenal.  A  propitious  climate  and  inviting  soil 
have  encouraged  native  energy,  and  held  out  perpetual  induce- 
ment to  foreigners.  The  government  has  always  fostered  this 
industry,  regarding  it  as  the  safest  in  point  of  investment  and 
the  best  criterion  of  permanent  progress.  It  has  thrown  open 
its  public  lands  to  agricultural  settlers  at  nominal  figures,  and  has 
created  a  Department  of  Agriculture  whence  may  flow  improved 
seeds,  and  such  information  as  will  keep  our  farming  communities 
abreast  of  the  world. 

It  is  a  regretable  fact  that  agriculture  in  the  United  States  has 
not  been  carried  on  as  an  exact  study.  This  is  attributable  to  the 
excellent  native  qualities  of  the  soil,  to  the  kindliness  of  the 
climate,  and  to  that  rush  after  fresh  landed  possession  so 
characteristic  of  the  American.  It  may  be  said  that  the  time 
has  not  yet  arrived,  especially  in  the  newer  States,  which  is  to  ad- 
monish the  agriculturist  against  hard  usage  of  the  soil,  and  teach 
him  that  annual  treasures  can  be  gathered  from  it  only  at  the 
expense  of  scientific  care.  The  native  dignity  and  independ- 
ence of  agricultural  life  are  appreciated  by  all,  but  not  as  they 
will  be  when  the  life  comes  to  involve  the  pleasures  of  study  into 
soil  resource  and  plant  growth,  and  when  its  surroundings 
shall  be  an  atmosphere  of  intelligent  inquiry  and  exalted  experi- 
ment. 

Still  we  look  in  vain  for  anything  like  our  rapid  agricultural 
development  among  other  nations.  Australia  is  the  nearest 
approach  to  it,  yet  far  behind.  Over  seven  millions  of  our 
people  are  helping  to  swell  the  pages  of  that  brilliant  history. 
Their  genius  and  earnestness  are  attested  by  the  introduction  of 
iabor-saving  machines  and  high-grade  implements,  which  make 
our  agricultural  system  distinctive  among  the  nations  of  the 
world.     Yet,  with  all  this,  there  crops  out  the  disparaging  fact 


138  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

that  the  average  of  cereal  products  per  acre  is  not  increasing, 
but  rather  diminishing.  This  is  not  complimentary  to  the 
system  nor  to  the  patron  of  husbandry.  It  is  evidence  of  a  wear 
and  tear  of  soil,  which  its  virgin  character  will  not  long  excuse. 
It  is  further  the  completest  argument  in  the  world  in  favor  of 
immediate  change  from  soil  murder  to  soil  culture.  To  break  in 
wild  prairie,  to  level  primeval  forest,  to  plow,  sow,  and  reap,  to 
revel  in  a  wealth  of  golden  product,  these  must  all  come  under 
agriculture,  but  how  much  better  if  they  embraced  also  the  intel- 
ligent care  and  quiet  fitness  of  things  involved  in  the  term  til- 
lage. 

Agriculture  is  woven  so  intimately  with  our  prosperity  that 
our  annual  crops  are  the  best  possible  gauge  of  business  feeling. 
Grain  and  cotton  are  as  barometric  as  gold  and  stocks.  Dep- 
recating always  a  speculative  tendency,  it  is  yet  a  happy  thing 
that  a  nation  with  so  many  resources  is  thus  compelled  to 
graduate  its  prosperity  by  an  industry  so  noble  as  agriculture, 
and  so  helpful ;  so  productive  of  good  homes  for  the  people,  so 
conducive  to  freedom  and  health,  so  promotive  of  morals,  and 
Sturdy  citizenship. 

CORN. — This  is  the  American  crop,  the  maize  of  the  Indian, 
not  the  corn  of  Egypt.  It  was  what  Raleigh  studied  among  the 
tribes  of  North  Carolina,  and  what  the  Puritan  and  Cavalier 
learned  to  rely  on  when  other  food  failed.  It  is  a  widely  dis- 
tributed crop,  a  leading  food  for  man  and  beast,  and  a  supply  for 
a  large  and  increasing  foreign  demand.  But  though  raised, 
more  or  less,  in  all  the  States,  the  Lake  States  have  no  surplus, 
the  South  has  to  buy  of  the  West,  and  only  nine  of  the  States, 
including  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  bordering  on  the  Ohio  and 
Missouri  Rivers,  have  corn  for  export.  The  distribution  of  the 
crop  of  1 88 1  gives  at  a  glance  the  corn  areas  of  the  country  and 
their  importance. 

Bushels.  Bushels. 


New  England  States.  . .  .  7,476,000 

Middle  States 65,453,000 

Southern  States 217,152,000 

Kentucky  and  Tennessee  87,856,000 


Central  Western  States. .  737,759,000 
Lake    States   (Michigan, 

Wis.  and  Minn.) 70,360,000 

Pacific  States  and  Terr's .  8,860,000 


The  Central  Western  States  are  therefore  the  true  corn  areas 


BUILDING  INDUSTRIALLY.  •  139 

of  the  country.     Now  notice  their   remarkable  development  in 
the  line  of  this  product. 

1849.  l859-  1869.  1879. 

Bushels.  Bushels.  Bushels.  Bushels. 


Ohio 

50,078,695 

73,543.190 

67,501,144 

111,877,124 

Indiana.  .. 

52,964,363 

71,588,919 

51,094,538 

115,482,300 

Illinois.  .  . 

57,646,984 

115,174,777 

129,921,395 

325,792,481 

Iowa 

8,656,799 

42,410,686 

68,935,065 

275,024,247 

Missouri.  . 

36,214,537 

72,892,157 

66,034,075 

202,485,723 

Kansas..  .. 

6,150,727 
1,482,080 

383,242,536 

17,025,525 
4,736,7io 

405,248,452 

105,729,325 
65,450,135 

Nebraska  . 

215,561,378 

1,201,841,335 

The  next  table  we  present  is  full  of  wonders.  It  shows  a 
gradual  lowering  of  the  average  yield  per  acre,  an  increase  in 
the  price  per  bushel,  a  falling  off  in  the  profit  per  acre,  yet  a 
steady  and  surprising  growth  of  acreage  and  bushels.  In  order 
to  make  the  view  more  valuable,  it  is  extended  over  eleven  years. 


Value 

Yield 

Value. 

Years. 

Production. 

Acres. 

Value. 

per  Bush. 

per  Acre. 

per  Acre. 

$ 

Cents. 

Bushels. 

$ 

187I 

991,898,000 

34,091,137 

478,275,900 

48.2 

29.I 

14.02 

1872 

1,092,719,000 

35,526,836 

435,149,290 

39-8 

30.7 

12.24 

1873 

932,274,000 

39,I97,H8 

447,183,020 

48.0 

238 

II.4I 

1874 

850,148,500 

41,036,918 

550,043,080 

64.7 

20.7 

I3.4O 

1875 

1,321,069,000 

44,841,371 

555,445,930 

42.0 

29.4 

12.38 

1876 

1,283,827,500 

49,033,364 

475,491,210 

37-o 

26.1 

9.69 

1877 

1,342,558,000 

50,369,113 

480,643,400 

35-8 

26.6 

9-54 

1878 

1,388,218,750 

51,585,000 

441,153,405 

3i-8 

26.9 

8-55 

1879 

1,547,901,790 

53,085,450 

580,486,217 

37-5 

29.2 

10.93 

1880 

1,717,434,543 

62,317,842 

679,714,499 

39-6 

27.6 

10.91 

l88l 

1,194,916,000 

64,262,025 
525,346,204 

759,482,170 
5,883,068,121 

63.6 

18.6 

11.82 

Total .  .  . 

13,662,965,083 

Annual 

Average . 

.    1,242,087,735 

47,758,746 

534,824,375 

43-i 

26 

11.20 

Crop  for  1883,  estimated,  1,637,790,000  bushels,  being  the  largest  on  record,  ex- 
cept 1880. 

In  1849  three-tenths  of  the  corn  crop  was  grown  in  the 
Atlantic  States,  in  1879  but  a  little  over  one-tenth.  Thus  fast  has 
the  corn  area  marched  westward  and  northward.  We  say  north- 
ward, for  in  1849  the  Southern  States  produced  fifty-nine  per 
cent,  of  the  crop.  By  1859,  tne  Northern  States  had  exchanged 
positions  with  the  South.  For  several  years  the  average  product 
per  capita  has  been  over  thirty  bushels,  and  there  has  been  a 
surplus  for  export  averaging  about  six  per  cent,  of  the  total 
product.     The  total  export  of  corn  and  corn-meal  for  188 1  was 


140  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

93,650,000  bushels,  valued  at  #51,973,000,  out  of  a  total  product 
of  1,194,916,000  bushels,  valued  at  #759,483,000. 

WHEA  T. — The  development  of  wheat  culture  has  been  almost 
as  wonderful  as  that  of  corn,  but  it  has  been  encouraged  much 
more  than  corn  by  a  foreign  demand.  The  value  of  wheat  turns 
on  the  combined  production  of  Europe,  Asia,  Australia  and  Amer- 
ica. Three  to  four-tenths  of  our  wheat  goes  abroad  in  years 
of  European  scarcity,  the  chief  market  being  England  and  other 
manufacturing  countries  of  Europe.  Russia  was  for  a  long  time 
a  leading  competitor  of  America  in  the  wheat  markets  of  Europe, 
but  under  a  determined  English  policy  India  and  Australia  have 
become  formidable  rivals.  The  wheat  of  neither  of  these  coun- 
tries is,  however,  comparable  in  quality  with  that  of  America 
and  Russia. 

Wheat,  like  corn,  is  grown  in  all  the  States  and  Territories, 
but  it  also  has  its  favorite  areas.  The  New  England  States  grow 
barely  enough  for  a  three  weeks'  supply  of  their  population. 
The  Middle  States  grow  about  seven-tenths  of  what  they  con- 
sume, and  so  do  the  Southern  States.  The  States  borderincr 
on  the  Ohio,  those  lying  in  the  valley  of  the  Missouri,  and  the 
Pacific  States,  are  the  true  wheat  areas  of  the  country. 

The  average  wheat  acreage  of  the  country  for  eleven  years, 
beginning  with  1871,  has  been  28,052,480  acres,  as  against  47,- 
758,746  for  corn.  For  the  same  years  the  average  wheat  crop 
has  been  342,224,776  bushels,  valued  at  #359,654,528.  The 
average  price  per  bushel  has  been  #1.05.1,  the  average  yield  per 
acre  12.2  bushels,  and  the  average  yield  per  acre  in  dollars 
#12.82.  The  largest  crop  on  record  was  that  of  1880,  498,549,- 
868  bushels.     The  crop  of  1883  was  426,000,000  bushels. 

The  average  amount  of  wheat  consumed  in  a  year  by  one  of 
our  inhabitants  is  4^  bushels,  or  a  full  barrel  of  flower.  It 
therefore  takes  233,000,000  bushels  to  supply  our  50,000,000 
people  for  a  year,  to  which  must  be  added  50,000,000  bushels 
for  seed.  The  largest  export  of  wheat  ever  made  in  one  year 
was  in  1.880,  186,321,214  bushels,  but  the  average  export  for  the 
last  five  years  has  been  145,274,678  bushels,  valued  at  #187,- 
000,000  yearly.     The  export  of  wheat  contains  a  lesson  on  the 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  141 

value  of  agriculture  to  a  nation  which  ought  to  be  learned  by 
heart  and  never  forgotten.  For  years  before  the  civil  war  wheat 
exports  were  only  nominal.  The  country  depended  largely  on 
its  cotton  exports  to  pay  for  its  imports.  The  war  cut  that 
source  of  pay  off  entirely.  Yet  the  situation  was  such  that  our 
imports  had  to  be  greatly  increased.  It  was  a  ruinous  business 
unless  something  should  arise  to  fill  the  place  of  cotton  and  meet 
the  necessarily  heavy  imports.  Wheat  came  up  to  fill  the  bill, 
for  wheat  was  gold.  During  those  four  years  of  exhaustion  at 
home,  and  with  hundreds  of  thousands  of  producers  in  the  ranks 
of .  consumers,  the  average  annual  export  of  wheat  was  50,- 
000,000  bushels.  For  the  subsequent  five  years  the  annual 
export  averaged  only  20,000,000  bushels.  This  industry  thus 
stepped  timely  into  the  breach  and  proved  a  resource  in  emer- 
gency which  gladdened  the  heart  of  the  nation. 
.  OATS  AND  OTHER  GRAINS.— The  oats  areas  of  the 
country  are  less  extended  than  wheat,  and  lie  within  the  wheat 
areas.  The  average  acreage  for  eleven  years  has  been  12,272,- 
309  acres  a  year,  with  an  annual  average  of  339,227,342  bushels, 
valued  at  $122,459,823,  the  average  per  acre  being  27.6  bushels, 
or  $9.98,  at  an  average  of  36.1  cents  per  bushel.  It  is  not  a 
favorite  grain,  except  as  its  planting  gives  opportunity  for  rota- 
tion of  crops,  though  in  seasons  of  scarcity  it  comes  into 
prominence  as  a  substitute  for  corn. 

Barley  areas  are  confined  chiefly  to  the  northern  tiers  of  States 
and  to  the  Pacific  coast.  The  average  acreage  for  eleven  years 
has  been  1,635,953  acres  a  year,  with  an  annual  product  of 
36,097,982  bushels,  valued  at  $26,414,823.  The  annual  crop 
falls  behind  the  demand  some  6,000,000  bushels.  Though  the 
acreage  has  increased  as  fast  in  proportion  as  that  of  v/heat,  the 
supply  has  never  caught  up  with  the  demand  occasioned  by 
increased  manufacture  of  beer. 

Rye  areas  are  general,  but  it  is  chiefly  grown  in  Pennsylvania, 
New  York,  Illinois,  Wisconsin  and  Iowa.  The  average  acreage 
per  year  for  eleven  years  has  been  1,402,835,  with  an  annual 
average  product  of  19,489,275  bushels,  valued  at  $14,066,430. 
The  average  .price  per  bushel  for  the  same  time  has  been  72.2 
cents  and  the  yield  per  acre  13.9  bushels. 


142  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  chief  buckwheat  areas  are  in  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, though  it  is  grown  all  over  the  country  to  the  extent  of 
10,000,000  bushels  a  year. 

These  make  what  are  known  as  the  cereal  products  of  the 
country.  We  now  group  them  for  the  last  four  censuses  as  the 
best  means  of  showing  at  a  glance  our  advance  in  their  pro- 
duction. The  fifth  column  is  added  as  a  matter  of  curiosity. 
It  is  the  estimate  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  for  the 
crops  of  1882,  which  was  satisfactorily  close. 

Census.                  Corn.  Wheat.               Oats.  Barley.  Rye.  Buckwheat. 

18-0 592,071,104  100,485,944  146,584,179  5,167,015  14,188,813  8,956^912 

i860 838,792,742  173,104,924  172,643,185  15,825,898  21,101,380  17,571,818 

1S70 760,944,549  287,745,626  282,107,157  29,761,305  16,918,795  9,821,721 

1S80 i.754,&6i,535  459.479.5Q5  407,858,999  44,n3,495  i9,83x,595  ",8i7,327 

Est.  Dcp.  Ag.  for 

1882 1,625,000,000  510,000,000  470,000,000  45,000,000  20,000,000  12,000,000 

Thus  in  i860  the  total  cereal  product  of  the  country  was,  in 
round  numbers,  1,230,000,000  bushels;  in  1880  2,700,000,000 
bushels,  an  increase  of  over  100  per  cent,  in  twenty  years.  Dur- 
ing the  same  time  the  value  of  farms  increased  from  $6,600,- 
000,000  to  $10,000,000,000. 

HA  Y. — This  humbler  crop  than  golden  wheat  or  corn  is  the 
most  valuable  in  the  country.  By  this  we  do  not  mean  that  the 
quantity  actually  cut  and  housed  is  more  valuable  than  the  corn 
product,  but  that  this  quantity  taken  in  connection  with  grass 
used  for  pasture,  upon  which  depends  an  overwhelming  propor- 
tion of  the  growth  in  flesh  of  all  food  and  draught  animals,  be- 
comes by  far  the  most  valuable.  Yet  even  hay  proper  ranks,  of 
late  years,  next  to  corn  in  value,  and  as  an  agricultural  product  it 
has  kept  pace  with  the  growth  of  others.  The  hay  areas  are 
general,  but  the  largest  crops  are  in  the  corn  and  wheat  sections 
where  rotation  in  culture  has  become  necessary.  The  average 
acreage  of  hay  for  eleven  years  has  been  24,392,660  acres ; 
average  product  per  year,  29,800,281  tons  ;  average  annual  value, 
$335,212,062  ;  average  value  per  ton,  $1 1.25  ;  average  yield  per 
acre,  1.22  tons;  average  value  per  acre,  $13.74.  Yield  as  given 
in  census  of  1880,  35,205,712  tons. 

POTATOES. — Though  a  native  vegetable  and  of  almost  as 
much  importance,  as  a  food  product,  as  wheat  or  corn,  and 
though  its  areas  are  general,  the  potato  crop  is  the  least  certain 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  143 

of  all,  and  its  culture  is  hardly  beyond  mere  guesswork.  The 
yearly  average  acreage  for  eleven  years  has  been  1,608,974 
acres,  yielding  135,491,019  bushels,  valued  at  $76,745,679.  The 
value  per  bushel  has  been  56.1  cents*;  the  yield  per  acre,  84.2 
bushels;  the  value  per  acre,  $47.08.  Though  the  value  per 
bushel  has  steadily  risen  from  59  cents  in  1871  to  91  cents  in 
1 88 1,  the  yield  per  acre  has  shown  no  corresponding  increase, 
while  the  value  per  acre  has  decreased  from  $58  to  $48.  The 
acreage  for  1881  was  2,041,670  acres,  as  against  1,220,912  acres 
for  1 87 1,  while  the  yield  for  1881  (it  was  a  disastrous  potato  year 
and  we  had  to  import  from  Canada,  Ireland  and  Scotland)  was 
only  109,145,494  bushels,  as  against  120,461,100  bushels  for 
1871. 

RICE. — This  is  a  sub-tropical  plant,  and  its  culture  depends 
on  great  quantities  of  moisture.  Indeed,  it  is  hardly  a  possible 
crop  beyond  the  line  of  lands  which  can  be  overflowed,  of  which 
there  is  an  abundance  on  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coasts,  and  along 
the  Mississippi  and  other  streams  which  empty  sluggishly  into 
the  Gulf.  It  was  early  introduced  into  Virginia  and  the  Caro- 
linas,  and  in  1840  the  total  crop  was  80,841,000  pounds.  Im- 
proved cultivation  gave  in  1850  a  crop  of  215,312,710  pounds, 
and  in  i860,  187,167,032  pounds.  During  the  civil  war  the 
cultivation  was  greatly  neglected,  and  in  1870  it  had  only  risen 
to  73,635,021  pounds,  and  in  1879  to  110,131,373  pounds.  In 
i860  rice  was  an  export  to  the  extent  of  $2,500,000.  At  present 
the  home  supply  does  not  meet  the  demand. 

SUGAR-CANE. — The  profitable  sugar-cane  area  of  the 
country  is,  thus  far,  limited  to  the  region  about  the  lower  waters 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  even  there  it  is  planted  annually.  In  the 
West  Indies  it  is  a  perennial  plant.  Its  growth  has  not  kept 
pace  with  that  of  other  agricultural  products,  and,  as  we  shall 
see,  the  United  States  ranks  very  low  in  the  list  of  sugar-pro- 
ducing nations.  It  is  quite  certain  that  profitable  cane-areas 
exist  outside  of  those  found  in  Louisiana,  for  instance,  in  all  the 
Gulf  States,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  we  shall  ere  long,  with 
better  adaptation  of  labor,  employment  of  improved  machinery, 
and  closer  attention  to  the  science  of  culture,  take  higher  rank 


144  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

as  a  sugar-producing  country.  We  are  the  largest  sugar  and 
molasses  consumers  in  the  world,  in  proportion  to  our  popula- 
tion, and  have  always  been  willing  to  pay  dearly  for  these  prime 
articles. 

The  sugar  product  of  the  country  has  never  exceeded  13  per 
cent,  of  the  amount  consumed,  nor  the  molasses  product  21  per 
cent.  At  this  time  we  are  importing  an  annual  average  of 
$80,000,000  worth  of  sugar  and  molasses,  and  paying  thereon 
a  duty  nearly  equal  to  half  that  amount.  This  condition  of 
affairs  is  directly  encouraging  to  fresh  development  of  the  in- 
dustry. 

Louisiana,  which  grows  95  per  cent,  of  our  sugar  product, 
raised  30,000  hogsheads  in  1823.  The  amount  fluctuated  greatly 
each  year  since,  but  showed,  on  the  whole,  an  increase  up  to 
1853,  when  the  crop  was  449,324  hogsheads.  There  was  then 
a  general  decline  to  an  annual  average  of  some  250,000  hogs- 
heads, till  the  great  crop  of  1 861  gave  459,410  hogsheads. 
Since  then  the  falling  off  has  been  to  an  average  scarcely  in 
excess  of  100,000  hogsheads  annually.  The  crop  of  1879 
(census  crop)  was  178,872  hogsheads  and  16,573,273  gallons  of 
molasses,  grown  from  227,776  acres. 

Our  methods  of  sugar  culture  have  been  such  as  to  keep  the 
product  down  to  very  low  figures.  It  has  never  raised  the  price 
of  sugar  lands  to  a  higher  average  than  $20  to  $25  per  acre,  nor 
the  yield  per  acre  to  over  2,000  pounds  for  any  long  term  of 
years.  The  average  in  the  West  Indies  runs  from  3,000  to 
5,000  pounds  per  acre,  and  it  has  been  quoted  as  high  as  7,000 
pounds  in  the  East  Indies.  Even  after  the  cane  is  harvested  in 
this  country,  it  is  estimated  that  unskillful  handling  results  in  a 
loss  of  40  per  cent,  of  the  saccharine  matter.  With  perfect 
farming  appliances  and  good  agricultural  methods,  with  a  divi- 
sion of  the  unwieldy  sugar  estates  into  smaller  farms,  and 
better  protection  against  overflows,  it  is  thought  that  every  acre 
of  sugar  land  can  be  made  to  yield  60,000  pounds  of  cane, 
which  would  give  5,000  pounds  of  sugar  and  3,500  pounds  of 
molasses,  the  former  being  worth  8  cents  per  pound  and  the 
latter  4  cents  per  pound.     Here  is  a  product  equal  to  $540  per 


BUILDING    INDUSTRIALLY.  145 

acre,  which,  less  $200  per  acre  for  culture,  leaves  a  net  profit  of 
$340.  Surely  this  is  an  invitation  to  investment  and  improved 
methods  of  industry  which  cannot  long  escape  proverbial 
American  enterprise,  and  must  change  the  fact  that  our  annual 
sugar  product  does  not  rank  by  63  per  cent,  as  high  as  in 
i860. 

Much  thought  has  lately  been  given  to  the  growth  of  Sorghum, 
which  is  hardier  than  sugar-cane  and  susceptible  of  cultivation 
in  our  highest  latitudes.  Experiments  have  led,  thus  far,  to  the 
establishment  of  three  factories  which  have  succeeded  in  re- 
ducing the  juices  of  this  cane  to  a  fine  grade  of  sugar,  at  a  profit. 
Many  suppose  that  a  supply  equal  to  the  demand  can  be  reached, 
ere  long,  by  this  culture.  The  areas  of  Sorghum. cane-growing 
are  gradually  enlarging,  but  the  date  of  tedious  and  costly  ex- 
periment with  it  has  not  yet  passed.  A  more  seductive  enterprise 
is  that  of  beet  sugar  culture.  In  this  line  the  experiments  of  other 
nations,  as  Germany,  France,  Russia,  Belgium  and  Holland,  have 
resulted  in  success  and  answer  as  encouragements.  France  sup- 
plies her  own  demand,  by  producing  annually  a  crop  equal  to 
500,000  tons  of  beet  sugar.  One  factory  in  California  has  been 
making  beet  sugar  for  three  years  at  a  profit.  Another  in  Maine 
made  over  a  million  pounds  a  year  for  three  years,  but  had  to 
suspend  because  the  farmers  were  not  sufficiently  skilled  in 
raising  the  roots,  though  it  Was  found  that  an  average  of  ten  tons 
per  acre  could  be  reached,  worth  $5  to  $6  per  ton. 

Within  a  comparatively  short  period,  Continental  Europe  has 
carried  the  beet  sugar  production  up  to  and  beyond  a  supply, 
and  an  excess  of  95,000  tons  is  computed  for  1884.  Even 
Russia  is  said  to  raise  within  15,000  tons  of  her  own  supply. 

In  addition  to  our  home  supply  and  that  derived  from  the 
West  Indies  and  Sandwich  Islands,  most  of  the  latter  going  into 
the  Pacific  States,  we  imported  of  this  European  beet  sugar  in 
1880,2,353  tons;  in  1881,  5,941  tons;  in  1882,  7,204 tons;  and  in 
1883,  45,889  tons.  Here  are  figures  which  show  a  rapid  growth 
of  trade  in  this  product,  much  to  our  detriment.  It  is  impossible 
#to  tell  what  particular  line  of  sugar  product  will  be  the  suc- 
cessful one  in  the  future.  All  are  promising,  all  profitable. 
10 


146  BUILDING    AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

That  one  will  soon  be  hit  upon  and  pursued  with  our  charac- 
teristic energy,  we  feel  sure.  It  cannot  be  that  America  shall 
long  lag  in  this  respect.  It  would  be  in  the  nature  of  a  reproach 
if,  with  a  resource  of  land  and  climate  for  this  industry  equal  to 
any  other  country,  her  energy  should  finally  fail  in  its  grasp. 

COTTON. — Cotton  seed  was  first  planted  at  Jamestown  in 
1 62 1,  and  the  "  cotton  wool  "  of  the  colonial  garden  was  long  a 
matter  of  curiosity  and  discussion  here  and  in  England.  In  an 
experimental  way  its  culture  extended  at  first  northward  rather 
than  southward.  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Penn- 
sylvania all  tried  the  growing  of  it,  and  in  1776  it  was  said  that 
the  crop  secured  in  favorable  places  around  Philadelphia  was 
equal  to  the  demand ;  which,  of  course,  was  not  saying  much,  as 
wool  was  the  chief  article  of  clothing. 

Its  trial  in  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  in  1733-34,  and  in 
Louisiana  in  1742,  directed  attention  to  it  as  a  possible  Southern 
staple,  valuable  alike  as  an  article  of  clothing  at  home  and  as  a 
leading  export.  It  was  not  only  climatically  at  home  there,  but 
the  soil  was  then  virgin,  and  the  labor  supposed  to  be  of  a  kind 
best  fitted  for  its  culture,  though  subsequent  facts  have  led  to 
another  conclusion. 

Charleston  exported  several  bags  of  cotton  in  1747.  In  1770 
three  bales  were  exported  from  New  York,  four  from  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  and  three  barrels  from  North  Carolina.  The 
crop  of  1 79 1  was  estimated  at  2,000,000  pounds,  and  then  it 
began  to  dawn  that  a  staple  was  at  our  command  which  would 
in  time  largely  affect  commerce  and  the  welfare  of  nations.  In 
1795  the  few  American  cotton  mills  imported  for  their  use 
4,107,000  pounds,  though  our  exports  for  that  year  were  6,276,- 
300  pounds.  In  1801  the  production  was  estimated  at  48,000,000, 
21,000,000  of  which  were  exported.  In  18 10  the  export  rose  to 
94,000,000  pounds,  and  in  181 3,  owing  to  the  war,  fell  off  to 
19,400,000  pounds.  Then  the  situation  was  such  as  to  prove 
that  England  virtually  commanded  our  cotton  market,  for  the 
price  was  only  12  cents  a  pound  at  home  while  there  it  ran  from 
30  to  40  cents.  This  was  further  shown  after  the  peace  of  181 5; 
for  in  1 82 1   our  estimated  crop  was   180,000,000  pounds;   124,- 


Cotton  seed  first  planted 
at  Jamestown  1621 ;  first 
planted  in  the  Carolinas 
1733;  in  Georgia  1734; 
in  Louisiana  1742. 

Cotton  first  exported  from 
Charleston  1747. 

Whitney's  Cotton  Gin  in- 
vented 1793. 


COTTON   INDUSTRIES   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  147 

893,000  of  which  was  exported.  In  1825  the  crop  had  grown 
to  255,000,000  pounds,  or  580,000  bales.  From  that  time  till 
i860  the  acreage  and  annual  yield  largely  increased.  The  fig- 
ures for  that  year  are  4,669,770  bales  of  440*  pounds  each. 
This  was  the  greatest  crop  of  the  country  prior  to  the  civil 
war. 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  cotton  came  into  impor- 
tance with  the  invention  of  Whitney's  Cotton  Gin  in  1793.  Its 
production  grew  rapidly,  and  reached  its  climax,  under  the 
system  of  slave  labor,  between  1850  and  i860,  during  which 
decade  the  average  annual  yield  was  in  excess  of  3,000,000 
bales.  So  much  did  it  absorb  agricultural  attention  that  during 
that  decade  there  was  a  marked  decrease  in  the  other  three 
Southern  staples,  viz.,  sugar,  rice  and  tobacco. 

From  1862  to  '65  there  are  no  records  of  cotton  production, 
but  in  1866,  under  free  labor,  the  product  was  2,193,987  bales. 
There  was  a  steady  annual  increase  of  these  figures  till  in  1 878 
the  crop  was  4,811,265  bales,  or  larger  than  the  greatest  crop 
under  the  old  system.  Nor  did  the  increase  stop.  If  anything 
it  has  grown  more  rapidly,  through  subdivision  of  plantations, 
introduction  of  machinery  and  improved  tillage,  and  closer 
alliance  of  labor  with  the  crop  output. 

In  order  to  show  the  true  cotton  areas  we  give  the  acreage  of 
three  years  beginning  with  1880: 

c.  .  1882.  1881.  1880. 

btates'  Acres.  Acres.  Acres. 

Virginia 61,985  57,930  53.H7 

North  Carolina 1,050,543  1,061,155  973*537 

South  Carolina 1,587,244  1,619,639  1,527,959 

Georgia 2,844,305  2,994,005  2,878,851 

Florida 260,402  263,032  257,875 

Alabama 2,534,388  2,639,988  2,563,095 

Mississippi 2,233,884  2,351,228  2,260,796 

Louisiana 887,524  944,174  916,674 

Texas .2,810,113  2,676,298  2,478,054 

Arkansas 1,110,790  1,181,692  1,147,274 

Tennessee 815,760  840,990  816,495 

Other  States  and  Ter. .  . .         79,793  80,599  76,761 

Total 16,276,731  16,710,730  I5,95°»5i8 

*  The  commercial  bale  of  cotton  has  varied  in  weight  at  different  times.  It  is 
now  computed  at  490  gross  pounds,  or  460  pounds  of  net  lint. 


148  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

Prior  to  1878  Louisiana  ranked  as  the  fourth  cotton-growing 
State,  and  before  187 1  "as  the  third.  Now  Texas  is  rapidly- 
coming  to  the  front.  In  i860  Mississippi  raised  nearly  half  of 
all  the  cotton  grown  in  the  United  States. 

Commercial  figures  place  the  later  cotton  product  of  the  coun- 
try thus : 

1881.  1882.         ,       1883. 

Bales 6,589,329  5>435>845  6,959,000 

The  average  annual  consumption  of  cotton  in  Europe  is  esti- 
mated at  6,000,000  bales.  The  United  States  of  late  years  sup- 
plies on  an  average  56  per  cent,  of  this  consumption.  Of  the 
above  England  alone  takes  over  2,000,000  bales  annually.  The 
actual  exportation  in  1881  was  4,596,279  bales,  or  over  2,000,- 
000,000  pounds,  and  in  1883,  2,288,075,000  pounds.  Running 
back  a  period  of  seventeen  years  we  find  that  the  average  annual 
exportation  has  approximated  3,000,000  bales.  And  we  take 
advantage  of  the  figures  which  show  this,  to  show  also  a  com- 
parison of  our  cotton  production  for  that  period  with  a  corre- 
sponding period  before  the  civil  war,  the  labor  conditions  being 
different: 

Movement.  Exportation.  Consumption. 
Seventeen  years.                     Bales.                     Bales.  Bales. 

1844-186 1 5i»33°.79°  39,913,005  11,422,799 

1865-1882 68,377,375  46,892,528  21,494,210 

The  culture  of  cotton  is  arduous  and  painstaking  and  the  crop 
results  uncertain,  owing  to  its  sensibility  to  cold  and  moisture, 
to  its  frequently  falling  a  prey  to  insects,  and  to  lack  of  exact 
agricultural  science.  Its  price  is  as  fluctuating  as  the  crop. 
The  yield  per  acre  runs  from  100  to  250  pounds  (the  crop  of 
1879  gave  an  average  of  189  pounds  of  lint  per  acre),  and  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  grow  and  market  it  profitably  under  9  cents 
a  pound,  taking  the  seasons  as  they  run,  and  counting  the  aver- 
age yield  per  acre  as  low  as  150  pounds.  The  market  price  has 
for  many  years  been  such  as  to  give  a  handsome  profit  on  this 
figure.  The  total  value  of  raw  cotton  exported  for  the  past 
three  years  has  been — 

1881.  1882.  1883. 

£247,695,746  £199,812,644  £247,328,721 

Showing  that  it  is  a  most  important  addition  to  our  commercial 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  149 

wealth,  and  a  direct  invitation  to  the  highest  grade  of  agricul- 
tural industry  and  enterprise.  As  things  exist  no  other  nation 
can  compete  with  us  in  its  production.  The  weak  spot  in  con- 
nection with  its  growth  is  that  considerably  more  than  half  of 
our  annual  product  is  sent  abroad  at  a  dead  loss  of  a  sum  equal 
to  the  cost  of  freight  and  handling.  When  we  agree  to  save 
this  loss  by  manufacturing  the  fibre  on  the  spot  of  production, 
and  serving  the  world  with  fabrics  rather  than  raw  material,  we 
will  better  appreciate  the  adage  that  "  cotton  is  king." 

Cotton  is  not  a  novelty.  In  India  and  many  islands  of  the 
Indian  Ocean  it  has  been  cultivated,  spun  and  woven  from  time 
immemorial.  The  Spaniards  found  it  in  Mexico  at  the  time  of 
their  conquest.  Pliny  speaks  of  it  as  in  use  among  the  Egyptians 
in  his  time.  The  Chinese  cultivated  it  as  a  garden  plant  at  an 
early  period,  and  in  the  thirteenth  century  spun  and  wove  its 
filaments.  The  Saracens  cultivated  it  in  Spain  and  Sicily  in  the 
tenth  century.  Its  common  use  in  England  dates  from  the  in- 
ventions of  Arkwright  in  1769. 

The  value  of  the  product  in  manufacture  is  graded  by  the 
length,  fineness  and  tenacity  of  its  filament.  The  longest,  finest 
and  most  valuable  fibre  in  the  world  is  known  as  Sea  Island  cotton, 
raised  on  the  coasts  of  the  Carolinas.  All  other  American  cot- 
tons are  known  as  Uplands.  They  are  not  noted  for  length  of 
fibre,  but  for  fleeciness  and  elasticity  they  give  to  American- 
grown  cotton  first  rank.  Sea  Island  seed  sown  in  Egypt  does 
not  produce  its  native  length  of  fibre,  though  it  is  better  for  some 
kinds  of  thread,  and  for  such  special  uses  we  import  a  certain 
quantity  of  it.  South  American  cottons  are  harsh  and  irregular 
of  fibre,  and  adapted  only  for  coarse  uses.  India  cotton  ranks 
next  to  that  of  the  United  States  in  texture  and  adaptability. 
South  African  cotton  and  that  of  Borneo  and  China  lack  the 
silkiness  and  elasticity  of  fibre  common  to  that  grown  in 
America. 

TOBACCO. — This  native  plant,  of  which  the  historian  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh's  colonial  experiment  says,  "  It  hath  a  soothing 
and  medicinal  effect  upon  the  system,"  became  at  an  early  period 
a  Southern  staple,  and  at  one  time  was  used  to  pay  taxes,  liquidate 


150  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

royal  stipends,  and  perform  the  uses  of  currency.  The  tobacco 
areas  of  the  country  remained  for  a  long  time  south  of  Mason 
and  Dixon's  line,  and  it  was  a  favorite  staple  with  old  Southern 
planters,  more  because  their  labor  was  supposed  to  be  suited  to 
raising  it,  than  because  it  found  a  natural  home  in  either  the  soil 
or  climate  of  the  South.  The  Southern  areas  grow  a  tobacco 
peculiarly  fitted  for  pipe  smoking  and  for  the  manufacture  of 
chewing  plug.  They  have  gradually  expanded  till  they  not  only 
embrace  the  whole  Southern  States,  but,  as  the  census  reports 
of  1880  show,  all  the  Northern  States  as  well. 

Almost  from  the  settlement  of  the  country  tobacco  has  been 
an  article  of  export,  running  from  $25,000,000  to  $30,000,000 
for  the  last  few  years.  Virginia  for  a  long  time  headed  the  list 
of  tobacco-producing  States,  followed  by  North  Carolina.  These 
in  turn  gave  way  to  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  In  later  years 
the  areas  shifted  rapidly  northward,  and  Pennsylvania,  which 
ranked  twelfth  as  a  tobacco-growing  State  in  1 870,  ranked  third  in 
1880.  Ohio  passed  from  fifth  to  fourth;  Maryland  from  fifth  to 
seventh ;  Tennessee  from  third  to  fifth ;  Missouri  from  seventh 
to  ninth. 

The  culture  of  the  plant  in  northern  areas,  which  is  com- 
paratively modern,  has  been  encouraged  by  the  introduction  of 
careful  tillage,  and  by  the  discovery  that  their  growth  is  the  best 
fitted  for  domestic  consumption. 

Crop  of  1840.*         1850.  i860.  1870.  1880. 

219,163,319  lbs.     199,752,646  lbs.     434,209,641  lbs.     262,735,341  lbs.    472,661,159  lbs. 

A  grouping  of  leading  tobacco  States,  the  tobacco  product 
therein  for  1879,  the  value  of  the  crop  in  the  farmers'  hands,  the 
value  per  acre,  and  the  cost  of  raising,  are  so  briefly  instructive, 
and  so  suggestive  of  the  entire  situation,  that  we  take  the  liberty 
of  using  it  as  found  arranged  in  Spofford's  Treasury  of  Facts  for 
1884.  In  consulting  it  let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  was  in 
1879  but  little  foreign  demand  for  the  peculiar  leaf  raised  by 
Missouri,  Maryland,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  those  States  in  which 
the  value  per  acre  and  per  100  pounds  runs  the  lowest.     The 

*  These  are  census  figures.  As  a  general  thing  they  relate,  as  to  crops,  to  the 
previous  year.     Thus,  the  1880  returns  give  the  crop  of  1879. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  151 

other  States  were  more  fortunate  in  finding  a  home  demand  for 
their  crop. 

Cost  of 

Value  per  Value  per  raising 

States.             Acres.  Pounds.  Value.  acre.  ioo  lbs.  100  lbs. 

Kentucky 226,120  171,120,784  $11,089,782  l       $49.04  $6.48  $4.90 

Virginia 140,791  79,988,868  5,406,744  38.40  6.75  5.33 

Pennsylvania 27,566  36,943,272  4,612,894  167.33  12.48  8.42 

Ohio 34,676  34.735,235  2,653,234  76.51  7.63  5.91 

Tennessee 4!,532  29,365,052  i,538,757  37-°4  524  4.50 

North  Carolina 57,208  26,986,213  3,805,089  66.51  14.10  9.33 

Maryland 38,174  26,082,147  1,825,750  47.82  7.00  5.91 

Connecticut 8,666  14,044,652  1,929,982  222.70  13. 74  9.85 

Missouri 15,521  12,015,657  600,256  38.67  4.99  3.58 

Wisconsin 8,810  10,608,423  899,118  102.05  847  4.95 

Indiana n.955  8,872,842  443,642  37-io  5.00  3.60 

New  York 4,937  6,481,431  720,868  146.01  11. 12  8.00 

Massachusetts 3,358  5,369,436  683,575  203.56  12.73  9  72 

Illinois 5,612  3,935,825  202,745  36.12  5.15  4.17 

West  Virginia 4,07*  2,296,146  J7°,374  4J-85  7.42  6.00 

Arkansas 2,064  970,220  4*, 547  20.12  4.28  2.70 

BUTTER,  CHEESE  AND  MILK.— These  useful  and  valu- 
able products  of  the  farm  have  kept  pace  with  agricultural  develop- 
ment in  other  respects,  though  the  cheese  production  has  suf- 
fered a  notable  reduction,  owing  to  the  fact  that  milk  has,  of  it- 
self, a  greater  commercial  value  than  formerly.  The  Northern 
States  are  in  a  long  lead  in  these  products,  and  New  York  heads 
the  list.  Their  increase  and  decrease  are  best  shown  by  the 
following  table : 

1850.       i860.       1870.       1880. 

Butter,  lbs 313, 345, 306  459,681,372  514,092,683  777,25°,287 

Cheese,  lbs 105,535,893  103,663,927  53,492,x53  27,272,489 

Milk  (sold)  gallons 235,500,599  53°,I29,755 

The  above  figures  are  those  which  relate  only  to  farm  pro- 
ducts of  butter  and  cheese.  Of  late  years  their  manufacture 
has  been  largely  carried  on  by  factories,  of  which  there  are  some 
4,000  in  the  United  States,  making  yearly  175,000,000  pounds  of 
cheese,  valued  at  $14,000,000,  and  17,000,000  pounds  of  butter, 
valued  at  $4,000,000.  In  1882  our  export  of  cheese  amounted  to 
$14,000,000,  and  in  1883  to  $11,000,000.  For  the  same  years 
our  butter  export  was  $2,864,000  and  $2,290,000,  respectively. 

WOOL. — While  there  has  always  been  a  certain  wool  pro- 
duction in  the  United  States,  wool-growing  in  a  commercial 
sense  does  not  date  very  far  back.  Indeed,  prior  to  1840,  a  raw 
wool  product  may  have  been  considered  as  an  incident  to  sheep- 
raising  for  food  or  simply  domestic  purposes.  At  any  rate  it 
was  not  a  rapidly  increasing  product,  and  did  not  keep  pace  with 


152  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

development  in  other  agricultural  industries.  The  drift  of  the 
older  States  was  backward  in  respect  to  wool  production,  and 
the  new  States  had  not  yet  filled  their  place.  As  soon  as  they 
began  to  do  this  the  production  showed  a  wonderfully  rapid 
growth.  While  Ohio  long  held  the  lead  as  a  wool-growing 
State,  it  was  in  California  that  the  problem  of  sheep-rais- 
ing and  feeding  for  the  sake  of  the  clip  first  met  with  practical 
solution.  There  the  flockage  rose  from  almost  nothing  in  1850 
to  over  four  millions  in  1880. 

For  a  long  time  our  native-grown  wools  did  not  take  high  rank 
in  the  manufactures.  But  the  introduction  of  improved  breeds  of 
sheep,  greater  attention  to  their  food  and  food-ranges,  and  larger 
knowledge  of  their  habits,  health,  and  fleece-producing  qualities 
have  enabled  the  American  wool-grower  to  produce  an  article 
which,  after  close  analysis,  and.  often  comparison  with  foreign 
wools,  is  pronounced  as  fine  as  any  that  is  grown  elsewhere. 
Wool-growing  in  its  highest  sense  is  now  a  pronounced  industry, 
and  one  that  is  bound  to  keep  abreast  of  the  other  great  industries. 
It,  like  sugar,  has  a  home-field  which  is  as  yet  unfilled  except  by 
heavy  annual  importations.  The  amount  and  rate  of  growth 
appears  thus  : 

1850.  i860.  1870.  1880. 

52,516,959  lbs.              60,264,913  lbs.              100,102,387  lbs.  155,681,751  lbs. 

Ranch  sheep  and  wool  of  slaughtered  sheep  estimated..  .        85,000,000 
Total  for  1880 240,681,751 

LIVE-STOCK. — Passing  from  the  great  staples  to  the  living 
products  of  the  farm,  we  have  as  great  occasion  for  surprise  and 
congratulation  at  the  evidences  of  substantial  progress.  In  the 
rearing  of  domestic  animals  this  country  takes  a  decided  lead. 
Every  condition  favors  numerous,  strong  and  prolific  breeds  of 
stock.  Encouragement  to  surround  the  homestead  and  dot  the 
farm  with  draught  animals  is  found  in  the  needs  of  active  and 
growing  agriculture,  while  the  redundancy  of  grain,  grass,  hay 
and  fodder  assures  food  for  rearing  and  fattening  a  supply  for 
our  home  markets  and  those  abroad.  It  is  significant  that 
American  beef  and  pork  are  as  much  depended  upon  for  food  in 
foreign  markets  as  American  corn  and  wheat. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  153 

An  idea  of  the  increase  in  live-stock  may  be  gleaned  from  the 
following,  which  gives  the  number  on  farms  only  : 

i860.  1870.  1880. 

Horses 6,249,174  7,145,370  10,357,488 

Mules  and  Asses 1,151,148  1,125,415  1,812,808 

Oxen 2,254,911  1,319,271  993'84i 

Milch  Cows 8,581,735  8,935,332  12,443,120 

Other  Cattle 14.779.373  *    13-566,605  22,488,550 

Sheep 22,471,275  28,477,951  42,192,074 

Swine 33,512,867  25,134,569  47,681,700 

89,000,483  85,704,513  I37.969.58i 

Value $1,089,329,915  $1,525,276,457*   $1,500,464,609 

It  is  estimated  that  the  number  of  cattle  not  on  farms  will 
increase  the  above  figures  at  least  fifteen  per  cent.f 

FARMS. — In  the  United  States  a  farm  means  more  than  in 
any  other  country.  It  is  in  general  a  man's  own  acres,  and  is 
thus  a  direct  contributor  to  thrift  and  independence  of  character. 
Farm  occupancy  is  not,  as  a  rule,  humble  tenancy,  but  proud 
ownership.  In  whatever  section  of  our  country  this  rule  holds 
to  the  greatest  extent  there  the  yeomanry  are  best  off  in  every 
respect.  Even  foreigners  recognize  this  characteristic,  and  the 
ambitious  among  them  seek  a  fee  simple  in  the  productive 
prairies  of  the  West  in  preference  to  a  location  in  sections  where 
tenantry  customs  prevail.  Out  of  our  four  million  farms  fully 
three-fourths  are  occupied  by  actual  owners.  The  farms  of  the 
remaining  fourth  lie  largely  in  the  Southern  States,  where 
freedmen,  not  yet  able  to  own  or  stock  the  land,  but  anxious 
to  try  the  experiment  of  working  on  the  shares,  take  holdings 
under  contracts  of  various  kinds. 

No.  of  farms.  Occupied  by  owner.        Rented  for  money.        Rented  on  shares. 

4,008,907  2,984,306  322.357  702,244 

*  In  all  comparisons  of  values  between  1870  and  1880,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  in  the  former  year  gold  was  at  a  premium  of  25.5  per  cent. 

j-  These  figures  shift  so  rapidly  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  keep  up  with  them. 
Those  for  1883,  with  those  for  1884,  estimated,  have  been  published  by  the  Depart-' 
ment  of  Agriculture,  and  are  as  follows : 

1883.  1884.  Value  for  1884. 

Horses 10,838,111  11,169,283  $    833,734,400 

Mules 1,871,079  1,914,126  161,214,976 

Milch  cows 13,125,685  13,501,206  423,486,649 

Oxen  and  other  cattle. .28,046,077  29,046,101  683,229,054 

Sheep 49,237,291  50,626,626  119,902,706 

Hogs 43,279,086  44,200,893  246,301,139 

$2,467,868,924 


154  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

Another  feature  of  our  farms  is  their  size.  They  are  divided 
in  the  census  returns  into  seven  classes,  according  to  the  num- 
ber of  acres.  The  two  classes,  containing  from  50  to  100 
acres  and  from  100  to  500  acres,  embrace  more  than  half  the 
whole  number  of  farms.  With  our  lands  thus  finely  subdivided 
there  is  given  opportunity  for  actual  ownership,  higher  grade  of 
farming,  and  better  realization  of  the  blessings  which  flow  from 
agricultural  industry.  The  largest  farms  are  in  the  Southern 
States,  if  we  except  the  ranches  of  the  Pacific  States  and  some 
of  the  Territories,  which  can  scarcely  be  called  farms.  New 
York   has  only   281    farms   of  over    1,000  acres;  Georgia  has 

3,491. 

The  improved  land  comprised  in  farms  has  increased  as  fol- 
lows : 

1850.  i860.  1870.  1880. 

113,000,000  Acres  163,000,000  189,000,000  284,771,042 

But  the  improved  land  is  not  by  any  means  all  of  the  area 
embraced  in  farms,  as  the  following  shows : 

1870.  1880. 

Improved  land 189,000,000  Acres  284,771,042 

Unimproved  land 218,735,041  251,310,793 

Total  farm  areas 407,735,041  536,081,835 

The  total  number  of  farms  in  1880  being  4,008,907,  the  aver- 
age size  of  each  farm  would  be  134  acres,  as  against  153  in  1870, 
199  in  i860,  and  203  in  1850. 

The  increase  in  the  value  of  farms  has  been  as  follows  : 

1850.  i860.  1S70.  1880. 

$3,271,575,426  $6,645,045,007  $9,262,803,861  $10,197,096,776 

To  work  our  farms  requires  implements  and  machinery  to  the 
value  of  $406,520,055.  Repairs  and  fencing  cost,  in  1879,  $77,- 
763,473,  and  fertilizers  $28,586,397.  For  the  same  year  the 
total  of  farm  products  footed  the  magnificent  sum  of  $2,213,- 
402,564. 

And  so  we  might  turn  over  these  bewildering  figures  for 
hours,  each  time  getting  new  ideas  of  the  immense  importance 
of  our  agricultural  interests  and  of  the  wonderful  growth  of  the 
industry.     As  we  have  seen,  it  occupies  the  direct  attention  of 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  155 

nearly  eight  millions  of  our  people.  Indirectly  it  concerns  the 
life  and  comfort  of  all  at  home  and  countless  millions  abroad. 
There  is  no  wealth  so  substantial  as  that  of  agriculture,  no  re- 
source so  far-reaching.  When  we  point  to  our  growth  from 
thirteen  colonies  to  thirty-eight  States,  from  a  little  fringe  of  At- 
lantic territory  to  a  magnificent  domain  of  3,000,000  square 
miles,  and  from  a  population  of  3,000,000  to  one  of  50,000,000 
people,  we  do  but  indirectly  exult  over  the  triumphs  of  our 
agricultural  system  and  exalt  the  quiet  power  that,  more  than 
any  other,  has  made  us  stable,  rich  and  independent.  In  learn- 
ing of  our  institutions,  and  in  striving  to  rule  them  well  and  to 
perpetuate  them  continuously,  there  is  nothing  of  greater  con- 
cern than  farm  industry,  coupled  with  untrammelled  ownership 
of  the  land.  Says  Thomas  H.  Benton :  "  Tenantry  is  unfavor- 
able to  freedom.  The  tenant  has,  in  fact,  no  country,  no  hearth, 
no  domestic  altar,  no  household  god.  The  freeholder,  on  the 
contrary,  is  the  natural  supporter  of  a  free  government,  and  it 
should  be  the  policy  of  republics  to  multiply  their  freeholders, 
as  it  is  the  policy  of  monarchies  to  multiply  their  tenants." 

MANUFACTURES.— We  pass  to  a  more  bustling,  less  con- 
servative, and  equally  interesting  branch  of  industry.  In  it 
we  meet  with  the  same  evidences  of  growth  as  in  agriculture, 
and  the  same  compliments  to  our  thrift  and  genius.  That  we 
are  not  yet  as  independent  in  manufacture  as  in  agriculture  is  be- 
cause manufacture  necessarily  follows,  and  is  dependent  on,  a 
certain  amount  of  prior  development  of  soil,  acquisition  of 
wealth,  and  growth  of  population.  It  is  the  secondary  outcrop 
of  the  genius  of  an  enterprising  and  industrious  people.  The 
time  never  existed,  since  we  cut  our  colonial  apron-strings,  when 
we  did  not  manufacture  something,  and  our  manufacturing  possi- 
bilities made  vivid  the  dreams  of  our  earliest  statesmen  and  capi- 
talists. Our  immense  water  power  was  visible,  before  the  age 
of  coal  and  steam.  So  was  our  forest  wealth.  What  was  be- 
neath the  soil,  and  what  its  surface  could  yield,  were  such  as 
the  imagination  delighted  to  sketch,  but  which,  in  the  light  of 
revelation,  no  imagination,  however  glowing,  could  sufficiently 
outline  and  color. 


156  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

We  have  seen  that  our  government  has  ever  had  a  kindly 
leaning  toward  its  agricultural  interests,  believing  that  land 
ownership  and  a  free  and  independent  yeomanry  were  bulwarks 
of  the  republic.  It  has  not  always  been  so  kindly  disposed 
toward  its  manufactures,  for  the  reason  that  these,  in  their  estab- 
lishment and  encouragement,  required  a  greater  amount  of 
legislation,  and  such  legislation,  always  intricate  and  clashing, 
could  never  be  kept  free  from  the  ambitions  of  statesmen  and 
the  bias  of  parties.  Our  earliest  laws,  looking  to  future  manu- 
facturing possibilities,  were  kind.  But  there  came  a  relapse  in 
fostering  legislation,  and  such  manufactures  as  took  hold  did  so 
in  defiance  of  the  competition  which  came  from  abroad.  No 
doctrine  of  home  development  prevailed  till  "  the  American  sys- 
tem," as  formulated  by  Henry  Clay,  directed  the  attention  of 
our  people  to  the  necessity  of  cultivating  an  independent  manu- 
facturing polity,  if  ever  they  were  to  attain  that  pre-eminence 
which  they  were  entitled  to  by  reason  of  native  resource  and 
advantage  of  position  and  institution.  That  was  the  dawn  of 
hopefulness  for  American  manufactures,  and  the  beginning  of  a 
philosophy  respecting  them  which  has  been  amplified  amid 
much  vicissitude,  until  it  has  come  to  be  well  understood  by 
inquisitive  and  conservative  capital,  and  will,  ere  long,  be  equally 
well  understood  by  the  interested  artisan  and  laborer. 

With  whatever  pride  we  recount  our  manufacturing  successes, 
they  are  as  yet  only  begun.  The  splendid  sweep  of  our  popula- 
tion and  empire  through  the  prairies,  over  the  Mississippi,  and 
into  Texas  and  the  Northwest,  has  been  agricultural.  It  is 
being  followed  apace  by  a  grander  manufacturing  sweep,  whose 
evidences  are  already  in  the  midst  of  the  prairies.  It  is  even 
broader  than  the  first,  and  freer,  for  there  is  no  line  through  its 
middle,  splitting  its  capital  and  labor  into  sectional  parts,  and 
setting  up  two  presiding  geniuses  to  glare  furiously  at  each 
other.  Georgia  evokes  a  spinning  jenny,  Missouri  a  furnace, 
and  the  Red  River  country  a  grist  mill,  all  in  keeping  with  the 
spirit  that  dominates  true  manufacturing  progress,  viz.,  the  con- 
version of  grosser  into  finer  materials  on  the  spot  of  their  pro- 
duction. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  157 

Our  growth  in  manufactures  since  1850  is  thus  shown : 

Establish-  ri«!n»1  Hands  Em-  Yearly  Value  of              Value  of 

ments.  capital.  ployed.  Wages.  Materials.            Products 

1850 123,023  $533,245,351  957,o59  $236,755,464  $555,123,822  $1,019,106,616 

i860 140,433  1,009,855,715  1,311,246  378,878,966  1 ,031,605^92         1,885,861,675 

1870  252,148  2,118,208,769  1,939,368  775,584.343  2,488,427,242         4,232,325,442 

1880 253,852  2,790,272,606  2,732,595  947,953,795  3,39°,823,549         5,369,579,x9i 

Not  only  is  this  a  wonderful  growth,  but  the  art  of  manufac- 
turing is  getting  to  be  better  understood,  for  the  annual  value  of 
the  products  rises  in  a  much  greater  proportion  than  the  number 
of  establishments.  The  capital  invested  must  therefore  go  into 
larger  and  better  appointed  factories,  with  higher  classed  pro- 
ducts" and  surer  results.  Adding  to  the  above  yearly  wages  and 
cost  of  material  six  per  cent,  on  the  capital  employed  and  ten 
per  cent  for  wear  and  tear,  and  subtracting  the  sum  from  the 
total  value  of  products,  there  remains  a  profit  of  $1,568,000,000, 
or  $30  per  head  of  our  population. 

New  York  stands  at  the  head  of  the  manufacturing  States  (as 
the  tables  under  each  State  will  show),  followed  in  order  by 
Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  Illinois  and  Ohio,  as  to  value  of 
products.  Textile  and  higher  grade  manufacturing  is,  as  yet, 
largely  confined  to  the  Atlantic  States.  The  Western  States 
have  advanced  very  rapidly  in  milling  and  the  manufacture  of 
farming  implements  and  machinery.  Some  of  the  Southern 
States,  as  Georgia,  are  making  satisfactory  progress  in  textile 
manufactures. 

Under  the  head  of  "Manufactures  and  Mechanical  and  Min- 
ing Industries"  in  the  Census  of  1880  are  enumerated  332  sepa- 
rate branches  or  industries,  with  the  number  of  establishments 
under  each,  the  capital  and  hands  employed,  the  wages  paid,  the 
cost  of  materials  used  and  the  value  of  the  products  for  that 
year.  It  would  be  impossible  to  mention  them  all  here,  nor  is 
it  necessary.  Many  of  them  are  yet  unimportant.  Many  more 
are  not  diversified  and  show  special  rather  than  general  growth. 
The  classification  of  a  few  in  the  order  of  their  notation  in  the 
Census  will  serve  to  illustrate  our  progress,  show  tendencies  of 
capital,  labor  and  genius,  and  sufficiently  magnify  the  importance 
of  the  subject  in  the  minds  of  those  who  seek  to  learn  of  our 
country  that  they  may  the  better  govern  it. 


158  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Many  of  them  began  in  a  primitive  way  with  the  birth  of  the 
country.  Wool  and  flax  were  spun  and  woven  by  our  earliest 
forefathers  in  their  kitchens  and  cellars.  The  first  water  frame 
for  spinning  cotton  was  erected  in  Rhode  Island  in  1790.  Many 
are  new,  necessities  of  later  years,  outcrops  of  fresh  resources, 
results  of  growthy  enterprise  and  a  daily  quickening  genius. 
Notable  among  these  is  the  manufacture  of  agricultural  imple- 
ments, which  tells  the  story  of  our  conquest  of  outlying  millions 
of  acres  in  the  absence  of  what  in  Europe  would  be  called 
"  work  people,"  but  here  "  farm  help ; "  or,  if  obtainable,  only  at 
figures  which  stimulated  invention  and  forced  machine  substitutes. 
The  figures  appear  thus:  1850,  value  of  product,  $6,842,611  ; 
i860,  $17,487,960;   1870,  $52,066,875  ;   1880,  $68,640,486. 

The  total  number  of  establishments  in  1880  was  1,943,  with  a 
capital  of  $62,109,668,  using  materials  to  the  value  of  $31,531,- 
170,  and  employing  39,580  hands  at  a  cost  for  wages  of  $15,359,- 
610.  Here  we  see  almost  the  beginning  of  this  industry,  the  be- 
ginning so  far  as  it  passed  from  the  domain  of  the  wheelwright 
and  into  the  realm  of  factory  output  of  the  great  labor-saving 
inventions.  A  closer  view  of  the  growthiness  of  the  industry 
may  be  had  by  comparing  the  number  of  a  few  of  the  leading 
implements  made  in  1870  and  1880,  thus: 

3S        11         S  Si        =a's"  *5 


a 


U  £  Stfl.S'3         £  K  * 


1870 21,790        88,740        9,150         1,298,260         159,519         881,244         3,566         864,947 

1880 68,691       318,057     127,997         2,480,724         162,317      1,244,264       25,737      1,326,123 

The  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes  has  had  a  growth  in  the 
United  States  which  attests  our  inventive  capacity  and  our 
wonderful  adaptation  of  machinery  and  power  to  this  desirable 
industry.  The  value  of  the  products  in  i860  was  $91,889,298; 
in  1870,  $181,644,090;  in  1880,  $[66,050,354.  Our  boot  and 
shoe  machinery  is  the  best  in  the  world,  and  the  product  is  re- 
garded with  exceptional  favor  everywhere. 

In  this  nation  of  homes  and  home-owners  it  is  pleasurable  to 
note  the  growth  of  some  of  the  industries  which  add  to  our 
comfort  in  this  respect. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  159 

Sawed  and 

Bricks  and       Carpenters'  and       ^       ..  n^  Planed 

~.  n  .  ,      ,  .      ,  Furniture.  Glass.  ,        , 

liles.  Builders   trade.  Lumber. 

1870.. $29,302,016       $132,901,432       $68,522,221       $19,235,862       $210,159,327 
1880..  32^33»587  94>i52>139         79,544,759        23,689,580        270,072,185 

The  manufacture  of  carpets  has  had  a  surprising  growth.  In 
1850  the  value  of  factory-made  carpets,  other  than  rag,  was 
only  #5,401,234;  in  i860,  #7,857,636;  in  1870,  #21,761,573; 
and  in  1880,  #31,792,802.  The  product  includes  every  known 
style  and  design,  the  machinery  is  as  perfect  as  any  in  the  world, 
and  the  industry  has  a  future,  under  proper  care,  which  will  tell 
on  other  nations.  It  is  as  yet  confined  to  seven  States,  Con- 
necticut, Maine,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania,  the  product  of  Pennsylvania  alone  being 
#14,304,660,  or  nearly  one-half  of  the  total. 

From  the  fact  that  this  is  a  cotton-growing  country,  the 
manufacture  of  the  staple  has  always  been  a  matter  of  great 
importance.  But  England  held  so  long  a  lead,  that  this  manu- 
facture more  than  any  other  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  her  com- 
petition. Its  existence  at  home  has  been  a  struggle  whose 
severity  has  been  sharpened  by  partisanship  and  intensified  by 
the  introduction  of  wild,  unbusiness-like  theories.  Its  present 
triumph  is  due  rather  to  innate  persistency  than  to  a  fostering 
polity.  Cotton-raising  was  for  sixty  years  the  enemy  of  cotton 
manufacture  on  our  soil.  The  spirit  of  raw  material  perpetually 
antagonized  that  of  fabric.  Soil,  climate  and  labor  were  against 
factory  and  art  Nevertheless  cotton  manufacture  got  a  hold 
and  grew — grew  more  firmly,  perhaps,  if  not  so  fast,  amid  vicis- 
situde. 

The  manufacture  now  ranks  among  our  most  interesting, 
profitable  and  growthy.  Next  to  iron  and  steel  it  engages  more 
capital  than  any  other,  and  it  involves  the  finest  machinery,  best 
artisanship  and  closest  commercial  calculations.  Its  utility  is 
such  as  to  command  the  respect  of  conservative  capital  and 
shrewd  labor  everywhere.  We  are  clearly  over  our  pupilage  in 
cotton  manufacture.  Two  evidences  only  need  be  quoted. 
Our  manufactures  are  forcing  their  way  into  foreign  markets.* 

*  By  i860  our  exports  of  cotton  fabrics  had  grown  to  quite  handsome  proportions, 


160  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

We  are  fast  learning  that  our  fields  of  manufacture  ought  to  be 
diversified  and  that  the  cheapest,  if  not  the  best,  ought  to  be 
nearest  those  which  produce  the  raw  material.  This  reversal  of 
the  old  situation  is  rapidly  going  on.  In  it  there  is  assurance 
of  ultimate  and  entire  independency  in  the  manufacture.  It 
will  be  the  first  spectacle  ever  presented  of  cotton-fields  giving 
forth  their  lint  in  the  form  of  woven  bales  and  beautified  prints, 
and  of  perfect  accord  between  the  hand  that  plants  and  picks, 
and  the  hand  that  spins  and  weaves. 

In  1850  the  number  of  spindles  in  operation  in  the  country 
was  3,633,693,  and  the  value  of  the  cotton  product  $65,501,687. 
In  i860  the  spindles  had  increased  to  5,235,727,  and  the  value 
of  the  product  to  $115,681,774.  In  1870  the  spindles  were 
7,132,415,  and  the  value  of  the  product  $177,489,739.  In  1880 
the  spindles  were  10,921,147,  and  the  value  of  the  product 
$210,950,383. 

The  number  of  establishments  in  1880  was  1,005  5  hands  em- 
ployed, 185,472;  capital,  $219,504,794;  material  used,  1,586,481 
bales;  value  of  all  material  used,  $1 13,765,537.  Massachusetts 
runs 4,665,290  spindles,  and  produces  a  proportionate  amount  of 
the  manufactured  goods — or  a  third  of  the  whole.  She  is  fol- 
lowed in  order  by  Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut, 
Maine,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  Georgia — the 
latter  with  200,974  spindles.  But  these  figures  have  been  greatly 
augmented  in  the  past  four  years  in  some  of  the  Southern  States. 
It  is  estimated  that  the  cotton  mills  under  contract  since  Jan.  I, 
1884,  in  the  South,  will  cost  $3,250,000,  and  add  100,000 
spindles  to  those  already  there.  The  dyeing  and  finishing  of 
textile  fabrics  is  an  industry  by  itself  which  must  keep  pace  with 


some  $9,000,000.  Their  export  ceased  during  the  civil  war,  the  factories  being 
chiefly  devoted  to  the  production  of  woollen  goods.  They  began  again  in  1873 
with  $2,947,528,  and  by  rather  uneven  progress  rose  to  $13,571,387  in  1881,  the 
year  of  largest  export.  In  1883  their  value  was  $12,951,145.  Thus  the  increase 
since  1873  has  been  some  350  per  cent.  The  export  for'  1883  was  34,063,292 
yards  of  colored  cotton  goods  and  103,634,459  yards  of  uncolored  cotton  goods. 
The  countries  taking  the  largest  amount  were  China,  30,442,846  yards;  Epgland, 
27,794,992  yards;  and  then  in  order  Mexico,  Africa,  Columbia,  Chi  i  and  Brazil. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  161 

their  manufacture.  It  employed  a  capital  (1880)  of  $26,223,981, 
and  yielded  a  product  equal  to  $32,297,420. 

Flouring  and  grist  mill  products  foot  up  the  wonderful  total 
of  $505,185,712,  as  against  $^.985,143  in  1870,  and  $248,- 
580,365  in  i860.  The  number  of  establishments  in  1880  was 
24,338,  employing  a  capital  of  $177,361,878,  and  58,367  hands, 
to  whom  were  paid  as  wages  $17,422,316.  The  materials  con- 
sumed were  304,775,737  bushels  of  wheat,  valued  at  $315,394,- 
386,  and  234,907,220  bushels  of  other  grain,  valued  at  $112,- 
372,071.  In  other  words  59,612  run  of  stones  and  burrs  con- 
verted daily  4,730,106  bushels  of  grain  into  flour  and  meal. 
The  total  product  of  flour  and  grist  mills  ($505,185,712)  is  the 
largest  of  any  manufacture  in  the  United  States,  though  the 
capital  employed  is  not.  The  manufacture  has  followed  closely 
on  the  development  of  our  agricultural  areas,  and  many  of  the 
newer  States  equal,  or  exceed,  the  older  agricultural  States  in 
the  value  of  their  annual  product,  though  not  in  the  number  of 
establishments ;  which  fact  shows  that  the  progress  of  the  man- 
ufacture westward  is  attended  by  the  erection  of  larger  mills. 
Thus,  Pennsylvania  with  2,873  establishments  and  a  product 
equal  to  $41,522,662,  is  only  on  a  par  with  Minnesota  which  has 
but  436  establishments  and  a  product  of  $41,519,004. 

In  hosiery  and  knit  goods  the  country  has  created  a  manu- 
facture within  the  memory  of  man,  and  carried  it  to  great  per- 
fection. The  product  in  1850  was  only  $1,028,102 ;  in  i860  it 
was  $7,280,606;  in  1870,  $18,411,564;  and  in  1880,  $29,167,- 
227.  The  capital  employed  was  $15,579,591,  in  359  establish- 
ments, running  28,885  hands,  and  consuming  $15,210,057  worth 
of  material. 

The  iron  and  steel  industry  of  the  country  has  ever  been 
growthy,  but  of  late  years  has  assumed  proportions  which  place 
us  in  advance  of  every  country  except  Great  Britain.  It  is  easy 
to  surmise  that  another  /decade  will  see  us  leading  the  world  in 
the  manufacture,  for  as  yet  we  have  only  begun  to  tap  our 
resources  and  test  our  capacities.  We  have,  like  England,  a 
wonderful  proximity  of  coal  vein  and  ore  bed.  We  have  both 
covering  vaster  areas  than  hers,  and  in  quantities  which  are  prac- 
11 


162  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

tically  inexhaustible.  Thus  far  our  manufacture  has  been  at  the 
bidding  of  a  home  market.  This  market  is  in  its  infancy,  con- 
sider what  branch  of  the  manufacture  we  may.  The  only  great 
question  involved  is  whether  we  can  hold  it  for  ourselves  against 
the  rivalry  of  other  countries.  That  we  ought  to  do  so  is  some- 
thing about  which  Americans  should  not  dispute. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  our  space  will  not  permit  separate 
pursuit  of  the  great  branches  of  the  iron  industry.  We  should 
then  find  much  that  is  interesting  and  educative  respecting  the 
beginning  and  growth  of  these  branches,  much  that  is  instructive 
about  the  part  a  government  can  play  in  fostering  industrial  de- 
velopment, and  much  that  touches  our  pride  respecting  internal 
resource  and  ability  to  maintain  ourselves  against  the  compe- 
tition of  countries  which  had  centuries  the  start  of  us  and  which 
employ  a  far  cheaper  labor  than  ours.  One  branch  only  need  be 
mentioned  as  an  illustration,  and  that  is  the  manufacture  of 
Bessemer  steel  rails  for  railroads.  This  industry  had  no  exist- 
ence in  this  country  prior  to  1867.  That  year  the  product  was 
2,550  tons.  Their  superiority  over  iron  rails  was  so  manifest 
that  they  began  immediately  to  crowd  iron  rails  off  the  track. 
They  commanded  a  high  price,  so  high,  that  the  duty  was  no 
protection,  and  their  importation  was  large.  But  by  1870  our 
capacity  for  their  manufacture  had  so  grown  that  the  product  of 
that  year  was  34,000  tons.  In  1872  it  was  94,070  tons  ;  in  1877, 
432,169  tons.  The  growth  was  regular  and  startlingly  rapid, 
notwithstanding  these  years  of  panic  and  depression.  For  the 
census  year  (1879) tne  production  of  Bessemer  and  open  Hearth 
steel  rails  was  750,680  tons,  valued  at  $37,892,070.  In  1882  the 
total  production  was  1,460,920  tons,  and  in  1883  1,295,740  tons, 
the  falling  off  being  due  to  over-production.  In  1882  the  total 
product  of  steel  rails  in  Great  Britain  was  1,235,785  tons.  Thus 
in  twelve  years  the  United  States  started  this  important  industry 
and  pushed  it  so  energetically  as  to  surpass  the  greatest  iron- 
producing  country  of  the  world. 

The  total  number  of  establishments  engaged  in  making  iron 
and  steel,  in  1880,  was  1,005  '■>  °f  these,  490  were  blast  furnaces, 
which  turned  out  3,781,021  tons  of  pig  and  other  cast  iron,  valued 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  163 

at  $89,315,569;  118  were  bloomeries,  producing  72,557  tons  of 
blooms,  valued  at  $3,968,074;  324  were  rolling  mills,  turning  out 
2,353,248  tons  of  bar  and  other  rolled  iron,  valued  at  $136,798,- 
574  J  36  were  Bessemer  and  open  Hearth  steel  works,  turning 
out  983,039  tons  of  steel  rails  and  other  structural  steel,  valued 
at  $55,805,210;  37  v/ere  crucible  steel  works,  turning  out  75,275 
tons  of  steel  bars  and  blooms,  valued  at  $10,670,258. 

The  total  iron  and  steel  product  for  that  year,  and  of  the 
1,005  establishments  was — 

Capital.                                 Troduct  in  Tons.  Value  of  Product. 

$230,971,884                                  7,265,140  $296,557,685 
The  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel  embraced  the  following  : 

Iron  bolts,  etc lo>°73>333 

doors  and  shutters 495,000 

forgings 6,492,028 

nails  and  spikes 5,629,240 

pipe 13,292,162 

railing 1,300,549 

architectural  work 2,109,537 

Total  iron  and  steel,  and  manufactures  thereof $335»949>594 

Pennsylvania  is  the  leading  State  in  the  production  of  iron 
and  steel,  her  establishments  numbering  366  of  the  1,005,  anc^  ner 
product  equalling  $145,576,268  of  the  $296,557,685. 

One  cannot  help  speaking  with  pride  of  the  growth  of  our 
silk  manufacture.  It  is  so  young  as  to  be  within  the  memory  of 
all.  It  is  an  industry  which  owes  its  existence  to  the  fostering 
spirit  of  the  government,  and  is  fighting  its  battle  without  the 
aid  of  home  silk-growers  and  a  raw  material  within  easy  reach 
of  the  factories,  and  this  not  because  either  soil  or  climate  is 
unkind.  New  Jersey  leads  in  the  manufacture,  followed  by  New 
York,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania.  The  total 
silk  product  for  i860  was  $6,607,771  ;  for  1870,  $12,210,662  ;  for 
1880,  $34,519,723.  In  1883  we  consumed  2,800,000  pounds  of 
raw  silk,  and  produced  $40,000,000  worth  of  goods,  thus  rank- 
ing third  among  the  silk  manufacturing  countries  of  the  world. 

American  silks  are  woven  chiefly  by  machinery,  foreign  silks 
by  hand.  This  enables  us  to  overcome  to  a  great  extent  the 
difference  in  the  price  of  labor,  which  is  something  marvellous  in 
this  industry.    In  one  factory  alone,  at  Cannabbis,  Italy,  there  are 


]64  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

600  orphan  children  at  work  in  the  various  spinning  and  winding 
departments,  who  receive  nothing  but  clothing  and  food  for  their 
first  four  years  of  apprenticeship,  and  sixty  cents  a  month  for  four 
years  more.  Employes  who  receive  here  from  $4  to  $6  per 
week  receive  abroad  for  the  same  kind  of  labor  from  6  to  8  cents 
a  day.  This  is  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Herman  Simon,  of  the 
Allentown,  Pa.,  silk  mill,  who  visits  Europe  every  year  for  pur- 
poses of  inspection.  For  ten  years  prior  to  i860  we  imported 
$27,600,000  of  silk  manufactures  a  year.  The  average  for  the 
last  ten  years'has  been  $27,800,000,  with  20,000,000  more  people. 
The  raw  material  is  all  imported.  American  silks  are  but  very 
little  higher  in  price  than  those  from  abroad,  and,  if  anything, 
give  better  satisfaction  in  wearing,  our  climate  forbidding  the 
artificial  weighting  practiced  so  largely  in  other  countries. 

A  few  of  our  other  leading  manufactures  are  here  shown, 
without  comment,  the  comparison  afforded  by  the  decades  being 
sufficiently  suggestive  of  growth  and  resource. 

1870.  1880. 

Woollens  and  Worsteds #i55,4°5-358  $194,156,663 

Clothing  (men's) 147,650,378  209,548,460 

Machinery 138,519,248  214,378,468 

Leather  (tanned) 86,169,883  1 13,348,336 

Leather  (curried) 54,192,017  71,351,297 

Tobacco 38,388,356  52,793,056 

Cigars .* 28,299,067  63,979,575 

Carriages  and  wagons 65,362,837  64,95 l >6  J  7 

Sugar  and  Molasses,  refined 108,941,911  155.484,915 

Liquors,  distilled,  malt,  and  vinous. . .  94,133,014  144,290,641 

Paper 48,676,935  55,109,914 

Printing  and  Publishing 32,674,037  90,789,341 

Slaughtering   and   meat   packing  (not 

retail) 303,562,413 

To  carry  on  our  manufactures  in  1870,  it  required  a  combined 
steam  and  water-power  equal  to  2,346,142  horse-power.  The 
amount  required  in  1880  was  3,410,837  horse-power,  an  increase 
of  45.38  per  cent.  The  proportion  of  each  power  was  (1870), 
water,  48.18  per  cent,  steam  51.82  per  cent.  In  1880  the  pro- 
portion was,  water  35.93  per  cent,  steam  64.07  per  cent  Thus, 
steam  is  fast  supplying  the  place  of  water  as  a  power,  or  rather 
is  developing  in  a  larger  ratio. 

MINING  AND  MINERALS.— As  to  the  precious  and  lead- 
ing useful  minerals  the  United  States  justly  ranks  as  the  first 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  165 

country  in  the  world.  Her  resources,  in  this  respect,  cover  a 
wide  range  of  mineral  substances  and  highly  diversified  mineral 
structures.  While  this  is  true,  it  must  be  said  that  the  develop- 
ment of  many  of  our  mineral  deposits  is  yet  in  its  infancy.  No 
one  can  compute  our  wealth  of  iron  ore  nor  our  deposits  of  coal. 
Every  now  and  then  fresh  discoveries  of  some  valuable  mineral 
substance  is  announced.  Mining,  like  agriculture,  has  been 
roughly  and  carelessly  carried  on.  Except  in  some  of  the  deep 
silver  and  coal  mines,  where  a  great  outlay  of  capital  is  required, 
the  era  of  scientific  mining  has  not  yet  been  reached.  Nature 
has  been  so  lavish  that  economy  is  regarded  as  unnecessary. 
Yet,  as  a  whole,  mining  industry  has  not  been  uncertain,  and  it 
is  daily  growing  more  constant  and  healthful. 

THE  PRECIOUS  METALS.— The  beginning  of  our  mining 
operations  for  the  precious  metals  dates  from  1 804.  Before  that 
time  desultory  and  ineffectual  attempts  were  made  to  dig  for 
gold  and  silver  in  suspected  fields,  chiefly  those  of  North  Caro- 
lina and  Georgia.  After  that  operations  assumed  more  definite 
shape,  and  gold  was  mined  to  the  extent  of  a  million  dollars  a 
year  up  till  the  discovery  of  the  mineral  in  California  in  1848. 

Silver  was  almost  an  unknown  treasure  in  our  soil  until  its 
discovery  in  Nevada  in  1858.  Before  that  our  estimated  annual 
product  did  not  exceed  $50,000. 

On  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  in  1848  our  country 
entered  upon  a  career  of  mining  development  which  has  ever 
since  poured  a  constant  stream  of  glittering  wealth  into  her  lap 
and  placed  her  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  producers  of  this  pre- 
cious mineral.  In  1847  the  gold  product  of  the  country  did  not 
exceed  $889,085.  But  in  1848  it  rose  to  $10,000,000,  in  1849 
to  $40,000,000,  and  averaged  for  the  next  ten  years  some 
$5  5 ,000,000  annually. 

Then  came  the  discovery  of  silver  in  1858.  The  yield  of  that 
year  was  $500,000.  By  1864  it  reached  $11,000,000.  Year  by 
year  it  increased  till  in  1874  it  overtopped  the  gold  product  at 
$37,324,594.  Nor  has  it  ceased  to  increase  since.  The  esti- 
mated yield  for  1882  was  $46,800,000,  while  that  of  gold  for 
the  same  year  was  $32,500,000,  a  grand  total  of  $79,300,000. 
The  greatest  yield  of  gold  was  in  1853,  estimated  at  $65,000,000. 


166  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  estimate  of  gold  and  silver  production  in  the  United 
States  from  1845-82,  a  period  of  thirty-eight  years,  is : 

Gold.  Silver.  Total. 

#1,590,878,301  $550,972,260  #2,153,845,471 

The  vast  importance  of  this  element  of  the  national  resource 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  one-third  of  the  gold  and  one-half  of 
the  silver  yearly  produced  in  the  world  are  mined  within  our 
borders.     The  figures  run  thus : 

Gold.  Silver.  Total. 

Product  of  entire  world  for  1882.  .  ..$103,161,532       $109,446,595       $212,608,127 
Product  of  United  States  for  1882. .  .      32,500,000  46,800,000  79,300,000 

The  census  gives  the  output  of  the  precious  metals  for  the 
year  ending  May  31,  1880,  at  gold  $33,379,663,  and  silver  $41,- 
110,957 — a  total  of  $74,490,620. 

The  areas  of  precious  metals  are  three  in  number,  (1)  Pacific 
Division;  (2)  Rocky  Mountain  Division ;  (3)  Eastern  Division. 

Pacific  Division,  with  product  of  1880: 

Gold.  Silver.  Total. 

Alaska $5*951  $5*  $6,002 

Arizona 211,965  2,325,825  2,537,790 

California 17,150,941  1,150,887  18,301,828 

Idaho 1,479.653  464,550  L944.203 

Nevada 4,888,242  12,430,667  17,318,909 

Oregon 1,097,701  27,793  1,125,494 

Utah 291,587  4,743,o87  5,034,674 

Washington 135,800        1,019  136,819 

Total $25,261,840  $21,143,879  $46,405,719 

Rocky  Mountain  Division  and  product  of  1880: 

Gold.  Silver.  Total. 

Colorado $2,699,898  $16,549,274  $19,249,172 

Dakota 3,3°5,843  70,813  3,376,656 

Montana 1,805,767  2,905,068  4,710,835 

New  Mexico 49,354  392,337  441,691 

Wyoming I7>351                  Uj^ll 

Total $7,878,183  $19,917,492  $27,795,675 

Eastern  Division  and  product  of  1 880: 

Gold.  Silver.  Total. 

Alabama $1,301                  $i,3GI 

Georgia 81,029  $332  81,361 

Maine 2,999  7,200  10,199 

Michigan 25,858  25,858 

New  Hampshire 10,999  16,000  26,999 

North  Carolina 1 18,953  !4°  I I9>°93 

South  Carolina 13,040  56  I3,°96 

Tennessee 1 ,998                  1 ,998 

Virginia _       9,321                   9>321 

Total $239,640  $49,586  $289,226 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  167 

The  original  form  of  gold  mining  was  placer  mining,  in  which 
gold-bearing  sand  was  washed  in  order  to  obtain  the  product. 
This  was  succeeded  by  hydraulic  mining,  which  was  only  placer 
mining  by  machinery.  Now  only  36  per  cent,  of  the  gold  pro- 
duct is  obtained  from  placer  and  hydraulic  mining.  The  bal- 
ance, 64  per  cent,  is  obtained  from  deep  mining,  or  quartz 
mining. 

QUICKSILVER  is  found  in  paying  quantities  in  the  coast 
ranges  of  California.  In  1883  it  was  exported  to  the  extent  of 
2,762,555  pounds,  valued  at  $1,020,834.  Nickel  is  found  in  pay- 
ing quantities  only  in  Lancaster  county,  Pa.  Traces  of  tin  have 
been  found  in  several  States,  but  nowhere  has  the  ore  been 
struck  in  paying  quantities.  The  newspapers  report  its  exist- 
ence in  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  but  this  remains  to  be 
proved.  The  government  offers  a  reward  of  $50,000  for  the 
discovery  of  a  workable  tin  deposit. 

LEAD  AND  ZINC. — These  useful  minerals  are  generally 
produced  from  the  same  mine,  especially  in  Illinois,  Iowa  and 
Wisconsin.  The  successful  reduction  of  their  ores  requires  a 
high  degree  of  science,  and  as  this  is  being  more  and  more 
applied  the  product  increases  rapidly.  The  output  of  1880,  tak- 
ing the  smelting  returns,  was  : 

Lead 162,938,105  pounds.       Valued  at     $7,935,140 

Zinc 62,681,459      "  "  4,240,006 

Total 225,619,564      "  "  $12,175,146 

which  was  174  per  cent,  increase  c^n  the  value  of  the  production 
of  1870.  Much  of  the  lead  product  is  obtained  from  ores  which 
are  smelted  for  the  silver  they  contain. 

COPPER. — This  valuable  mineral  is  chiefly  mined  in  what  is 
called  the  Lake  Superior  copper-bearing  region,  embraced  in 
Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  though  it  is  found  in  Arizona  and 
California,  but  is  not  refined  there.  The  production  of  metallic 
copper,  as  taken  from  the  smelters'  returns  for  1880,  was  54,172,- 
017  pounds,  valued  at  $9,458,434,  an  increase  of  71  per  cent,  on 
the  value  of  the  1870  product. 

IRON  ORE  is  widely  distributed  through  the  United  States, 
is  found  in  inexhaustible  quantities  irt  some  States,  and  in  almost 


168  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

every  degree  of  purity.  It  is  regularly  mined  in  twenty-three 
States,  and  the.  annual  increase  of  the  production  keeps  pace 
with  the  rapid  growth  of  our  iron  industry.  The  total  product 
in  1880  was  7,974,706  tons,  valued  at  $23,156,957,  and  these  fig- 
ures show  an  increase  of  55  per  cent,  over  the  value  of  the  pro- 
duction in  1870.  The  production  of  iron  ore  bears  such  a  close 
relation  to  the  production  of  pig-iron,  that  we  get  the  best  idea 
of  the  growth  of  this  industry  by  a  glance  at  the  following 
figures : 


Tons  of  pig-iron  produced  in 

1875 2,266,581  tons. 

1876 2,093,236    " 

1877 2,314,585    " 

1878 2,577,361     " 


Tons  of  pig-iron  produced  in 

1879 3.070,875  tons. 

[880 4,295,414    " 

[881 4,641,564    " 

1882 5,178,122    " 


The  total  number  of  furnaces  in  January,  1883,  was  687,  277 
of  which  were  in  Pennsylvania,  whose  product  of  pig  for  1882 
was  2,449,256  tons,  or  nearly  half  of  the  total  product  of  the 
country.  Ohio  follows  Pennsylvania  with  97  furnaces;  New 
York  with  57;  Virginia  with  38;  Michigan  with  29;  Mary- 
land with  23,  and  so  on.  The  production  of  pig  in  Great 
Britain  in  1882  was  8,493,387  tons,  and  in  Germany  3,170,957 
tons. 

COAL. — "  Coal,"  says  an  official  report,  "  next  to  gold  is  the 
most  important  mining  interest  in  the  United  States."  Consid- 
ered as  to  its  uses  and  benefits  it  is  by  far  the  most  important 
minings  interest,  and  happy  it  is  for  the  country  that  such  a  neces- 
sary mineral  is  so  widely  distributed,  so  accessible  and  so 
abundant. 

It  would  seem  that  the  first  coal  discovered  in  America  was 
near  Ottawa,  111.,  by  the  French  Jesuit,  Father  Hennepin,  in 
1669.  The  first  employment  of  coal  was  that  of  anthracite,  by  a 
blacksmith  of  Wyoming  valley  in  1775.  A  nailer  of  the  same 
locality  employed  it  in  his  trade  in  1788,  and  twenty  years  after- 
wards (1808)  contrived  a  grate  for  burning  it  as  fuel  in  his  house. 
The  first  mining  of  coal  was  in  1813,  when  five  ark-loads  of 
inferior  anthracite  were  sent  down  the  Lehigh  and  Delaware, 
and  sold  in  Philadelphia  for  twenty  dollars  a  ton.  Liverpool 
coal  was  then  sparely  imported,  the  importation  for  182 1  being 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  169 

22,122  tons  for  the  entire  country.  By  1820  regular  shipments 
of  coal  began  to  be  made  from  the  anthracite  regions  of  Penn- 
sylvania to  Philadelphia,  and  the  total  for  that  year  was  18,000 
tons,  which  figures  were  not  again  reached  till  1825,  when  the 
total  from  the  Lehigh,  Wyoming  and  Schuylkill  regions  reached 
38,499  tons. 

The  age  of  steam  transit  began  with  1830.  Then  the  con- 
struction of  railroads,  the  rapid  increase  of  population,  the  grow- 
ing scarcity  of  wood  fuel,  stimulated  coal  development,  and  the 
annual  product  of  anthracite  rose  rapidly  to  678,517  tons  in 
1835;  to  1,008,220  tons  in  1840;  to  3,863,365  tons  in  1850;  to 
9,807,118  tons  in  i860;  to  17,819,700  tons  in  1870;  to  28,649,- 
812  tons  in  1880,  valued  at  $42,196,678. 

The  total  of  the  anthracite  production  to  Jan.  1,  1883,  is  esti- 
mated to  be  509,333,695  tons.  These  anthracite  areas  do  not 
embrace  over  500  square  miles,  and  they  lie  in  Schuylkill, 
Carbon,  Luzerne,  Northumberland,  Dauphin  and  Columbia 
counties.  The  original  amount  of  coal  contained  in  their  beds 
is  estimated  at  25,000,000,000  tons.  A  sad  feature  of  this 
anthracite  mining  (common  to  bituminous  mining  also)  is  its 
wastefulness.  Not  a  third  of  the  coal  mined  has  been  consumed 
as  fuel.  Some  40  per  cent,  has  remained  as  pillar  coal  in  the 
mines,  and  some  30  per  cent,  has  been  wasted,  leaving  but  30 
per  cent,  for  actual  fuel.  Counting  the  anthracite  production  of 
1882  at  31,281,066  tons,  it  would  establish  a  rate  of  production 
which  would  exhaust  the  entire  supply  in  250  years.  But  the 
science  of  mining  is  being  rapidly  learned  and  applied,  and  the 
saving  for  the  last  year  or  two  has  been  such  as  to  considerably 
raise  the  actual  fuel  product.  The  time  will  no  doubt  come 
when,  admonished  by  scarcity  of  supply  and  encouraged  by  high 
prices,  economic  methods  will  reduce  the  per  cent,  of  waste  to 
a  minimum. 

But  this  limited  anthracite  section,  rich  and  inexhaustible  as 
it  has  been,  is  a  very  small  part  of  our  great  coal  areas.  Other 
coal-fields  are  known  and  worked  in  twenty-six  States  and  Ter- 
ritories; but,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  Rhode  Island,  their 
product  is  of  the  bituminous,  or  soft  coal,  kind.     The  oldest  of 


170  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

these  fields  is  that  of  the  Cumberland,  in  Maryland,  where  min- 
ing operations  were  begun  in  1842.  But  the  bituminous  fields 
of  Western  Pennsylvania  give  by  far  the  greatest  annual  yield, 
though  they  are  only  estimated  at  12,000  square  miles  as  against 
36,800  for  the  bituminous  fields  of  Illinois. 

Interesting  as  the  figures  for  the  coal  areas  of  the  several 
States  might  prove,  they  must  be  omitted  because  of  uncer- 
tainty. They  however  credit  Illinois  with  the  largest  areas, 
36,800  square  miles  ;  Missouri  with  26,887  5  Kansas  with  22,256  ; 
Pennsylvania  with  12,772;  Arkansas  with  12,000;  West  Vir- 
ginia with  16,000;  Kentucky  with  12,871.  Other  States  are 
credited  with  even  larger  areas,  but  they  are  as  yet  undeveloped. 
Working  mines  exist,  as  has  been  said,  in  twenty-six  States 
and  Territories,  and  the  total  areas  therein  are  estimated  at 
195,403  square  miles,  with  an  estimated  output  for  1882  of  86,- 
862,614  tons,  and  for  1883  of  88,000,000  tons. 

The  Census  figures  are : 

1870.  1880. 

Anthracite 15,664,275  T.     $23,619,911  28,649,812  T.    $42,196,678 

Bituminous 17,199,415  "        49,905,081  42,776,624"       53,520,173 

Totals 32,863,690  "      $72,524,992  71,426,436"     $95,716,851 

A  comparison  with  the  areas  and  annual  output  of  other  coun- 
tries may  be  interesting : 

Areas  in  square  miles.  Tons  for  1882. 

Great  Britain 11,900  156,499,097 

United  States 195,403  86,862,614 

Germany 1,77°  65,332,925 

Belgium 510  17,485,008 

Austro-Hungary 1,800  15,304,013     1881 

China 4,000,000        " 

India 2,000  4,000000        " 

Russia 30,000  3,293,312     1880 

France 2,086  2,251,581      1882 

Nova  Scotia ....  1,365,81 1        " 

All  others 6,236,014 

World's  production 362,631,275  tons. 

PETROLEUM. — The  story  of  this  mining  (if  such  it  may 
be  called)  industry  reads  like  one  from  the  "Arabian  Nights."  It 
begins  within  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  and  must  be  real, 
though  every  chapter  is  full  of  surprises,  and  every  sentence  a 


BUILDING  INDUSTRIALLY.  171 

source  of  wonder.  Who  would  believe  a  word  of  it,  if  it  had 
been  written  two  thousand  years  ago  in  Greek  or  Hebrew,  and 
then  all  evidence  of  the  industry  lost  except  the  text  of  the 
story  ? 

Petroleum,  or  rock  oil,  was  not  in  itself  a  novelty.  It  was 
used  in  ancient  times  in  Sicily.  The  Persians  obtained  it  from 
the  Caspian  shores.  The  Birmese  gathered  it  on  the  banks  of  the 
Irawaddy.  The  Indians  of  our  continent  caught  it  in  blankets, 
and  used  it  for  medicinal  purposes.  An  article  in  the  "  Massachu- 
setts Magazine,"  in  1791,  speaks  of  a  body  of  soldiers  passing 
through  Oil  Creek  Valley  and  collecting  rock  oil,  which  they 
found  good  for  rheumatism  and  a  gentle  purgative.  Mr.  Pater- 
son,  Pa.,  in  1845,  took  a  sample  bottle  to  a  Pittsburg  factory 
to  test  its  lubricating  qualities.  It  found  such  favor  that  it 
was  used  for  a  long  time  in  the  establishment  instead  of  sperm 
oil. 

But  all  this  was  as  to  surface  oil,  the  oil  of  the  magician  and 
curiosity-seeker.  There  came  a  time  when  the  discovery  of  its 
fountains  was  to  startle  the  world  and  begin  a  history  which  has 
no  parallel  in  commercial  and  industrial  enterprise,  except  that 
of  steam.  Petroleum,  as  we  now  know  it,  came  to  the  surface 
just  when  the  world  needed  it.  Fish  and  animal  oils  were  an- 
nually decreasing.  Illuminating  and  lubricating  agents  were 
getting  higher.  In  1859,  the  first  artificial  well  in  Oil  Creek 
Valley  was  filled  with  oil  to  within  five  inches  of  the  surface,  and 
from  it  was  taken  as  high  as  1,000  gallons  a  day.  Then  began 
the  stampede  to  the  oil  regions,  and  the  era  of  reckless  pursuit  of 
fortune,  extravagant  experiment,  wild  successes,  dismal  failures. 
The  1849  of  California  was  repeated  for  years  in  Pennsylvania. 
Money  and  enterprise  brought  wonderful  machinery.  Flowing 
wells  were  struck  in  1861.  Development  took  in  all  subjects 
connected  with  oil  production  and  its  possibilities.  Amid  mighty 
waste  of  health,  money,  machinery  and  raw  product,  a  perma- 
nent industry  grew.  It  was  the  oil  industry  of  America,  created 
almost  in  a  single  year,  and  in  less  than  half  a  dozen  years  ex- 
panded into  an  importance  which  affected  the  commerce  of  the 
world  and  the  comfort  of  millions  of  its  people. 


172  BUILDING   AND    RULING,  THE   REPUBLIC. 

As  to  our  own  country  what  so  opportune  as  the  discovery 
of  this  wonderful  resource !  The  trade  of  the  nations  was  against 
us.  Gold  was  passing  away  from  us.  We  were  being  drained 
of  other  natural  resources  to  meet  the  exigency  of  civil  war. 
Petroleum  came  to  quicken  our  external  commerce,  and  to 
stimulate  our  internal  industry.  Almost  from  the  start  it  became 
an  article  of  export,  and  has  been  going  out  every  year  since 
with  the  certainty  of  a  staple,  and,  until  lately,  without  com- 
petition, at  the  average   rate   of    nearly   $50,000,000   worth    a 

year. 

1882.  1883. 

Gallons.  Value.  Gallons.  Value. 

Export  of  crude  and  refined  oil 556,239,278  $51,019,904  499,786,266  $44.47c>433 

The  petroleum  areas  are  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  West 
Virginia,  and  in  Eastern  Ohio,  extending  into  Kentucky.  The 
census  figures  for  the  product  of  1879-80  are  : 

Barrels. 

Pennsylvania 24,005,392 

West  Virginia  and  Washington  Co.,  Ohio 219.254 

Ohio 5,059 

Kentucky 5,376 

Total  barrels 24,235,081 

At  42  gallons  per  barrel 1,017,873,402  gallons. 

At  i]l  cents  a  gallon  for  crude $23,000,000 

The  delay  and  expense  of  carrying  this  enormous  oil  product 
to  the  shipping  ports,  as  well  as  the  danger  attending' it,  have 
been  overcome  by  underground  transit  provided  by  means  of 
pipes  and  pumping  stations.  Through  these  oil  can  be  con- 
stantly, cheaply  and  safely  delivered  at,  or  near  to,  ports  of 
foreign  shipment,  and  in  quantities  equal  to  the  demand.  Great 
quantities  are  always  in  stock  in  these  pipes,  and  one  thousand 
barrel  certificates  of  such  stock  are  as  common  on  the  market 
and  as  much  a  source  of  speculative  purchase  and  sale  as  rail- 
road or  mining  stocks. 

A  result  of  the  discovery  of  petroleum  has  been  the  establish- 
ment of  the  great  industry  of  refining  the  crude  material.  Some 
of  the  refining  establishments,  mostly  located  at  coast  or  inland 
shipping  points,  are  very  large  and  costly.  In  1880  they  used 
731,533,127  gallons  of  crude  oil,  valued  at  $16,340,581.     When 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  173 

converted  into  illuminating  oil  and  other  products  of  petroleum 
the  above  value  became  $43,705,218,  or  nearly  three  times  its 
crude  worth.  Various  and  curious  are  the  higher  products  of 
petroleum.  Besides  the  naphtha,  gasoline,  rhigoline  and  paraffine 
produced  in  this  country,  we  have  the  beautiful  aniline  dyes 
made  in  Germany,  and  brought  back  to  us  thence,  which  rival 
in  brilliancy  and  permanency  the  celebrated  colors  of  ancient 
Tyre. 

COMMERCE. — We  derive  great  advantage  from  the  nature, 
extent  and  accessibility  of  our  sea-board.  Our  whole  Atlantic 
coast  from  Maine  to  Florida  presents  an  infinite  variety  of  en- 
trances and  harbors.  So  does  the  gulf  coast ;  and  if  the  variety 
is  not  so  great  on  the  Pacific,  the  harbors  are  spacious,  safe  and 
sufficiently  numerous  to  invite  the  largest  commerce.  The 
great  lakes  of  the  North  give  an  extent  of  navigation  almost 
equal  to  that  of  an  ocean.  Our  leading  ports  are  all  rendered 
accessible  to  an  incalculably  rich  interior  by  means  of  navigable 
streams,  or  by  elaborate  systems  of  railroads.  Our  commercial 
situation  is  therefore  favorable  on  all  sides  and  from  within.  We 
ought  to,  and  we  will,  stand  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  commer- 
cial nations. 

Almost  at  the  start  the  United  States  sprang  into  importance 
as  a  commercial  nation.  Nature  was  on  our  side ;  so  were  the 
political  circumstances  of  the  old  world.  We  were  compara- 
tively neutral  amid  long  periods  of  European  commotion. 
American  shipping  became  the  safest  medium  through  which  to 
conduct  the  commerce  of  the  world.  Americans  had,  further, 
every  advantage  for  wooden  ship-building — genius,  enterprise, 
timber,  resource  of  every  kind.  Says  an  author,  "At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  nineteenth  century  it  seemed  as  if  the  commerce  of 
the  world  were  passing  into  American  hands."  By  this  is  meant 
the  carrying  trade  of  the  world.  We  were  not  only  carrying 
our  own  goods  but  those  of  other  nations.  Our  ships  went 
everywhere,  on  extensive  and  profitable  lines  of  trade.  The 
foolish  invitation  of  an  unnecessary  war,  in  181 2,  which  decided 
nothing,  weakened  us  greatly  as  ocean  carriers.  The  foreign  trade 
we  had  only  begun  to  enjoy  passed  largely  to  foreign  bottoms. 


174  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

We  never  really  recovered  the  vantage  ground  of  1812,  though 
with  our  splendid  "  Liners  "  and  "  Clipper  Ships "  of  a  much 
later  period  we  got  to  be  somewhat  of  a  carrying  nation.  But 
our  greatest  commercial  blow  was  during  the  civil  war,  1861-65, 
when  our  ships  engaged  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade  were  com- 
pelled to  change  ownership  and  flag  in  order  to  escape  capture 
by  Confederate  cruisers,  or  owing  to  the  temporary  demand  for 
them  went  voluntarily  into  other  service.  Since  then  we  have 
not  recovered  our  position  as  foreign  carriers.  We  have  but 
one  American  steamship  line  of  four  vessels,  and  that  is  operated 
at  a  loss. 

While  it  is  true  that  we  have  not  advanced  as  ocean-carriers, 
on  the  contrary  have  lost  ground,  our  general  commercial  in- 
terests have  expanded  in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  the  country, 
and  our  merchant  tonnage  is  second  only  to  that  of  Great  Britain. 
The  latter  country  employed  in  1880-81,  2,869  steamers  of  over 
100  tons  burden,  with  a  net  tonnage  of  2,652,941  tons.  We  em- 
ployed 548  steamers,  of  a  net  tonnage  of  389,937  tons.  But  a 
majority  of  the  British  steamers  were  engaged  in  foreign  trade, 
while  ours  were,  with  very  few  exceptions,  engaged  in  domestic 
or  coastwise  trade.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  sailing  vessels, 
of  which  Great  Britain  employed  11,893,  of  4,295,589  net  ton- 
nage, and  the  United  States  5,958,  of  2,048,975  net  tonnage. 

In  1789  our  total  foreign,  coastwise,  and  fishing  tonnage,  in 
other  words  the  tonnage  of  our  merchant  marine,  was  201,562 
tons.  This  grew  with  wonderful  rapidity  till  it  reached  972,492 
tons  in  1800,  and  1,424,783  tons  in  18 10.  Then  came  the  decline 
incident  to  the  war  of  18 12.  In  1820  the  tonnage  was  1,280,167, 
and  of  this  amount,  not  a  half  was  in  the  foreign  trade.  In  1830,  it 
was  1,191,776  tons;  in  1840,  2,180,764  tons  ;  in  1850,  3,535,454 
tons;  in  1861,  5,539,813  tons, which  was  the  highest  point  it  ever 
reached.  In  1870  it  was  4,246,507  tons;  in  1880,  4,068,034 
tons;  and  in  1882,  4,165,933  tons.  It  can  hardly  be  said  that 
we  have  begun  to  recover  from  the  set-back  in  1861,  for,  except 
for  coastwise  purposes,  we  are  not  building  ocean  craft,  notwith- 
standing our  boast  that  we  can  do  so  as  cheaply  and  well  as 
England,  and  the  further  fact  that  there  is  need  of  American 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  175 

ships  for  American  products.  Of  this  total  tonnage  of  4,165,933 
tons  in  1882,  but  1,259,492  tons  were  engaged  in  foreign  trade, 
and,  as  already  stated,  but  four  of  the  vessels  were  steamers. 

In  passing  to  our  trade  growth  as  shown  by  exports  and  im- 
ports, we  shall  endeavor  to  show  also  the  loss  of  our  ability  to 
handle,  as  ocean-carriers,  the  immense  product  we  part  with  and 
consume.  In  1790  we  imported  goods  to  the  value  of  $22,460,- 
844.  As  a  set-off  to  this  we  exported  only  $19,666,000  worth 
of  product.  This,  at  that  time,  was  a  large  balance  against  us. 
But  we  had  not  yet  begun  to  know  our  resources.  In  1800  our 
exports  were  $31,840,903,  and  our  net  imports  $52,121,891,  a 
still  larger  balance  against  us,  which  had  existed  through  the 
preceding  decade  and  was  to  exist  through  the  next.  In  18 10 
the  account  stood,  exports  $42,366,675,  imports  $61,008,705. 
To  show  how  nearly  our  trade  was  extinguished  by  the  war  of 
1 81 2,  the  exports  of  18 14  were  only  $6,782,272,  and  our  imports 
$12,819,831.  And  to  show  our  need  after  the  struggle,  as  well 
as  the  willingness  and  ability  of  foreign  nati9ns  to  supply  us,  our 
exports  for  181 5  were  $45,974,403,  and  our  net  imports  $106,- 
457,924.  But  up  to  this  period  our  total  imports  were  almost 
double  what  the  above  figures  show  and  what  we  actually  con- 
sumed, for  we  were  thus  far  a  great  ocean-carrying  nation,  and 
constantly  brought  hither  the  products  of  other  nations  with 
intent  to  export  them  again.  Thus  in  1806  we  brought  $60,283,- 
236  worth  of  this  class  of  products  (called  foreign  exports),  or 
one-half  of  our  total  imports  for  the  year.  This  class  of  pro- 
ducts, which  at  that  time  very  nearly  measured  our  superiority  as 
ocean-carriers,  fell  to  $145,169  in  1814;  that  is  to  say,  the 
long  and  profitable  trading  routes  of  our  splendid  wooden 
sailers  had  been  broken  up  and  the  ships  themselves  condemned 
to  rot  at  idle  wharves.  However,  recovery  was  in  part  had, 
but  only  to  be  followed  again  by  a  gradual  decadence  of  early 
prestige  as  carriers.  The  showing  for  1 820  was  total  imports 
$74,450,000,  less  re-exports  $18,008,029,  equal  to  $56,441,971. 
Total  domestic  exports  $51,683,640.  At  this  time  nearly  ninety 
per  cent,  of  our  imports  and  exports  were  carried  in  American 
vessels. 


176  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

We  can  continue  this  history  more  briefly  in  tabular  form. 

Per  cent 

Total  of  •  Total  of     carried  in 

both  carried  both  carried     Ameri- 

Total                     Total.               in  American  in  foreign       can  ves- 

imports.                 exports.                   vessels.  vessels.            sels. 

1830 $70,516,920           $73,849,508         $129,918,458  14,447.970         89.9 

1840 107,141,519           132,085,946           198,424,609  40,802,856         82.9 

1850 178,138,318           151,898,720           239,272,084  90,764,954         72.5 

i860 362,166,254           400,122,296           507,247>757  255,040,793         66.5 

1865....   248,555,652           355,857,344           167,402,872  437,010,124         27.7 

1870 462,377,587           529,5 19,302           352,969,607  638,927,282         35.6 

1880....   743,481,765           845,990,528           280,005,497  1,309,466,796         17.6 

1881 733,737,199           912,849,421           268,080,603  1,378,506,017         16.2 

J882 741,446,035           741,324,945           241,422,832  1,241,348,148         16.2 

1883....    75i,670,305           855,659,735           247,761,173  1,281,200,026*       16.2 

While  the  above  figures  are  complimentary  as  showing  the 
wonderful  growth  of  our  ability  to  sell  and  buy  in  the  markets 
of  the  world,  and  while  they  are  especially  flattering  as  proof 
of  success  in  retaining  a  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor,  the 
gradual  decline  of  ability  to  act  as  our  own  carriers  or  as  carriers 
for  others,  is  humiliating.  It  has  been  nearly  continuous,  and 
at  times  rapid,  since  the  war  of  18 12.  The  period  of  the  civil 
war  was  particularly  disastrous,  as  the  column  of  per  cent,  de- 
clines shows.  There  was  an  attempt  to  recover  lost  ground  by 
1870,  but  this  was  spasmodic,  and  the  old  ratio  of  losses  set  in 
shortly  after.  The  matter  is  now  awakening  universal  interest, 
and  it  is  possible  that  our  pride,  co-operating  with  our  un- 
doubted facilities  for  making  iron  and  steel  ships,  will  eventuate 
in  a  restoration  of  our  early  prestige  as  ocean  carriers. 

Among  our  imports  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1883, 
were: 

Free  of  duty.                                   Quantity.  Value. 

Chemicals $7,164,675 

Coffee 5 1 5,878,5 1 5  lbs.  42,050,513 

Hides  and  skins 27,640,030 

India  rubber,  crude 21,646,320   "  15,511,066 

Silk,  raw..... 3,253,370"  14,043,340 

.     Tea 73,479,164"  17,302,849 

Tin,  pigs 26,635,168   "  6,106,250 

*  The  import  and  export  of  coin  and  bullion  for  1883  and  the  imports  and  ex- 
ports of  goods  from  and  to  Canada  by  vehicles  are  not  included  in  the  last  two 
columns  for  that  year.  The  two  make  a  total  movement  of  $78,368,841, which  is  not 
assigned  to  vessels. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  177 

Dutiable.  Quantity.  Value. 

Living  animals 20  per  ct.  ....    $4,030,822 

Barley 15  cts.  per  bush.  9,944,066  bush.       7,573,443 

Rice 2%  cts.  per  lb.  63,909,474  lbs.  1,391,742 

Buttons 30  per  ct.  3,771,331 

Chemicals  and  dyes various  rates  16,134,204 

Manufactures  cotton chiefly  35  per  ct.  32>359>344 

China  and  earthenware "       50     "  8,693,273 

Fancy  articles "       50     "  7,908,102 

Manufactures  flax "       40     "  22,088,891 

Fruits  and  nuts i  Chiefly^. ct*.  >  I5I ,902,523  lbs.  18,157,687 

Manufactures  of  glass    various  7,597,^97 

Hemp  and  manufactures  of.  .      "  12,615,393 

Iron  and  manufactures  of.  ...     "  20,305,844 

Steel  and  manufactures  of .. .      "  20,531,532 

Leather  and  manufactures  of..     "  12,653,722 

Silk  and  manufactures  of.  .  .  .50  and  60  per  ct.  33,3°7,iT2 

Spirits  and  wines {  ^^oTspirifsf  ^  }  9,309,849  galls.  12,586,869 

Sugar 1^  and  2  c.  per  lb.  1,900,054,706  lbs.  83,025,729 

Molasses 6J|  c.  per  gall  28,059,013  galls.  7,059,907 

Tin  plates 1^  c.  per  lb.  453,724,126  lbs.  16,688,277 

Wool  and  manufactures  of.  ..various.  57,044,444 

The  grand  total  for  the  year,  as  seen  above,  was  $751,670,305. 

Our  heaviest  articles  of  import  are  therefore  sugar,  wool  and 
woolen  goods,  silks,  cottons  and  linens,  coffee,  tea  and  raw  silk. 
As  to  coffee  and  tea,  we  must  always  be  buyers  ;  as  to  the  rest, 
we  need  not  always  be  dependent  on  a  foreign  supply. 

Our  principal  articles  of  export  for  1883  were: 

Quantity.  Value. 

Agricultural  implements $3,883,919 

Cattle  and  hogs 10,921,163 

Indian  corn 40,586,825  bush.  27,756,082 

Wheat 106,385,828     "  1 19,879,341 

"     flour 9,205,664  bbls.  54,824,459 

Cotton 1,288,074,062  lbs.  247,328,721 

Cotton  manufactures 137,700,751  yds.  10,302,867 

Manufactures  of  iron  and  steel 19.165,321 

Leather 6,038,097 

Oils,  crude  and  refined 499,786,266  galls.  44,470,433 

Provisions,  as  Bacon 294,118,759  lbs.  32,282,751 

"               Hams 46,140,911    "  5,873,201 

"               Beef,  fresh 81,064,373   "  8,342,131 

"                 "       salted 41,680,623   "  3,742,282 

"              Butter 12,348,641    "  2,290,665 

"              Cheese 99,220,467    "  11,134,526 

"              Lard 224,718,474   "  26,618,048 

"               Pork 62,116,302   "  6,192,268 

f               All  others 10,911,415 

Tobacco  and  manufactures  of. ..    235,647,348  lbs.  22,095,249 

Wood  and  manufactures  of 26,793,708 

Coin  and  Bullion ;.  21,623, 181? 

12 


178  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THk   REPUBLIC. 

The   grand  total  for  the  year  was,  as  we  have  seen,  $855,- 

659735- 

A  glance  at  our  exports  shows  that  cotton  is  the  leading 
article,  followed  closely  by  the  cereals  and  flour.  Then  comes 
the  long  list  of  provisions.  We  not  only  live  well  ourselves,  but 
we  help  others  to  subsist.  Our  fourth  article  of  export  is  petro- 
leum and  its  manufactures,  which  has  risen  to  its  rank  inside  of 
twenty  years.  All  these  leading  articles  of  export  are  those 
of  a  people  with  great  natural  resources,  which  they  as  yet 
mainly  rely  on  for  commercial  purposes.  But  we  see  in  the 
sending  abroad  of  agricultural  implements,  manufactures  of 
cotton,  wood,  iron  and  steel, -evidences  of  a  perfection  in  machin- 
ery and  mechanical  arts  which  is  already  commanding  respect 
elsewhere,  and  must  ere  long  give  us  a  conspicuous  place  among 
the  older  nations  as  competitors  for  the  supply  of  these  higher 
classed  manufactures. 

Of  our  exports  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  receives  nearly  52 
per  cent.,  and  participates  in  40  per  cent,  of  our  entire  foreign 
trade.  That  kingdom  takes  the  bulk  of  our  wheat,  flour,  cotton, 
and  provisions,  Germany  tobacco  and  cotton,  Brazil  and  China 
much  of  our  cotton  manufactures,  the  world  in  general  our 
petroleum.  Great  Britain  in  turn  sends  us  cotton  and  woollen 
manufactures,  iron  in  all  forms,  tin  plates  and  tin  pigs,  earthen- 
ware, and  wool ;  Germany,  woollen  and  cotton  goods,  glass  and 
wines  ;  France,  silks,  laces  and  gloves  ;  Brazil,  coffee  ;  the  West 
Indies  and  Mediterranean  countries,  fruits  and  nuts;  Norway 
and  Sweden,  iron;  Russia,  wool  and  iron;  China,  tea;  Turkey, 
opium  and  wool. 

Nearly  56  per  cent,  of  our  foreign  commerce  is  carried  on  at 
the  port  of  New  York,  the  value  for  1883  being  $857,430,637. 
The  transactions  at  Boston  amounted  to  $134,918,824;  at  New 
Orleans  (chiefly  exports),  to  $104,704,076;  at  San  Francisco, 
$90,661,650;  at  Philadelphia,  $71,880,300;  at  Baltimore,  $69,- 
602,530. 

The  domestic  or  internal  commerce  of  the  United  States  far 
exceeds  the  foreign  commerce  in  value  and  importance. 
There  are  no  figures  to  show  its  extent  exactly,  but  when  we 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  179 

consider  that  the  number  of  steamers,  sailing  vessels,  canal-boats, 
barges,  flat-boats  and  craft  of  every  kind,  owned  in  the  country 
and  plying  in  its  waters,  is  38,656,  with  a  tonnage  of  6,487,310 
tons,  and  a  value  of  $155,784,709,  and  that  the  most  of  these 
are  busy  the  year  round ;  and  when  we  further  consider  the 
wonderful  carrying  capacity  of  our  railroads,  whose  net  earnings 
alone  for  1883  are  estimated  at  $800,000,000;  the  annual  value 
of  our  internal  commerce  may  be  set  down  as  among  the  billions 
of  dollars  without  exceeding  the  probabilities. 

RAILROADS. — In  no  line  of  progress  has  this  country 
shown  such  rapidity  and  brilliancy  as  in  erecting  and  operating 
railroads.  Many  claim  that  our  enterprise  in  this  direction  has 
exceeded  the  bounds  of  prudence.  No  doubt  many  railroad 
projects  of  mistaken  propriety  have  been  pushed  through.  Much 
capital  has  been  wasted.  The  government  and  some  of  the 
States  have  been  generous  in  the  extreme  with  gifts  of  public 
lands  as  a  basis  of  railroad  securities.  But,  all  in  all,  it  cannot 
be  said  that  our  dash  and  enterprise  have  been  misdirected. 
Streams  of  population  and  substantial  improvement  have  made 
haste  to  follow  railroad  lines  even  when  they  seemed  to  be  pierc- 
ing what  was  regarded  as  a  wilderness  or  barren  plain.  In  general 
our  railways  have  surely  developed  the  fields  they  traversed. 
If  pioneered  amid  seeming  extravagance  they  have  subsisted  on 
food  of  their  own  bringing. 

In  1830  we  made  a  beginning  in  railroad  building.  The 
mileage  for  that  year  was  23.  In  1840,  it  was  2,818;  in  1850, 
9,021;  in  1860,30,635;  in  1870,  52,9*4;  in  1880,91,944;  and 
in  1883,  117,717  miles.  This  total  mileage  exceeds  that  of  any 
other  country  in  the  world,  and  indeed  that  of  all  Europe  ;  the 
total  for  Europe  being  105,895,  of  which  Germany  has  21,565  ; 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  18,168;  Russia,  14,067;  France, 
17,027;  Austro-Hungary,  1,738.  The  world's  railways  stand 
thus  : 

Miles  of  Railroad.  Miles  of  Railroad. 


North  America 127,830 

West  Indies  and  Nicaragua. . . .  1,094 

South  America 7»31^ 

Europe 105*895 


Asia I4.U1 

Africa 3,068 

Australia 5,592 

Total  miles 264,826 


180  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Taking  the  figures  as  found  in  "  Poor's  R.  R.  Manual "  for 
1883  (they  are  for  the  year  1882)  we  find  that  the  total  mileage 
in  the  United  States  was  1 12,4 12,  of  which  107,158  were  operated. 
Of  this  length  of  line  Illinois  had  10,656  miles;  Ohio  came  next 
with  7,968  miles ;  then  New  York,  6,723  miles ;  Pennsylvania, 
6,608  miles;  Indiana,  6,366  miles;  Missouri,  6,029  miles;  Wis- 
consin, 5,744  miles;  Texas,  5,715  miles.  The  other  States  have 
smaller  mileage,  but  the  distribution  is  very  general,  extending 
into  forty-four  States  and  Territories. 

The  total  cost  of  constructing  and  equipping  each  mile  of 
road  has  been  about  $52,756,  or  altogether  $5,930,409,624. 

The  capital  stock  was  $3,456,078,196,  the  funded  debt  $3,184- 
415,201,  and  the  total  investment  $6,895,664,390. 

They  carried  289,190,783  passengers,  at  an  average  fare  of  2.86 
cents  per  mile,  and  with  gross  earnings  equal  to  $202,140,775. 

They  carried  380,490,375  tons  of  freight,  at  an  average 
cost  of  1.2  cents  a  ton  per  mile,  and  with  gross  earnings  equal 
to  $506,367,247. 

Their  total  gross  earnings  for  the  year  were  $770,256,762,  and 
net  earnings  $280,316,696. 

They  paid  $149,295,300  in  interest  on  indebtedness,  and  $102,- 
031  434  in  dividends. 

Every  100  miles  of  road  had  19.67  locomotives;  13.83 
passenger  cars;  4.77  baggage  cars;  and  632  freight  cars. 

CANALS. — There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  canal  system  in  the 
United  States.  This  method  of  internal  communication  was 
once  a  favorite.  It  early  received  the  attention  of  Congress, 
and  was  for  a  long  time  a  chief  object  of  solicitude.  During 
all  the  time  that  "  Internal  Improvement "  was  a  party  tenet,  it 
referred  mostly  to  the  building  of  canals.  In  proportion  to  their 
length,  amount  of  capital  invested,  and  their  importance  to 
internal  commerce  they  have  been  more  liberally  treated  by  the 
government  and  the  States  than  the  railroads.  For  instance  the 
national  government  has  expended  directly  for  canals  over 
$9,000,000,  while  it  has  not  similarly  favored  railroads  to  the  ex- 
tent of  over  $85,000,000,  half  of  which  is  a  simple  loan  of 
security  to  be  refunded  in  certain  ways,  and  on  which  interest 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  181 

is  collectable.  Besides  this  4,405,986  acres  of  public  lands  have 
been  given  to  canals.  The  States  have  been  equally  liberal. 
Hence  we  say  they  were  a  favorite  means  of  building  up  internal 
commerce,  at  an  early  period.  But  that  was  before  the  era  of 
railroads. 

Canal-building  began  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
or  as  early  as  1785,  on  the  James  River,  Va.  But  the  period  of 
greatest  activity  dates  from  1 8 1 7  to  1 8 1 9,  when  were  conceived  and 
begun  those  projects  for  connecting  the  lakes  with  the  Hudson, 
the  Delaware  with  New  York,  and  the  Upper  Susquehannah  and 
Schuylkill  with  tide  water,  and  which  then  looked  like  the 
dawn  of  a  vast  internal  carrying  system.  Many  of  these  were 
completed  between  1820  and  1830,  and  served  an  excellent  pur- 
pose— indeed,  serve  the  same  yet.  But  after  1840  the  slow- 
going  water  way  was  in  general  superseded  by  steam,  and  canal 
building  was  limited  to  slackwater  enterprises  or  to  short  lines 
around  falls  or  through  necks  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating 
steam  communication. 

The  total  length  of  canals  in  operation  in  the  United  States 
in  1880  was  2,926  miles,  of  which  2,515  miles  were  canal  and 
41 1  miles  slackwater.  Of  this  length  New  York  had  a  total  of 
722  miles;  New  Jersey,  171  miles;  Pennsylvania,  775  miles; 
Delaware,  14  miles;  Maryland,  200  miles;  Virginia,  75  miles; 
North  Carolina,  13  miles;  Georgia,  25  miles;  Florida,  IO  miles; 
Louisiana,  28  miles ;  Texas,  38  miles ;  Illinois,  102  miles ; 
Michigan,  3  miles ;  Ohio,  749  miles. 

The  total  cost  of  constructing  these  canals  was  $170,028,636. 
They  carried,  in  1880,  21,044,292  tons  of  freight,  at  a  gross  in- 
come of  $4,538,620,  and  a  net  income  of  $2,954,156. 

At  the  same  time  there  were  in  the  United  States  1,954  miles 
of  abandoned  canals,  whose  cost  was  $44,013,166;  showing  that 
canal  communication  was  largely  abandoned  on  the  appearance 
of  railroads,  or  that  many  of  the  schemes  for  canal-building  were 
originally  wild  and  impracticable. 

TELEGRAPHS. — The  telegraphic  method  of  communication, 
so  swift,  cheap,  and  capable  of  such  diversification,  came  into 
favor  instantly  in  the  United  States.     By  1866  when  the  scat- 


182  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

tered  and  struggling  individual  lines  were  gathered  into  a  single 
corporation,  known  as  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company, 
there  were  37,380  miles  of  line  and  75,686  miles  of  wire. 

The  figures  for  1870  were  54,109  miles  of  line  and  112,191 
miles  of  wire.  For  1880  they  were  110,726  miles  of  line  and 
291,212  miles  of  wire,  for  the  United  States;  85,645  miles  of 
line  and  233,534  miles  of  wire  being  operated  by  the  Western 
Union  Company.  The  total  value  of  the  telegraphic  franchises 
in  the  country  is  in  round  numbers  $100,000,000.  The  capital 
stock  of  the  Western  Union  is  $80,000,000.  Their  receipts  in 
1880  were  $16,669,623  ;  expenses  $10,218,281 ;  and  net  receipts 
$6,645,342. 

This  does  not  include  the  length  of  lines  connected  with  the 
various  railroad  companies,  nor  that  of  government,  private  and 
telephone  lines.  There  are  no  figures  for  these.  As  to  the 
principal  countries  of  the  world  we  stand  thus  : 

Length  of  Tel.  Lines.  Messages  sent. 

United  States,  1882 163,940  51,942,247 

Russia,  1880 53 ,736  4,710,120 

France,  1 88 1 45,878  19,466,000 

Germany,  1 88 1 45,070  17,507,000 

Austro- Hungary,  1881 31,121  8,865,000 

Australasia,  1880 27,831  

Great  Britain,  1882 26,289  3T,345,86i 

India  (British),  1880 20,468  1,431,000 

Italy,  1881 16,692  6,250,000 

The  total  length  of  the  world's  lines  was  quite  600,000  miles 
in  1883,  more  than  a  fourth  of  which  was  in  the  United  States, 
not  counting  railroad  and  private  lines. 

TELEPHONES. — This  new  and  unique  method  of  communi- 
cation has  come  into  existence  within  the  memory  of  the  young- 
est. For  use  in  cities  and  between  neighboring  towns  it  has 
largely  superseded  the  telegraph,  and  it  is  thought  that  ere  long 
it  will  be  possible  to  talk  by  telephone  over  very  long  distances 
and  even  through  submarine  wires.  Not  even  the  most  enthusi- 
astic of  us  can  begin  to  conjure  the  possibilities  of  electric  com- 
munication, or  of  electricity  as  a  motor. 

It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  number  of  telephones  and  the 
length  of  telephone  wires  already  in  the  United  States.  Lines 
and  instruments  are  being  erected  so   rapidly  as  to   defy  all 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  183 

ordinary  statistics.  The  Census  figures  (1880)  give  34,305  miles 
of  telephone  wire  in  use.  By  Jan.  1,  1883,  it  was  estimated  that 
there  were  100,000  miles  of  wire  in  use,  over  which  passed  com- 
munications at  the  rate  of  120,000,000  annually.  But  the  reader 
is  left  to  guess  the  amount  of  capital  now  rushing  into  this  busi- 
ness and  the  number  of  miles  of  wire  annually  erected.  He  can 
safely  double  any  of  the  above  estimates  without  exceeding  the 
figures  for  1884. 

EDUCATION. — Passing  from  commercial  to  educational 
development,  we  find  the  same  cause  for  pride  in  a  growth 
which  has  been  signal  and  exceptional.  It  seems  like  a  marvel 
that  education  should  have  kept  up  with  the  whirl  of  material 
development  incident  to  a  new  country  and  one  so  full  of  induce- 
ment. That  it  has  so  done  is  due  to  a  spirit  traceable  to  our 
fathers,  who  early  recognized  the  paramount  importance  of 
mental  culture  amid  institutions  which  were  free. 

The#  marvel  is  only  increased  when  we  consider  that  our 
various  systems  of  education  have  had  to  meet  not  only  the, 
mental  wants  of  native  children,  but  those  of  immigrants  less 
favored  than  our  own,  and,  more  lately,  the  wants  of  a  vast 
aggregate  of  persons  in  the  South  who  did  not  for  generations 
enjoy  school  opportunities. 

We  doubt  if  the  world  presents  another  such  an  instance  of  will- 
ingness to  educate  its  people,  and  of  ability  to  contend  with  the 
problems  of  primary  education.  The  supreme  thought  of  every 
intelligent  section,  and  of  every  hour  since  we  were  colonies,  has 
been  that  the  safety  of  the  nation  and  its  system  of  government 
rests  on  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.  Common  school 
systems,  therefore,  found  an  early  birth  and  a  hearty  support. 
Their  growth  has  been  a  pride,  even  amounting  to  competition 
among  most  of  the  States.  The  general  government  has  not 
been  backward  in  aiding  the  States,  by  its  grant  to  the  school 
fund  of  each  State  of  a  section  (640  acres)  out  of  each  township 
of  public  lands  ;  by  its  further  grant  of  9,000,000  acres  to  certain 
States  for  State  universities;  and  again  in  1862  by  a  grant  of 
30,000  acres  for  each  Congressman  in  each  State  for  the  purpose 
of  founding  a  College  of  Agriculture  and  the  Mechanic  Arts. 


184  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  is  no  part  of  our  work  to  discuss  the  nature  of  our  respective 
common  school  systems.  They  are  happily  coincident  in  secur- 
ing to  the  young  an  education  sufficient  for  every-day  require- 
ments, and  the  standard  is  such  that  that  education  is  of  no  mean 
order.  It  makes  excellent  business  men,  readers  and  thinkers, 
and  is  a  sufficient  foundation  upon  which  to  base  acquisition  of 
a  higher  and  more  special  order. 

Our  educational  system  does  not  end  with  common  schools. 
It  ramifies  thoughout  an  infinite  number  of  public  and  private 
academies,  and  ends  in  a  chain  of  high  schools  and  colleges 
which  embraces  the  land.  Some  of  the  latter  are  our  very 
oldest  institutions,  dating  far  beyond  the  period  of  the  Declara- 
tion, and  not  a  few  of  them  rank  with  the  best  of  the  kind  in  the 
old  world.  In  special  schools  of  agriculture,  science,  and 
observation,  we  are  making  more  rapid  progress  than  ever 
before. 

While  our  past  educational  growth  is  a  matter  of  pride,  and 
our  facilities  such  as  they  are,  we  must  not  forget  that  there  is 
vast  room  for  improvement,  especially  in  forcing  our  educational 
systems  down  lower  among  the  masses  and  addressing  them  to 
their  precise  wants.  Our  army  of  illiterates  is  sjtill  large  and 
greatly  out  of  proportion  to  our  population.  This  time  will 
remedy  if  all  the  States  are  persistent.  But  there  must  be  no 
remission  of  effort.  As  to  the  other  question,  the  kind  of  educa- 
tion :  the  tendency  is  to  change  methods  so  as  to  educate  the 
hand  and  eye  along  with  the  mind;  in  other  words  to  make 
primary  education  the  basis  of  a  practical  training  in  handicraft 
of  some  kind  or  all  kinds. 

The  universities  and  colleges  in  the  United  States  numbered, 
in  1882,  365,  with  4,413  instructors  and  64,096  students.  In 
the  same  year  the  theological  seminaries  numbered  145,  with 
712  instructors  and  4,921  students. 

The  Census  figures  for  1880  give  225,880  common  schools  in 
the  United  States,  valued  at  #211,411,540. 

For  the  same  year  there  were  employed  236,019  teachers,  at 
an  average  monthly  salary  of  #36.21. 

To  sustain  these  schools  for  the  school  year  there  was  ex- 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  185 

pended  $79,339,814,  of  which  $55,745,029  was  for  teachers' 
salaries. 

The  schools  were  open  an  aggregate  of  1,462,174  months,  or 
an  average  of  six  months  and  a  fraction  for  each  school. 

The  whole  number  of  pupils  who  attended  was  9,946,160,  and 
the  average  attendance  was  6,276,398. 

The  figures  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  1882  give 
the  total  school  population  of  the  country  at  16,210,133,  of  whom 
9,996,133  were  enrolled  as  at  school,  and  the  average  daily 
attendance  as  6.120,454.  The  total  amount  expended  for  school 
purposes,  for  the  year,  was  $91,400,459,  of  which  $57,954,986 
was  for  teachers'  salaries.  The  school  ages  vary  in  the  re- 
spective States,  from  4-21  to  8-14  years,  an  average  of  14^ 
years. 

A  comparison  with  the  leading  educational  countries  of  the 
world  affords  cause  for  congratulation.  The  figures  are  from  the 
report  of  the  Bureau  of  Education  for  1 88 1,  but  refer  to  statistics 
for  1879  and  those  years  next  previous,  as  they  could  be  ob- 
tained.    They  are  for  elementary  schools  only : 

Population.  School  Pop.  Schools.           Pupils.  Teachers. 

United  States 50,152,866  14,962,336  225,000  Est.  9,424,080  272,686 

Austria 21,752,000           3,122,863  15,166  2,134,683  31,196 

England  &  Wales.  25,165,336           2,500,000  17,166  3,710,883  69,527 

France 36,905,788           6,409,087  71,547  4,716,935  110,709 

Prussia 25,742,404  4,396.738  34,988  4.007,776  57,936 

Italy 26,801,000           4,527,582  47,411  1,931,617  47,085 

Japan 34,245,323           5,251,807  25,459  2,162,962  59.825 

Our  elementary  school  age  is  longer  than  that  of  any  other 
country,  which  is  a  good  point  in  our  favor.  The  usual  age  in 
Europe  is  from  six  to  fourteen,  or  at  most  sixteen.  While  this 
makes  our  school  population  larger  in  proportion  to  our  entire 
population,  it  will  be  seen  that  we  are  also  better  equipped  in 
the  way  of  schools  and  teachers  to  meet  its  wants  than  any  other 
country. 

The  dark  side  of  the  situation  is  presented  by  the  figures 
bearing  on  illiteracy. 

Persons  over  10  years  who  Persons  over  10  years  who 

Population.                      cannot  read.  cannot  write. 

1870.  ..  .38,558,371             4,528,084  1 1.8  per  cent.  5,658,144   14.7  per  cent. 

1880....  50,155,783            4.923.451     9-8       "  6,239,958   12.4       « 


136  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

It  would  appear  then  that  even  this  dark  side  is  not  without 
its  ray.  Those  who  could  not  read  were  2  per  cent,  less  of  the 
population  in  1880  than  in  1870,  and  those  who  could  not  write 
were  2.3  per  cent.  less.  Of  the  6,239,958  who  could  not  write 
2,255,260  were  native  whites,  763,620  foreign  whites,  and  3,220,- 
878  colored  persons.  The  per  cents,  of  illiteracy  are  lowest  in 
the  New  England,  Western  and  Northwestern  States,  and  highest 
in  the  Southern,  even  among  whites  ;  but  their  per  cent,  is  greatly 
increased  by  the  number  of  illiterate  colored  persons  found 
there. 

Taking  our  rate  of  total  illiteracy  at  10  per  cent.,  it  ranks  almost 
as  low  as  that  of  any  other  country.  Bavaria  has  a  rate  of  7 
per  cent.  Japan  may  fall  below  10  per  cent.  The  German  rate 
is  placed  at  12  per  cent,  England  and  Wales  at  30  per  cent., 
Scotland  at  16  per  cent.,  Austria  at  49  per  cent.,  Ireland  at  46 
per  cent,  Russia  at  91  per  cent,  Spain  at  80  per  cent.  So  that 
if  we  cannot  claim 'a  lead  in  diffused  elementary  intelligence,  we 
stand  well  and  are  in  possession  of  the  agencies  to  give  us  the 
rank  which  is  our  due. 

LIBRARIES. — While  we  cannot  boast  of  immense  libraries 
— the  collection  of  ages — like  the  National  Library  of  France 
with  its  2,000,000  volumes,  the  British  Museum  with  its  1,500,- 
OOO  volumes,  or  the  Imperial  Library  of  Russia  with  its  1,100,000 
volumes,  we  are  nevertheless  a  nation  of  readers,  with  a  greater 
number  of  public  and  private  libraries  of  respectable  proportions 
than  any  other  people.  They  are  found  in  every  State.  Statis- 
tics respecting  them  are  very  uncertain,  but  those  of  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania  are  the  most  numerous,  while  the  collections 
of  Massachusetts  and  the  District  of  Columbia  are  very  valuable. 
The  largest  library  in  the  country  is  the  Congressional  Library 
at  Washington,  whose  volumes  approximate  500,000  in  number. 
The  number  of  libraries  in  the  country  is  in  excess  of  200,000 
with  over  50,000,000  books.  Of  these  full  60,000  are  public 
and  contain  25,000,000  books.  But  these  estimates  are  far  below 
the  truth.  The  fact  is,  a  house  without  a  library,  or  the  nucleus 
of  one,  is  getting  to  be  an  exceptional  thing.  Books  of  value 
are  bought  and  treasured  by  our  people,  and.  sales  of  popular 
works  often  reach  enormous  figures. 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  187 

THE  PRESS. — In  no  branch  of  literature  has  our  progress 
been  more  marked  than  in  that  known  as  periodical  publication. 
The  figures  show  for 

Number  of 

Periodicals.      Circulation. 


Number  of 

Periodicals.  Circulation. 

1850 2,526  5,142,177 

i860 4,051  13,663,409 


1870 5,871      20,842,475 

1880 11,403     31,177,924 


Of  those  for  1880,  980  were  daily  papers,  8,718  weekly  papers, 
1,705  miscellaneous,  and  10,625  of  them  were  published  in  Eng- 
lish and  yy8  in  other  languages.  Of  the  entire  number  8,816 
were  devoted  to  news,  574  to  religious  subjects,  162  to  agricul- 
ture, 146  to  general  literature,  and  1,705  to  miscellaneous 
matters.  The  whole  number  of  printed  copies  was  1,344,- 
101,235,  valued  at  $87,441,132.  Wages  paid  by  publishers, 
$28,571,330. 

While  all  this  is  flattering  to  our  literary  tastes,  the  business 
of  periodical  publishing  is  the  most  precarious  in  existence. 
Failures  to  establish  permanent  paying  newspapers  and  maga- 
zines are  the  rule  and  not  the  exception.  The  pathway  of  this 
class  of  publishing  is  strewn  with  thick  wreckage.  It  is  an  in- 
fluential, captivating  business,  but  one  prolific  of  disaster,  unless 
it  engages  more  than  ordinary  tact,  talent  and  capital. 

CHURCHES. — Under  our  free,  non-sectarian,  yet  Christian 
institutions,  the  religions  of  Protestantism  have  found  their 
grandest  opportunity  and  have  made  the  most  of  it.  They  have 
built  congregations  and  edifices,  have  instructed  and  converted, 
have  enlightened  and  evangelized,  wherever  people  could  be 
grouped  or  the  light  of  the  cross  could  penetrate.  They  have 
carried  the  divine  energy  into  the  midst  of  all  the  other  mighty 
forces  which  have  been  shaping  our  government,  directing  our 
enterprises  and  developing  our  resources,  so  that,  if  not  as  pious 
a  people  as  we  might  be,  we  are  not  irreverent,  but  are  imbued 
with  a  spirit  which,  on  proper  call,  awakens  readily  to  philan- 
thropy and  responds  to  refined  and  holy  emotions. 

It  is  a  matter  of  great  moment  to  us  in  a  national  sense  that 
the  religious  energy  has  so  successfully  worked  in  with  the  other 
energies  which  a  new  country  called  into  play,  but  which  would, 
by  reason  of  their  freedom  and  lustiness,  have  inevitably  grown 


188  BUILDING    AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

coarse  and  heathenish  if  they  had  not  been  influenced  by  some 
sweet,  refining  and  saving  presence.  The  church  has  been  a 
growth  here  in  a  highly  institutional  sense.  That  growth  has 
been  regular,  as  it  has  been  needful.  Church  property  in  the 
United  States  has  gotten  to  be  of  fabulous  value.  Church 
architecture  is  based  on  approved  models.  Church  accommoda- 
tion may  be  inadequate,  but  it  is  cleanly,  comfortable  and  invit- 
ing, as  far  as  it  goes.  Of  denominations  there  is  great  variety, 
as  there  should  be  where  there  is  no  restriction  on  the  order  of 
human  thought  and  no  curb  on  the  emotions. 

The  Catholic  faith  claims  6,832,954  adherents  in  the  United 
States.  It  does  not  report  church  membership,  but  counts  its 
adherents  by  birthright.  It  worships  through  6,546  ministers  in 
6,241  churches. 

The  Methodist  faith  has  ever  been  a  popular  one  in  this 
new  country,  on  account  of  its  energy  and  directness.  It  is 
subdivided  into  some  ten  or  eleven  branches,  widely  spread, 
and  reaching  the  lowest  of  the  masses.  Its  figures  in  1882 
were : 

Churches.  Ministers.  Members. 

Methodist  Episcopal 17,935  24,658  1,724,420 

(South) 1 1,703  860,687 

(African)..*. 1,738  387,566 

"                 "           (Zion) 1,800  300,000 

"                "           (Colored) 638  112,938 

Methodist  Free 260  12,318 

"           Congregational 225  13,75° 

"           Primitive 52  3,369 

"           Protestant 1,385  135,000 

"           Calvinistic 1, 134  600  118,979 

"           Wesleyan 400  17,087 

Total  membership 3,686,1 14 

The  Baptist  faith  has  been  actively  pushed  by  an  intelligent 
ministry.     It  has  divided  into  five  branches. 

i                                                                     Churches.  Ministers.  Members. 

Baptist 26,060  16,596  2,296,327 

"       Anti-Mission 900  400  40,000 

"      Free  Will 1,432  1,213  78,012 

"      Seventh  Day 94  no  8,539 

"      Six  Principles 20  12  2,000 

Total  membership 2,424,978 

The  Presbyterian  faith,  like  the  Baptist,  is  in  the  keeping  of 


BUILDING   INDUSTRIALLY.  189 

an  influential  ministry,  and  has  been  embraced  in  our  most 
thoughtful  and  vigorous  communities.  Its  subdivisions  and 
numbers  are : 

Churches.  Ministers.  Members. 

Presbyterian 5,858  5,218  600,695 

"             South 2,010  1,081  123,806 

"             Cumberland 2,457  1,386  111,863 

"             Reformed..    ....       167  143  17,273 

"            United 826  719  84,573 

Total  membership 938,210 

The  Episcopal  faith  embraces  : 

Churches.        Ministers.        Members. 

Episcopal,  Protestant 3,000  3,432  338,333 

"  Reformed ioo  9,448 

Total  membership 347,781 

The  other  faiths  are  Second  Adventists  with  800  churches, 
600  ministers  and  70,000  members;  Seventh  Day  Adventists 
with  640  churches,  144  ministers  and  15,570  members;  Con- 
gregational with  3,804  churches,  3,713  ministers  and  351,697 
members;  Disciples  of  Christ  with  5,100  churches,  3,782  minis- 
ters and  591,821  members;  Dunkards  with  250  churches,  200 
ministers  and  100,000  members;  Evangelical  Association  with 
1,576  churches,  1,545  ministers  and  117,027  members;  Friends 
with  392  churches,  200  ministers  and  60,000  members ;  Jews 
with  269  churches,  202  ministers  and  13,683  members  ;  Luther- 
ans, one  of  our  strongest  and  most  influential  ecclesiastical 
bodies,  with  5,553  churches,  3,132  ministers  and  950,868  mem- 
bers; Mennonites  with  300  churches,  350  ministers  and  50,000 
members;  Moravian  with  84  churches,  94  ministers  and  9,491 
members  ;  Mormon  with  654  churches,  3,906  ministers  and  1 10,- 
377  members ;  Swedenborgian  with  93  churches,  89  ministers 
and  3,994  members  ;  Reformed  (Dutch)  with  509  churches,  545 
ministers  and  80,167  members;  Reformed  (German)  with  1,405 
churches,  748  ministers  and  155,857  members  ;  Shaker  with  18 
churches,  68  ministers  and  2,400  members;  Unitarian  with  335 
churches,  394  ministers  and  17,960  members;  United  Brethren 
with  4,524  churches,  2,196  ministers  and  157,835  members; 
Universalists  with  959  churches,  729  ministers  and  27,429  mem- 


190  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

bers;  Winebrennerians   with  400  churches,  350  ministers  and 
30,000  members. 

Here  is  a  Protestant  membership  in  excess  of  10,000,000, 
which  added  to  the  Catholic  adherents  makes  over  16,000,000 
pledged  Christians.  This  is  a  large  proportion  of  our  popula- 
tion, and  an  influence  which  is  stronger  than  any  other  in  mould- 
ing thought  and  shaping  morals. 


^lMON  P.G>^ 


LEVYTYPt:  CO. 


••••■-■•■•-•  | 


NOTABLE  AMERICAN  STATESMEN  OE  THE  XIXth  CENTURY 


PART  II. 

RULING   THE   REPUBLIC 


RULING   NATIONALLY; 

OR, 

THE   MACHINERY    OF   FEDERAL    GOVERNMENT. 

HE  THREE  GREAT  BRANCHES.— Our  government 
is  divided  by  the  Constitution  into  three  distinct  branches 
or  departments,  the  Legislative,  the  Executive,  and  the 
Judicial.  The  existence  of  these  departments  is  neces- 
sary for  the  energy  and  stability  of  the  government. 
Their  separation  is  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  public  lib* 
erty  and  private  rights.  When  they  are  all  united  in  one  person 
or  one  body  of  men,  that  government  is  a  despotism.  The  first 
resolution  adopted  by  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Con- 
stitution was  that  "  a  national  government  ought  to  be  established 
consisting  of  a  supreme  legislative \  judiciary  and  executive." 

THE  LEGISLATIVE  DEPARTMENT. 
This  department  consists  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  these -two  are  called  the  Congress.  The 
Senate  is  sometimes  called  the  Upper  House,  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  the  Lower  House.  The  latter  is  also  known  as 
"  the  House,"  in  contrast  to  "  the  Senate."  In  the  Constitution 
they  are  spoken  of  as  "  each  House,"  the  "  two  Houses,"  "  both 
Houses."  The  Constitution  gives  to  the  Congress  the  power  to 
make  all  laws,  and  withholds  that  power  from  the  other  depart- 
ments. It  is  a  representative  body,  and  is  supposed  to  do  what  the 
people  would  do  if  they  were  assembled  in  deliberative  meeting  to 

(191) 


192  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

enact  laws  for  their  government.  The  Congress  meets  in  regular 
session,  according  to  the  Constitution,  on  the  first  Monday  in 
December,  each  year ;  but  the  President  may  call  extra  sessions 
when  necessary.  The  two  Houses  not  only  meet  on  the  same 
day,  but  neither  can  adjourn  without  the  consent  of  the  other  for 
more  than  three  days  at  a  time,  nor  to  any  other  place  than  that 
of  regular  meeting,  now  the  capitol  at  Washington.  The  Presi- 
dent may  however  change  the  place  of  meeting  to  avoid  plague 
or  other  danger.  Congresses  themselves  run  by  odd  years,  like 
the  administrations.  The  48th  Congress  met  in  first  regular 
session  Dec.  (1st  Monday),  1883.  This  first  session  of  any  Con- 
gress is  called  "  the  long  session."  It  may  end  at  any  time  dur- 
ing the  next  year,  prior  to  December.  The  "  long  session " 
usually  runs  to  July  or  August  of  an  even  year.  The  second 
session  of  a  Congress  is  called  the  "  short  session."  It  meets  in 
December  of  an  even  year  and  ends  by  limitation  on  March  3d 
of  an  odd  year.  Thus  elections  for  President  and  for  Congress- 
men occur  in  even  years.  Administrations  and  Congresses 
begin  and  end  in  odd  years. 

THE  SENA  TE. — This  branch  or  House  of  Congress  is  com- 
posed of  two  Senators  from  each  State.  There  are  now  thirty- 
eight  States.  Multiply  38  by  2  and  you  have  the  number  of 
United  States  Senators.  It  seems  somewhat  unfair  that  a  large 
and  populous  State  like  New  York  should  have  no  greater 
representation  in  the  National  Senate  than  small  States  like 
Delaware  and  Rhode  Island.  But  this  result  was  one  of  the 
necessary  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  The  Senate  is  built 
on  the  theory  of  State  representation,  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  theory  of  popular  or  people  representation.  Senators 
are  elected  for  six  years.  No  man  can  be  a  Senator  who  is  not 
thirty  years  old,  who  has  not  been  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
for  nine  years,  and  who  is  not  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  for 
which  he  is  chosen. 

The  Senate  is  regarded  as  a  more  dignified  and  honorable 
body  than  the  House  of  Representatives.  Its  very  name  (from 
senatus,  which  is  from  scnex,  old)  presumes  an  older  and  graver 
membership.     It  is  further  removed  from  the  populace.     It  does 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  193 

not  need  to  represent  the  fickle  will  of  the  masses,  but  the  higher 
and  more  deliberative  wish  of  the  States,  which  are  its  constit- 
uency. As  a  law-making  branch  of  the  Congress  it  is  equal 
with  the  House,  except  that  it  cannot  originate  bills  *  for  raising 
revenue.  Revenue  bills  must,  according  to  the  Constitution, 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives/)"  No  bill  can  become 
a  law  till  it  has  received  the  approval  of  a  majority  in  both 
Houses,  and  been  approved  by  the  President. 

The  Senate  has  powers  beyond  those  which  are  purely  legisla- 
tive, and  is  therefore  stronger  in  this  respect  than  the  lower 
House.  It  is  a  part  of  the  Executive  branch  for  the  purpose  of 
making  appointments  to  office.  All  executive  nominations  for 
office  must  be  approved  by  the  Senate  before  they  are  final. 
The  Senate  may  reject  such  nominations  and  compel  the  Presi- 
dent to  send  in  other  names.  When  the  Senate  is  sitting  to  de- 
liberate on  the  President's  nominations  it  is  said  to  be  in  Execu- 
tive session.  So  the  Senate  in  connection  with  the  President 
constitutes  the  Treaty-making  power  of  the  government.  When 
the  Senate  is  sitting  to  deliberate  on  Treaties  or  other  delicate 
matters  it  is  said  to  be  in  "  secret  session."  Further  the  Senate 
is  the  court  before  which  impeachment  cases  are  heard  and  by 
which  they  are  determined.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States  is  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  but  has  no  vote  ex- 
cept when  there  is  a  tie.  This  presiding  officer  is  called  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  If  the  Vice-President  should  die  or 
his  seat  be  vacant  for  any  cause,  the  Senate  elects  a  President 
from  its  own  members.     As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Senate  is  never 

*  An  act  when  first  presented  to  either  House  and  up  until  the  time  of  its  passage 
is  called  a  "  bill."  After  its  passage  it  is  an  "act"  or  "law."  Acts  which  are 
merely  declarative  of  the  intent  of  either  House  and  binding  on  it,  but  which  do  not 
bear  directly  on  the  people  at  large,  are  called  "  Resolutions;  "  if  passed  by  both 
Houses  and  binding  on  both  they  are  called  "Joint  Resolutions." 

f  The  jurisdiction  of  the  two  Houses  over  this  point  gives  rise  to  frequent  contro- 
versies. During  the  2d  session  of  47th  Congress  the  Senate  originated,  debated  and 
passed  a  Tariff  bill  on  its  own  account.  This  proceeding  was  objected  to  by  the 
House,  but  as  the  final  bill  (the  act  of  March  3,  1883)  was  the  result  of  a  confer- 
ence of  both  Houses,  much  time  was  saved  by  the  Senate  action  and  no  harm  was 
done. 

13 


194  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

without  a  President  pro  tem.y  that  officer  being  important  as  a 
possible  President  of  the  United  States,  in  case  of  the  death,  resig- 
nation, removal  or  disability  of  both  President  and  Vice-President. 
A  two-third  vote  of  all  the  Senators  present  is  required  to  ratify 
a  treaty  or  convict  a  person  impeached. 

ELECTION  OF  SENATORS.— The  place  at  which  United 
States  Senators  shall  be  chosen  must  be  determined  by  the 
States.  This  place,  usually  the  State  Capitol,  cannot  be  changed 
by  the  Congress.  But  the  Congress  may  fix  the  time  and  manner 
of  electing  Senators.  It  has  done  so.  When  a  vacancy  is  about 
to  exist  by  reason  of  expiration  of  a  senatorial  term,  the  State 
Legislature  chosen  next  preceding  such  vacancy  must,  on  the 
second  Tuesday  after  its  meeting,  proceed  to  elect  a  Senator  in 
Congress. 

Each  branch  of  the  Legislature  selects,  by  a  majority  of  all 
the  viva  voce  votes  cast,  a  candidate  for  Senator.  The  next  day 
after  the  above-named  second  Tuesday  at  12  m.,  both  Houses 
meet  in  joint  assembly.  If  it  is  found  they  have  both  nominated 
the  same  candidate,  he  shall  be  declared  the  Senator.  If  they 
have  not,  then  the  two  Houses  shall  sit  in  joint  assembly,  meet- 
ing each  day  at  12  m.,  and  casting  at  least  one  vote  daily,  till  a 
Senator  is  chosen  by  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  said  joint 
assembly,  cast  viva  voce,  a  majority  of  both  Houses  being 
present. 

Vacancies  by  death  or  resignation  are  filled  in  the  same 
way  by  the  first  Legislature  which  meets,  finding  such  vacancy. 

The  Governor  of  the  State  certifies  such  election,  under  the 
seal  of  the  State  and  signed  by  his  Secretary  of  State,  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Both  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  are  the  final  judges  of  the  qualifications 
of  their  own  members.  In  the  first  Senate  one-third  of  the  mem- 
bers were  selected  by  lot  for  two  years,  another  third  for  four,  an- 
other third  for  six.  This  was  to  give  effect  to  the  clause  in  the 
Constitution  making  one-third  of  the  Senate  elective  every  two 
years. 

SENATE  MACHINERY.— The  Senate  employs  for  its  com- 
fortable working  a  Secretary  of  the  Senate  at  a  salary  of  $4,896 ; 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  195 

a  Chief  Clerk,  $3,000;  a  Librarian;  and  a  corps  of  regular 
clerks,  committee  clerks,  pages,  pasters  and  folders,  numbering 
quite  one  hundred. 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES.— -Known  also  as  "  The 
Lower  House  "  and  as  the  "  House."  It  is  equal  and  co-ordi- 
nate with  the  Senate  as  a  branch  of  Congress,  but  has  the  sole 
power  to  originate  revenue  bills,  and  to  move  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment. Its  bill  of  impeachment  is  like  the  bill  of  indict- 
ment found  by  a  grand  jury,  and  is  tried  before  the  Senate  sit- 
ting as  a  court.  Bills  and  resolutions  pass  in  the  House,  as 
in  the  Senate,  by  a  majority.  Though  the  Senate  and  House 
make  the  Congress,  a  custom  has  grown  up  of  designating  the 
members  of  the  House  as  M.  C.'s  (Members  of  Congress)  and 
members  of  the  Senate  as  Senators. 

ELECTION  OF  M.  OS.— A  member  of  the  House  must 
be  twenty-five  years  of  age,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for 
seven  years,  and  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  in  which  he  is  chosen. 
He  is  elected  for  two  years,  and  by  the  qualified  electors  in  each 
State.     His  salary  like  that  of  Senator  is  $5,000  per  year.* 

The  Congress  fixes  the  number  of  members  of  the  House 
after  each  decennial  census,  as  required  by  the  Constitution. 
Its  act  to  this  effect  generally  goes  into  operation  on  the  third 
of  March  of  the  third  year  after  the  census.  Thus  the  act  for 
this  purpose  after  the  census  of  1880  went  into  effect  on  and 
after  March  3,  1883.  The  Congress  enacted,  Feb.  25,  1882,  that, 
until  another  act  after  another  census,  the  number  of  members 
of  the  House  should  be  325.  This  number  was  then  divided 
among  the   States  in  proportion  to  their  population.     It  was 

*  The  salary  of  a  Congressman  was  $8  per  clay  up  to  1856.  From  that  time  to 
1866  it  was  $3,000  per  year.  It  remained  at  this  figure  till  act  of  March  3,  1873, 
increased  it  to  $7,500  per  year.  This  act  increased  the  President's  salary  from  $25,- 
000  to  $50,000,  and  made  a  general  increase  of  salaries  among  Department 
officers.  It  was  very  unpopular  and  was  followed  by  the  act  of  Jan.  20,  1874,  re- 
ducing the  salary  of  Congressmen  to  $5,000.  It  made  material  reductions  in  all 
the  raised  salaries.  The  President's  salary  remained  at  $50,000.  In  addition  to 
$5,000  per  year  members  of  Congress  (Senators  and  M.  C.'s)  are  entitled  to  mile- 
age. This  has  always  remained  at  forty  cents  a  mile,  on  the  principle,  be  it  charit- 
ably supposed,  that  they  all  go  to  the  capitol  by  stage-coach  as  of  yore. 


196  BUILDING    AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

found  that  each  State  was  entitled  to  the  following  number  of 
members : 

MEMBERS   OF   HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES 

As   Apportioned   [after    March    3,    1883)     Under    Census    of    1 880. 

Alabama , 8 

Arkansas 5 

California 6 

Colorado I 

Connecticut 4 


Mississippi 7 

Missouri 14 

Nebraska 3 

Nevada I 

New  Hampshire 2 


Delaware 1     New  Jersey 7 

Florida 2    New  York   . .  34 

Georgia 10    North  Carolina 9 

Illinois 20  !  Ohio 21 

Indiana 13  I  Oregon I 

Iowa 1 1  I  Pennsylvania   28 

Kansas 7  I  Rhode  Island 2 

Kentucky 1 1  ■  South  Carolina 7 

Louisiana 6  !  Tennessee _ 10 

Maine 4  I  Texas 11 

Maryland 6  !  Vermont 2 

Massachusetts 12    Virginia 10 

Michigan II    West  Virginia 4 

Minnesota 5  I  Wisconsin 9 

Total 325 

Quota  for  a  Representative 154,325 

This  act  is  called  the  apportionment  act,*  though  the  final 
work  of  apportionment  is  left  to  the  States,  each  of  which  is 
required  to  divide  itself  into  as  many  Congressional  districts  of 
contiguous  territory,  and  containing  as  nearly  as  may  be  the 
number  of  inhabitants  ascertained  to  be  a  quota  or  ratio,  as  the 
Congress  has  assigned  to  each.  Thus  by  the  above  table  New 
York  has  thirty-four  members  of  Congress  between  the  years 
1883  and  1893,  under  the  census  of  1880.    Her  Legislature  must 

*  The  first  apportionment  was  made  by  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Consti- 
tution. It  gave  to  N.  H.  3  ;  Mass.  8;  R.  I.  1 ;  Conn.  5  ;  N.  V.  6;  N.  J.  4;  Pa.  8; 
Del.  I  ;  Md.  6  ;  Va.  io ;  N.  C.  5  ;  S.  C.  5  ;  Ga.  3,  or  65  in  all.  The  ratio  of  represen- 
tation was  30,000.  After  the  census  of  1790,  the  act  of  1792  fixed  the  ratio  at  33,- 
000;  the  act  of  1803  left  it  at  33,000;  the  act  of  1811  at  35,000;  the  act  of  1822  at 
40,000;  the  act  of  1832  at  47,700;  the  act  of  1842  at  70,680.  Up  to  this  time  the 
apportionment  acts  only  fixed  a  ratio  of  representation.  The  number  of  members 
was  ascertained  by  dividing  this  ratio  into  the  total  population.  But  the  act  of  1852 
fixed  instead  the  number  of  members  of  the  House  at  233,  leaving  the  ratio  to  be 
ascertained  by  dividing  233  into  the  population  of  1850.  This  made  the  ratio 
93,423.  And  so  the  ratio  after  i860  was  127,381  ;  after  1870,  131,425;  and  after 
1880,  as  above. 


RULING    NATIONALLY.  197 

divide  the  State  into  thirty-four  Congressional  districts,  each  of 
which  is  to  contain  as  nearly  as  may  be  154,325  inhabitants. 
To  get  at  the  electoral  vote  of  each  State  you  must  add  the  two 
Senators  to  the  number  of  Representatives  in  the  House.  If  a 
Congressional  election  takes  place  in  a  State  before  it  has  made 
its  apportionment,  and  said  State  shall  be  entitled  to  one  or  more 
members  of  Congress  than  it  had  under  the  previous  apportion- 
ment, the  additional  member  or  members  may,  for  the  time 
being,  be  elected  on  the  general  State  ticket  as  "  Members  of 
Congress  at  Large." 

The  States  formerly  voted  for  Congressmen  at  their  annual 
State  elections,  no  matter  when  they  came  off.  Now,  under  an 
act  of  Congress  (March  3,  1875)  prescribing  a  "uniform  time 
for  holding  Congressional  elections,"  they  are  all  required  to 
hold  them  on  the  H  Tuesday  next  after  the  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember," of  every  second  year,  and  all  will  do  so  as  soon  as  they 
can  amend  their  Constitutions  to  that  effect. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  HOUSE.— -The  chief  officer 
of  the  House  is  called  the  Speaker.  He  is  elected  by  the  mem- 
bers, at  the  beginning  of  each  Congress.  His  election  is  a 
necessary  part  of  organization.  His  compensation  is  $8,000, 
because  his  duties  are  more  arduous  than  those  of  the  average 
member,  and  his  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  and  usages 
supposed  to  be  greater.  He  may  become  President,  for  should 
there  be  no  President,  nor  Vice-President,  nor  President  of  the 
Senate  pro  tan.,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  becomes  Acting  Pres- 
ident. 

The  most  important  officer  of  the  House,  after  the  Speaker,  is 
the  Clerk  of  the  House,  salary  $4,500.  Indeed,  it  would  not  be 
amiss  to  call  him  the  most  important  officer  of  the  House,  for 
upon  him  devolves  the  duty  of  preparing  a  list  of  the  members 
elected  to  each  Congress,  and  only  the  members  on  this  list  are 
entitled  to  participate  in  the  work  of  organization.  If  names  are 
wrongfully  omitted,  the  matter  must  be  settled  by  regular  hearing 
before  the  House,  or  a  Committee  on  Elections,  under  the  rule 
that  each  House  is  the  judge  of  the  qualification  of  its  own 
members. 


198  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

TERRITORIAL  DELEGATES.— -Each  organized  Territory 
is  entitled  to  a  representative  in  Congress  (two,  if  the  population 
warrants,  though  generally  Territories  become  States  by  that 
time),  elected  by  the  qualified  electors  thereof,  the  same  as 
Members  of  Congress.  This  Territorial  representative  is  called 
a  Delegate.  He  is  entitled  to  join  in  debate  but  cannot  vote. 
His  pay  is  $5,000  per  year  and  mileage. 

HOUSE  MACHINERY.— The  House  machinery  is  more 
elaborate  than  that  of  the  Senate.  The  Clerk  of  the  House  has 
a  large  corps  of  assistants,  as  has  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  The 
reading  clerks,  committee  clerks,  post-office  clerks,  library  em- 
ployes, door-keepers,  messengers,  pasters  and  folders,  etc.,  num- 
ber from  250  to  300. 

MAKING  LA  WS.— Both  Houses  rely  largely  on  their  Com- 
mittees to  prepare  bills  and  resolutions,  before  they  are  presented 
for  discussion  and  final  passage.  These  Committees  are  very 
numerous,  and  are  organized  presumably  with  reference  to  their 
fitness  for  the  subjects  referred  to  them.  After  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  is  elected,  his  first  important  business  is  to  appoint 
the  Standing  Committees  of  the  House.  The  President  of  the 
Senate  does  the  same  for  the  Senate,  at  the  opening  of  each  new 
Congress.  When  a  bill  is  introduced,  it  is  read  for  the  informa- 
tion of  the  members.  If  it  is  not  opposed  or  rejected,  it  is  said 
to  be  passed  to  a  second  reading,  which  may  be  the  next  or  some 
subsequent  day.  On  that  second  reading  the  question  comes  up 
shall  it  be  committed  to  one  of  the  above  Standing  Committees, 
the  subject  of  the  bill  suggesting  the  proper  Committee.  Some- 
times the  nature  of  the  bill  is  such  as  to  require  its  reference  to 
a  special  or  select  Committee.  When  bills  of  great  moment  are 
under  discussion,  the  House  resolves  itself  into  a  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  on  account  of  the  greater  freedom  of  debate  then 
allowed.  After  the  Committee  to  which  a  bill  has  been  referred 
are  done  deliberating  on  it,  it  is  reported  back  to  the  House 
either  adversely  or  favorably,  and  with  or  without  amendments. 
Then  the  question  is  on  its  engrossment  (copying  in  a  fair  hand) 
for  third  reading.  After  being  engrossed  (if  it  has  been  so 
ordered),  it  is  read  a  third  time  and  the  question  is  on  its  pas- 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  199 

sage.  If  passed,  it  is  signed  by  the  presiding  officer  and  sent  to 
the  other  House,  where  it  goes  through  the  same  routine. 
Sometimes  amendments  are  added  on  its  passage.  If  so,  it  is 
sent  back  to  the  House  where  it  originated.  If  these  are  agreed 
to,  it  is  repassed  there.  If  not,  and  the  bill  is  important,  the  dis- 
agreement between  the  two  Houses  is  settled,  if  possible,  in  what 
is  called  a  Committee  of  Conference ;  that  is,  a  Committee  com- 
posed of  members  from  both  Houses.  This  Committee  reports 
to  both  Houses  the  results  of  its  deliberations,  and  if  in  the 
shape  of  a  bill,  it  is  again  on  its  final  passage  in  both  Houses  as 
before.  When  passed  by  both  Houses,  it  is  sent  to  the  Presi- 
dent. If  he  approves  it,  he  signs  it,  and  then  it  is  law.  If  he 
does  not  approve  it,  he  sends  it  back  to  the  House  in  which  it 
originated,  with  his  veto  message,  where  the  question  is,  "  Shall 
it  pass  notwithstanding  the  President's  veto?"  Unless  it  is  sus- 
tained by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  it  cannot  become 
a  law  over  the  veto.  If  so  sustained  it  becomes  law  in  spite  of 
the  veto.  The  President  has  ten  days  in  which  to  consider  a 
bill  before  he  signs  or  vetoes  it.  Many  bills  are  crowded  on  the 
President  within  ten  days  of  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 
Those  he  favors  he  returns  with  his  approval  in  time,  and  so 
with  those  he  does  not  favor,  if  he  wishes  his  reasons  for  a 
veto  to  become  public.  But  sometimes  he  does  not  return  the 
bill  at  all  in  time  for  adjournment,  and  thus  kills  it.  This  is 
called  the  "  pocket  veto,"  the  bill  being  in  the  President's  pocket, 
as  it  were.  It  is  not  regarded  as  a  very  manly  way  of  exercising 
the  veto  power,  but  must  be  excused  sometimes  to  rush  of  busi- 
ness during  the  closing  days  of  a  session.  Resolutions  and 
Joint  Resolutions  follow  the  routine  of  Bills. 

CONGRESSIONAL  LIBRARY.— An  act  of  April  24,  1800, 
appropriated  $5,000  to  buy  necessary  books  for  Members  of  the 
Congress.  Act  of  Jan.  26,  1802,  organized  The  Library  of 
Congress,  located  it  in  a  room  previously  occupied  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  created  the  office  of  Librarian,  made 
him  appointive  by  the  President,  and  limited  the  use  of  books  to 
Members  of  Congress  and  the  Departments.  Up  to  18 14  there 
were  only  3,000  volumes  in  the  library.     It  was  burned  Aug.  25, 


200  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

1 8 14,  with  the  capitol,  by  the  British.  In  September,  1 8 14,  Jef- 
ferson offered  his  library  of  6,700  volumes,  as  the  nucleus  of  a 
new  library  of  Congress,  at  cost.  It  was  accepted,  and  the  sum 
of  $23,950  paid  for  it.  In  18 18  the  annual  appropriation  to  the 
Library  was  raised  to  $2,000  a  year,  and  in  1824  to  $5,000  a 
year.  This  year  it  was  moved  to  the  central  capitol.  In  1851 
it  had  55,000  volumes,  and  again  met  with  a  loss  by  fire  of 
35,000  volumes.  Starting  anew,  Congress  rebuilt  a  fire-proof 
hall  for  $75,000,  and  appropriated  $75,000  to  buy  books.  By 
i860  it  contained  75,000  volumes,  on  an  annual  appropriation  of 
$7,000.  This  was  increased  to  $10,000  in  186 1.  In  1866  it  re- 
ceived the  40,000  volumes  of  the  Smithsonian  Institute.  In 
1867  the  Force  library  was  purchased  at  a  cost  of  $100,000.  It 
contained  60,000  books  and  articles. 

The  Law  Department  of  the  Library  was  constituted  by  act 
of  July  14,  1832.  Under  an  annual  appropriation  of  $2,000  a 
year  it  has  grown  from  2,011  volumes  to  35,000. 

By  act  of  July  8,  1870,  the  granting  of  copyrights  was  centered 
in  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  where  two  copies  of 
each  publication  entered  for  copyright  must  be  deposited.  This 
has  brought  an  annual  addition  of  25,000  books,  maps,  and  other 
articles,  in  duplicate.  In  January,  1880,  the  library  contained 
365,000  volumes  and  120,000  pamphlets,  and  in  1883,  513,441 
volumes  and  165,000  pamphlets.  The  catalogue  alone  fills  four 
royal  octavo  volumes.  Measures  are  now  being  taken  to  erect 
a  new  building,  which  is  much  needed,  the  capacity  of  the 
present  one  being  wholly  inadequate.  Expenditure  for  the 
Library  is  under  control  of  a  joint  committee  of  both  Houses 
of  Congress.  The  same  committee  have  control  of  the  Botanical 
Garden,  which  supplies  plants,  seeds  and  flowers  to  Members  of 
Congress  for  public  distribution  and  personal  use. 

PUBLIC  PRINTING  OFFICE.— Until  i860  the  govern- 
ment hired  men  to  do  its  printing,  and  each  House  employed  a 
printer.  The  expense  got  to  be  so  enormous  that  Congress 
authorized  a  Government  Printing  Office,  and  appropriated 
$150,000  to  start  it.  It  was  placed  under  the  management  of  a 
Superintendent  of  Public  Printing,  or  the  Public  Printer,  whose 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  201 

salary  is  $3,600.  This  officer  is  selected  by  Congress.  He  has 
power  to  purchase  all  necessary  material  and  employ  ample 
help.  He  must  report  to  Congress  each  session  the  work  done, 
the  expense  incurred,  the  number  of  hands  employed,  the  full 
and  exact  condition  of  the  establishment.  The  office  is  now  the 
largest  and  best  appointed  in  the  world.  It  prints  and  binds  all 
public  books  and  papers,  except  where  otherwise  ordered.  The 
number  of  these  is  simply  enormous,  and  many  of  them  of  very 
little  use.  The  force  employed  consists  of  six  clerks,  and  some 
1,500  hands.  The  cost  of  work  done  in  the  office  must  not  ex- 
ceed that  of  private  printing  offices  in  Washington. 

THE   EXECUTIVE   DEPARTMENT. 

The  language  of  the  Constitution  is,  Art.  II.  Sec.  1  :  "  The 
executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of 
four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the 
same  term,  be  elected  as  follows." 

Before  showing  how  he  is  elected  let  it  be  said  that  he  is 
sometimes  called  "  The  Executive,"  and  "  The  Chief  Magistrate 
of  the  Nation."  The  Congress  (Legislative  Branch)  legislates, 
that  is,  makes  the  laws ;  the  President  (Executive  Branch)  exe- 
cutes or  enforces  the  laws ;  the  Supreme,  Circuit  and  District 
Courts  (Judicial  Branch)  adjudge,  expound,  interpret,  pronounce, 
and,  with  the  civic  machinery  at  their  command,  also  execute 
the  laws. 

PRESIDENT-MAKING.— The  people  do  not  vote  directly 
for  the  President  and  Vice-President  but  for  Presidential  electors, 
whose  number  in  each  State  is  equal  to  the  number  of  the 
representatives  (Senators  and  M.  C.'s)  in  the  Congress  from  that 
State.*  The  President  must  be  thirty-five  years  of  age  and  a 
native  of  the  United  States.     At  first  the  political  parties  desig- 

*  At  first  the  Legislatures  of  the  respective  States  generally  made  choice  of  the 
electors.  This  was  gradually  abandoned,  and  by  1824  most  of  the  States  used  the 
popular  vote.  In  1828  the  popular  vote  of  the  States  became  an  element  of  com- 
putation. South  Carolina  retained  the  method  of  electing  electors  by  her  Legisla- 
ture till  1868.  This  word  elector  is  misleading.  Any  qualified  voter  is  an  elector. 
But  it  is  in  the  Constitution  and  besides  has  the  sanction  of  long  custom. 


202  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

nated  their  candidates  for  President  in  Congressional  Caucus. 
This  method  began  to  give  way  to  the  modern  system  of  Na- 
tional Nominating  Conventions  with  a  platform  of  principles 
about  1832-36.  The  first  four  Presidential  elections  were  con- 
ducted under  Art.  II.,  Sec.  I,  Clause  3,  of  the  Constitution,  which 
did  not  require  a  separate  nomination  for  Vice-President,  but 
that  each  elector  should  vote  for  two  persons,  not  from  the  same 
State,  the  one  having  the  highest  number  of  votes  to  be  Presi- 
dent, the  one  having  the  next  highest  to  be  Vice-President.  In 
the  election  of  1800,  Jefferson  and  Burr  had  each  73  votes,  and 
the  contest  had  to  be  settled  in  the  House.  At  the  previous 
election  of  1796,  John  Adams,  Federal,  had  71  votes,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Republican,  68  votes.  Here  was  a  President  of  one 
party,  and  a  Vice-President  of  another.  It  was  evident  that 
the  clause  was  defective,  and  it  was  amended  in  1804  by  tne 
adoption  of  the  12th  Amendment. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS.—''  Each  State  shall  appoint, 
in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a  number 
of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress ; 
but  no  Senator,  or  Representative,  or  person  holding  an  office 
of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed  an 
elector,"  Cons.  Art.  II.,  Sec.  1,  Clause  2. 

THE  ELECTORAL  COLLEGE.— Under  the  above  article, 
and  the  apportionment  in  accordance  with  the  Census  of  1880,  the 
Electoral  Colleges  of  the  respective  States  contain  electors,  as 
follows : 

Alabama IO  j  Maryland 8 

Arkansas 7    Massachusetts 14 

California 8    Michigan 13 

Colorado 3     Minnesota 7 

Connecticut 6    Mississippi 9 

Delaware 3    Missouri 16 

Florida 4    Nebraska 5 

Georgia 12  I  Nevada 3 

Illinois 22  i  New  Hampshire 4 

Indiana 15  i  New  Jersey 9 

Iowa 13  I  New  York 36 

Kansas 9    North  Carolina 11 

Kentucky 13    Ohio 23 

Louisiana 8    Oregon 3 

Maine 6    Pennsylvania 3a 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  203 

Rhode  Island 4  I  Vermont 4 

South  Carolina 9  \  Virginia 12 

Tennessee 12    West  Virginia 6 

Texas 1 3  I  Wisconsin 1 1 

Total 401 

Requiring,  as  between  two  candidates,  201  to  elect. 

CHOOSING  OF  ELECTORS.— Electors  of  President  and 
Vice-President  are  chosen  in  each  State  on  the  Tuesday  next 
after  the  first  Monday  in  November,  in  every  fourth  year  suc- 
ceeding every  election  of  a  President  or  Vice-President.  This 
is  the  Presidential  election. 

The  number  of  electors  must  equal  the  whole  number  of 
Representatives  and  Senators  to  which  the  several  States  are  by 
law  entitled  at  the  time  when  the  President  and  Vice-President 
to  be  chosen  come  into  office.  But  where  no  apportionment  of 
Representatives  has  been  made  after  a  Census,  at  the  time  of 
choosing  electors,  the  number  of  electors  must  be  according 
to  the  then  existing  apportionment  of  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives. 

Each  State  may  by  law  provide  for  filling  any  vacancies  in 
its  electoral  college,  when  such  college  meets  to  give  its  elec- 
toral vote. 

When  any  State  has  held  an  election  for  electors  and  has 
failed  to  make  a  choice  on  the  day  fixed  by  law,  electors  may  be 
appointed  on  a  subsequent  day  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature 
may  prescribe. 

ELECTORAL  COLLEGE.— Electors  for  each  State  meet 
and  give  their  votes  the  first  Wednesday  in  December  in  the 
year  in  which  they  are  chosen,  at  such  place  in  each  State  as  its 
Legislature  directs. 

On  the  day  of  meeting,  or  before,  the  Governor  of  each  State 
delivers  to  the  electors  three  certified  lists  of  the  names  of 
electors  of  such  State. 

The  electors  vote  for  President  and  Vice-President,  as  the 
Constitution  directs  in  Art.  XII.  of  the  Amendments.  They  then 
make  and  sign  three  certificates  of  the  votes  given  by  them,  each 
of  which  contains  two  distinct  lists,  one  of  the  votes  for  Presi- 
dent, the  other  of  votes  for  Vice-President,  and  annex  to  each 


204  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

of  the  certificates  one  of  the  lists  of  electors  furnished  them  by 
the  Governor.  They  seal  these  certificates,  and  certify  on  each 
that  it  contains  the  lists  of  all  the  votes  of  such  State  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President.  One  of  them  must  be  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a  person  appointed  by  them,  to  be  delivered  by  him  to 
the  President  of  the  Senate,  in  Washington,  before  the  first 
Wednesday  of  the  ensuing  January.  The  second  they  forward 
by  mail  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  third  they  forth- 
with deliver  to  the  judge  of  the  district  in  which  the  electors 
assemble. 

If  the  certificates  of  any  State  have  not  arrived  in  Washington 
by  the  first  Wednesday  in  January,  the  Secretary  of  State  sends 
a  messenger  for  the  list  deposited  with  the  district  judge. 

Congress  shall  be  in  session  on  the  second  Wednesday  in 
February  after  each  meeting  of  electors,  and  the  certificates,  or 
as  many  as  have  been  received,  shall  be  opened,  the  votes 
counted,  and  the  persons  to  fill  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice- 
President  ascertained  and  declared  agreeably  to  the  Constitu- 
tion.    See  Art.  XIII.,  Amendments. 

If  there  is  no  President  of  the  Senate  at  Washington  when 
the  person  to  whom  the  certificates  have  been  entrusted  arrives,, 
he  deposits  them  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  be  turned  over 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate  as  soon  as  may  be. 

The  four  years  term  of  President  and  Vice-President  begins  on 
the  fourth  of  March  next  succeeding  the  day  on  which  the  votes 
of  the  electors  have  been  given.  As  we  have  seen,  this  is  always 
an  odd  year,  and  the  election  is  always  on  an  even  year. 

PRESIDENTS  D UTIES.— He  is  sworn  into  office,  together 
with  the  Vice-President,  on  March  4th  after  his  election,  and 
usually  delivers  an  inaugural  address  foreshadowing  his  policy. 
He  communicates  annually  with  the  Congress  by  means  of  a 
formal,  written  message.  Before  Jefferson's  time  the  Presidents 
delivered  their  annual  messages  in  person.  Jefferson  established 
the  custom  of  communicating  by  written  messages,  as  in  better 
accord  with  Republican  simplicity.  The  President  also  com- 
municates with  Congress  by  message  at  any  time  during  the 
session  if  he  has  anything  important  to  say. 


RULING    NATIONALLY.  205 

He  received,  up  to  1873,  $25,000  salary;  since  then  his  salary 
has  been  $50,000,  with  the  use  of  the  White  House  and  its  fur- 
niture. He  is  not  allowed  to  receive  any  other  emolument,  not 
even  a  gift,  and  his  salary  cannot  be  raised  or  lowered  during  his 
term  of  office.  He  is  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  may  grant  pardons  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  call 
extra  sessions  of  Congress,  and  change  the  meeting-place  of 
Congress  in  time  of  danger  or  great  emergency. 

He  has,  jointly  with  the  Senate,  the  treaty-making  power  and 
the  appointing  power.  He  may  be  impeached  and  removed 
from  office.  In  case  of  death,  absence  or  disability  the  Vice- 
President  becomes  President.  Around  him  and  in  the  Execu- 
tive office  proper  are  his  Private  Secretary,  Assistant  Secretary, 
and  a  corps  of  stenographers  and  clerks,  doorkeepers,  watch- 
men and  ushers. 

But  the  President's  chief  body  of  assistants  and  advisers  is 
made  up  of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet. 

PRESIDENTS  CABINET.— Cabinet  means  a  small  room 
in  which  select  or  secret  councils  are  held  by  an  executive  or 
chief  officer  of  state.  The  President's  Cabinet  is  not  a  creation 
of  law  but  of  custom.  The  law  merely  creates  the  departments 
or  bureaus  and  authorizes  for  each  a  chief,  who  is  appointed  by 
the  President,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  These 
departments  being  important,  and  a  direct  means  by  which  the 
President  executes  the  laws,  their  heads  or  chiefs  are  supposed 
to  act  in  concert  with  the  President.  To  maintain  this  concert 
they  must  be  frequently  called  into  council  or  cabinet  meeting. 
The  chiefs  of  departments  who  are  now  recognized  as  officers 
of  the  Cabinet  are  the  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of  War, 
Secretary  of  Treasury,  Secretary  of  Navy,  Secretary  of  Interior, 
Attorney-General,  and  Postmaster-General,  seven  in  all.  Of  the 
function  of  each  of  these,  as  heads  of  their  respective  depart- 
ments, we  shall  speak  in  the  proper  place.  We  now  speak  of 
them  only  as  members  of  the  Cabinet,  or  President's  advisers. 
Their  pay,  not  as  Cabinet  members,  but  as  heads  of  their 
departments,  is  $8,000  a  year.  As  ex  officio  members  of  the 
Cabinet  they  are  called   into  "  Cabinet  meeting  "  by  the  Presi- 


206  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

dent  whenever  he  needs  their  advice  in  shaping  a  policy,*  or  in- 
formation from  them  respecting  the  running  of  their  depart- 
ments, though  this  latter  is  usually  laid  before  the  Congress 
and  country  in  the  annual  reports  of  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments. Whenever  a  head  of  department,  who  ranks  as  a  Cabinet 
officer,  cannot  agree  with  the  President  in  his  policy,  and  is 
tenacious  of  his  views,  he  resigns  on  the  principle  that  he  is  no 
longer  a  proper  adviser.  The  Senate  rarely  fails  to  confirm  the 
nominations  of  the  President  to  those  department  places  which 
rank  as  Cabinet  offices,  for  the  reason  that  he  is  entitled  to  the 
privilege  of  surrounding  himself  with  advisers  who  are  in  har- 
mony with  his  executive  views. 

From  what  we  have  now  learned  of  the  Cabinet,  it  will  be 
understood  that  it  has  been  a  growth.  Under  Washington's 
administration  there  were  but  three  department  officers  who 
ranked  as  Cabinet  members,  viz. :  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary 
of  Treasury  and  Secretary  of  War.  Naval  affairs  were  then 
under  the  control  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  separate  Navy 
Department  was  not  organized  till  April  30,  1798,  Adams'  ad- 
ministration, when  the  Cabinet  was  augmented  by  the  Secretary 
of  Navy.  The  Postmaster-General  was  a  subordinate  of  the 
Treasury  Department  till  1829.  Though  the  office  of  Attorney- 
General  was  created  by  act  of  September  24,  1789,  he  did  not 
rank  as  a  full  Cabinet  officer  till  1841-45, Tyler's  administration. 
The  Department  of  Interior  was  created  March  3,  1849,  last  day 
of  Polk's  administration,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  be- 
came a  Cabinet  officer.  A  list  of  the  Cabinet  officers  will  be 
found  under  their  respective  department  heads. 

VICE-PRESIDENT.— -The  Constitution  says  all  executive 
power  shall  be  in  the  President.  But  when  it  comes  to  speaking 
of  his  qualification  and  election,  it  mentions  a  Vice-President. 
"  No  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  Vice-President."  12th  Amend- 
ment, clause  3.  The  Vice-President  is  not  endowed  with  much 
power.  His  salary  is  $8,000.  He  is  presiding  officer  of  the 
Senate,  but  without  a  vote,  except  in  case  of  a  tie.  In  all  else 
he  is  like  an  alternate,  merely  an  official  provision  against  the 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  207 

possibility  of  being  without  a  President.  The  Vice-President  be- 
comes President  in  case  of  the  death,  resignation,  impeachment, 
or  disability  of  the  latter.  This  has  happened  four  times  in  the 
history  of  our  government,  when  Harrison  and  Taylor  died  and 
Lincoln  and  Garfield  were  assassinated. 

DEPARTMENT   OF   STATE. 

CREATIVE  ACTS. — There  is  no  mention  in  the  Constitution 
of  this  department  nor  any  other  belonging  to  the  Executive 
branch  of  the  government.  They  are  all  creations  of  Congress, 
which  was  endowed  with  power  to  pass  all  laws  necessary  to 
give  effect  to  the  Constitution.  At  the  starting  of  the  govern- 
ment, foreign  relations  were  intricate  and  momentous.  There- 
fore the  act  of  July  27,  1789  (1st  Congress,  extra  session), 
created  a  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  whose  Secretary  should 
attend  to  correspondence  and  negotiations  with  foreign  ministers, 
and  to  such  other  foreign  affairs  as  the  President  might  order 
and  direct.  By  act  of  September  15,  1789  (same  session),  the 
name  of  this  department  was  changed  to  Department  of  State, 
and  the  chief  to  Secretary  of  State,  and  he  was,  in  addition  to 
the  above  duties,  charged  with  the  receipt  and  publication  of  the 
laws  of  Congress,  made  custodian  of  the  great  Seal,  and  author- 
ized to  use  it  on  civil  commissions.  In  1853  the  office  of  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  State  was  created. 

NATURE  AND  DUTIES.— The  Department  of  State  usu- 
ally heads  the  list  of  the  Executive  Departments.  The  Secretary 
of  State  is  regarded  as  the  nearest  officer  to  the  President,  and 
is  usually  selected  on  account  of  the  great  confidence  reposed  in 
him  as  a  lawyer,  diplomatist  and  safe  political  adviser.  He  is 
sometimes  called  the  President's  Premier,  or  Prime  Minister, 
after  the  English  fashion,  because  he  ranks  as  first  of  his  coun- 
sellors. In  monarchies  the  class  of  officers  we  call  Secretaries 
are  called  Ministers. 

The  Secretary  of  State  conducts  all  correspondence  with  and 
issues  all  instructions  to  United  States  consuls  and  ministers  ; 
negotiates  with  foreign  ministers  and  representatives  on  all  mat- 
ters they  submit,  under  the  direction  of  the  President ;  fixes  the 


208  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC 

great  seal  to  all  executive  commissions ;  receives  and  preserves 
the  originals  of  all  bills,  orders  and  resolutions  of  House  or 
Senate ;  promulgates  and  publishes  the  laws,  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  and  all  consular  and  diplomatic  information ;  lays 
before  Congress  annually  a  report  of  commercial  systems 
among  nations,  treaties,  diplomacy  and  all  information  touching 
our  relations  with  foreign  governments  ;  grants  passports.  His 
is  indeed  an  arduous  and  responsible  office.  As  a  cabinet  officer 
the  President  relies  on  him  more  than  on  any  other,  because  of 
the  delicacy,  often  intricacy,  of  the  subjects  which  come  under 
his  consideration.  Foreign  relations  are  seldom  free  from 
serious  complications,  and  negligence  or  blunder  might  at  any 
moment  lead  to  war. 

MACHINERY. — The  machinery  for  working  this  important 
department  is  ample  and  intricate.  It  consists  of  a  number  of 
bureaus,  branches  and  divisions,  each  of  which  is  designed 
to  attend  to  one  of  the  many  duties  of  the  department. 
Thus  there  is  a  Diplomatic  Bureau,  Consular  Bureau,  Bureau 
of  Indexes  and  Archives,  Bureau  of  Accounts,  Librarian, 
Division  of  Statistics,  Bureau  of  Law,  Division  of  Translations, 
Division  of  Pardons,  Passport  Division. 

DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE.— The  Diplomatic  Bureau  of  the 
Department  of  State  is  the  centre  of  the  Diplomatic  Service  of 
the  United  States.  This  service  embraces  Envoys  Extraordinary 
and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary.  These  high-sounding  titles 
designate  our  most  important  ministers  to  foreign  countries. 
They,  like  all  our  foreign  ministers  of  whatever  grade,  are  ap- 
pointed by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate.  They  do  not,  however,  represent  the  President  but 
the  entire  government.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  a  service  dedi- 
cated to  diplomacy,  which  is  supposably  exact  and  exacting, 
should  be  so  loose  in  its  use  of  terms.  The  word  Embassador 
has  with  us  none  but  the  most  general  meaning.  It  might  very 
properly  include  all  that  is  meant  by  the  above  lengthy  titles. 
The  persons  sent  abroad  to  represent  the  government  and  who 
are  called  Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary 
are  not  only  authorized  to  reside  in  the  country  they  go  to,  but 


RULING    NATIONALLY.  209 

are  fully  commissioned  to  act  for  our  government  there.  They 
are  offices  of  great  dignity  and  responsibility,  and  are  usually 
filled  with  men  of  prudence  and  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs. 
By  the  Law  of  Nations  Embassadors,  Envoys,  Ministers  and 
duly  accredited  representatives  of  any  kind  are  exempt  from 
arrest,  imprisonment  and  prosecution.  Violation  of  the  person, 
property  or  rights  of  an  Embassador  in  any  civilized  country 
would  be  a  cause  for  war  on  the  part  of  the  country  offended. 

We  have  now  sixteen  Embassadors  abroad  who  rank  as 
Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary,  viz. :  one 
each  to  France,  Germany,  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  at  a  salary 
of  $17,500  each.  One  each  to  Austro-Hungary,  Brazil,  China, 
Italy,  Japan,  Mexico  and  Spain,  at  a  salary  of  $12,000  each.  One 
each  to  Central  American  States,  Chili  and  Peru,  at  a  salary  of 
$10,000  each.  One  to  Turkey,  at  a  salary  of  $7,500.  One  to 
Corea,  at  a  salary  of  $5,000.  They  are  accredited  to  the  Sover- 
eigns of  the  countries  to  which  they  are  sent. 

MINISTERS  RESIDENT.— These  like  the  former  reside 
abroad.  By  this  word  "  reside  "  is  not  meant  permanent  resi- 
dence, but  only  until  their  commissions  expire.  They  do  not  go 
on  a  special  mission,  to  return  when  it  is  ended.  The  Resident 
Ministers  are  instructed  and  clothed  with  authority,  the  same  as 
those  of  a  higher  grade,  but  the  countries  to  which  they  are 
sent  being  of  less  importance,  and  their  salaries  smaller,  they  do 
not  rank  so  high.  They  are  one  each  to  Argentine  Republic, 
Belgium,  United  States  of  Colombia,  Hawaiian  Islands,  Nether- 
lands, Sweden  and  Norway,  and  Venezuela,  salary  $7,500 ;  and 
one  each  to  Bolivia,  Hayti,  Denmark,  Liberia,  Persia,  Portugal 
and  Switzerland  (who  are  also  Consuls-General),  salary  $5,000. 
The  Minister  Resident  to  Greece,  salary  $6,500,  also  represents 
the  country  in  Roumania  and  Servia. 

CHARGE  D'AFFAIRES.— These  are  officers  like  Ministers 
Resident,  though  not  accredited  to  sovereigns,  but  to  ministers 
of  foreign  affairs.  Their  authority  is  full,  but  they  go  to 
countries  without  intricate  diplomacy.  One  is  sent  to  Paraguay 
and  Uruguay,  salary  $5,000. 

SECRETARIES  OF  LEGATION.— These  are  usually  com- 
14 


'210  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

missioned  attendants  of  the  more  important  ministers  and  act  as 
their  secretaries  and  interpreters.  In  the  absence  of  their  prin- 
cipal they  supply  his  place,  and  sometimes  they  are  the  only 
American  representative  in  a  foreign  country,  as,  till  lately,  the 
Secretary  of  Legation  and  Interpreter  at  Pekin,  salary  $5,000. 
There  are  other  Secretaries  of  Legation,  as  follows :  One  at 
Constantinople,  salary  $3,500,  and  one  Interpreter,  salary  $3,000; 
two  at  Paris,  salaries  $2,625  and  $2,000;  two  at  Berlin,  salaries 
$2,625  and  $2,000;  two  at  London,  salaries  $2,625  anc*  $2,000; 
one  at  St.  Petersburg,  salary  $2,625  J  one  Secretary  of  Legation 
and  one  Interpreter  at  Yedo,  Japan,  salary  $2,500  each ;  one  each 
at  Vienna  and  Rome,  salary  $3,500;  one  each  at  Rio  de  Janeiro 
and  Mexico,  salary  $1,800;  and  one  at  Madrid,  salary  $3,000. 

CONSULAR  SERVICE.— The  second  Bureau  in  the  State 
Department  is  the  Consular  Bureau.  It  is  a  large  and 
important  Bureau,  and  through  its  consuls  the  government 
finds  a  representation  in  every  important  city  and  country 
in  the  world.  Like  Ministers,  Envoys  and  Secretaries  of 
Legation,  they  are  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate. 
They  hear  all  complaints  of  American  captains,  masters,  crews 
and  passengers,  and  adjudicate  their  cases;  hear  protests  of 
American  merchants,  also  of  foreigners  respecting  American 
citizens ;  certify  to  the  correctness  of  all  invoices  of  goods 
shipped  to  this  'country  ;  gather  commercial  information  of  the 
country  and  send  it  to  the  Consular  Bureau ;  take  charge  of 
deceased  Americans,  their  effects  and  estates,  and  properly  dis- 
pose of  the  same.  They  have  no  representative  or  diplomatic 
status,  but  are  nevertheless  protected  under  the  Law  of  Nations, 
the  raised  flag  of  the  country  being  their  safeguard.  They  may 
determine  all  matter  of  wages  for  seamen  on  board  American 
ships,  receive  ships'  papers  and  see  that  they  are  correct,  provide 
for  sick  or  destitute  seamen  and  send  them  home,  dismiss  crews 
if  mutinous  or  disobedient,  settle  questions  of  wreck  and  salvage, 
.assist  in  defence  of  American  criminals  on  trial  in  their  jurisdic- 
tion ;  and  in  some  countries  aid  in  adjudicating  civil  disputes. 
There  is  a  full  code  of  laws  and  instructions  for  their  government. 

They  are  of  three  grades.     No.  1   embraces  Consuls-General 


RULING   NATIONALLY. 


211 


and  Consuls  with  fixed  salaries,  who  are  not  allowed  to  transact 
any  other  business.  No.  2  includes  those  with  fixed  salaries 
(lower  than  the  first),  who  are  allowed  to  transact  other  business. 
No.  3  embraces  all  who  are  paid  by  fees,  and  allowed  to  transact 
other  business.  Some  of  the  third-class  find  a  large  profit  from 
fees,  some  find  nearly  nothing.  Besides  those  in  these  classes 
there  are  Commercial  Agents  and  Consular  Clerks  with  similar 
duties  and  powers.  It  will  be  readily  seen  the  Consular  Service 
embraces  many  hundred  persons.  They  are  appointed  usually 
at  the  instance  of  Senators  and  Representatives,  but  many 
through  the  influence  of  commercial  men,  and  for  their  knowl- 
edge of  foreign  languages  and  business  usages. 


SECRETARIES    OF   STATE. 


Name.  Appointed. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Va Sept.  26,  1789 

Edmund  Randolph,  Va.  .Jan.    2,     1794 
Timothy  Pickering,  Pa.  .  .-Dec.   10,  1795 

John  Marshall,  Va May  13,  1800 

James  Madison,  Va Mar.   5,    1 801 

Robert  Smith,  Md Mar.   6,    1809 

James  Monroe,  Va April   2,   181 1 

JohnQuincy  Adams,  Mass.  Mar.   5,    1817 

Henry  Clay,  Ky Mar.   7,    1825 

Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y..Mar.   6,    1829 
Edward  Livingston,  La.  .  .May  24,  1 83 1 

Louis  McLane,  Del May  29, 

John  Forsyth,  Ga June  27, 

Daniel  Webster,  Mass. . . .  Mar.  5, 
Hugh  S.  Legare,  S.  C. . .  .May  9, 
Abel  P.  Upshur,  Va July  24, 


1833 
1834 
1841 

1843 


Name.  Appointed. 

John  Nelson,  Md   Feb.  29,  1844 

John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C Mar.   6,   1844 

James  Buchanan,  Pa Mar.   6,    1845 

John  M.  Clayton,  Del Mar.   7,    1849 

Daniel  Webster,  Mass July  22,  1850 

Edward  Everett,  Mass Nov.   6,   1852 

William  L.  Marcy,N.Y.  .Mar.   7,    1853 

Lewis  Cass,  Mich Mar.   6,   1857 

Jeremiah  S.  Black,  Pa Dec.  17,  i860 

William  H.  Seward,  N.  Y.Mar.   5,    1861 

E.  W.  Washburne,  III. .  .  .Mar.   5,   1869 

Hamilton  Fish,  N.  Y Mar.  II,  1869 

William  M.  Evarts,  N.  Y.Mar.  12,  1877 
James  G.  Blaine,  Me Mar.   5,   1881 

F.  T.  Frelinghuysen,  N.  J..Dec.  12,  1881 


TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

CREATIVE  ACTS.— The  Treasury  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress was  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  a  Committee  of  Con- 
gress. Under  the  Confederation  the  office  of  "  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  "  was  created  by  act  of  Feb.  11,  1779.  By  act  of  June 
30,  1779,  it  was  resolved  into  a  Board  of  Commissioners.  By 
act  of  Feb.  7,  1781,  the  Board  of  Commissioners  gave  way  to  a 
Superintendent  of  Finance,  who  was  given  (Sept.  11,  1781)  the 
assistance  of  a  Comptroller,  Register,  Treasurer  and  Auditors. 
By  act  of  May  28,  1784,  the  old  Board  of  Commissioners  was 
reinvested  with  control.     This  was  very  changeable  legislation 


212  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

respecting  an  office  so  important  as  that  of  the  Treasury,  but  it 
was  characteristic  of  the  Confederation. 

During  the  first  session  of  Congress,  Sept.  2,  1789,  our  present 
Treasury  Department  was  established  with  a  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Comptroller,  Auditor,  Treasurer,  Register  and  Assistant 
Secretary.  Around  this  nucleus  has  been  built  by  repeated  acts 
of  Congress  the  present  stupendous  fabric,  whose  officials  are 
more  numerous  than  those  of  any  other  department,  whose  re- 
sponsibilities are  greater,  whose  existence  is  inseparable  from 
that  of  the  government,  whose  transactions  amount  to  hundreds 
of  millions  of  dollars  a  year. 

POWERS  AND  DUTIES.— All  accounts  of  the  United 
States  are  settled  in  the  Treasury  Department,  and  there  all 
moneys  due  are  received,  and  owing,  paid. 

The  transactions  of  this  department  date  from  July  1  of  each 
year.  This  is  called  the  Fiscal  (money)  year.  No  officer  or 
clerk  in  this  department  is  permitted  to  accept  any  compensa- 
tion over  and  above  his  salary  for  transacting  any  business  in 
the  department,  nor  can  any  employe  trade  in  the  funds  of  or 
debts  of  the  United  States. 

The  chief  officer  is  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  salary 
$8,000.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  and  is  appointed,  like 
all  department  officers,  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Senate.  He  has  two  Assistant  Secretaries  at  a  salary 
of  $4,500  each.  The  Secretary  must  manage  the  collection  of 
all  revenue  and  lay  plans  for  supporting  the  public  credit;  order 
and  keep  all  public  accounts ;  grant  warrants  for  moneys  appro- 
priated by  Congress ;  audit  accounts  of  receipts  and  disburse- 
ments ;  collect  all  commercial  statistics  ;  report  annually  to  Con- 
gress, or  whenever  called  upon,  his  methods  of  management, 
results  and  recommendations. 

For  his  assistance  in  the  discharge  of  these  multifarious  and 
responsible  duties  he  has  a  corps  of  officers,  clerks  and  assistants 
which  number  over  3,000.  These  are  all  at  work  in  the  follow- 
ing subdepartments,  bureaus  or  divisions  : 

FIRST  ASSISTANT.— This  officer  supervises  all  the  work 
relating  to  Appointments;  Public  Moneys;    Revenue  Marine; 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  213 

Stationery,  Printing  and  Blanks ;  Loans  and  Currency ;  Bureau 
of  Engraving  and  Printing ;  Bureau  of  the  Mint. 

SECOND  ASSISTANT  supervises  all  the  work  belonging 
to  the  Division  of  Customs ;  Special  Agents ;  Navigation ;  In- 
ternal Revenue ;  Appropriations,  Warrants  and  Estimates ;  Super- 
vising Architect ;  Marine  Hospital  Supervision ;  Bureau  of 
Statistics  ;  Inspector-General  of  Steam-vessels. 
•  CHIEF  CLERK'S  OFFICE  has  supervision  of  all  the 
Treasury  buildings,  their  furniture,  repairs,  mails,  horses,  wagons, 
working  property. 

APPOINTMENTS.— -This  division  supervises  all  appoint- 
ments and  removals  in  the  department,  the  Customs  Service,  In- 
ternal Revenue,  and  other  branches  of  the  Treasury  Department; 
prepares  the  Treasury  Register  (Blue  Book) ;  and  attends  to 
matters  of  estimates,  pay-rolls,  etc. 

WARRANTS.— The  Division  of  Warrants,  Estimates  and 
Appropriations  issues  Warrants  for  the  payment  of  Public 
Moneys ;  keeps  Sinking  Fund,  Public  Debt  and  Pacific  R.  R. 
accounts;  account  of  Appropriations  and  Estimates  therefor; 
states  annual  expenditures  and  monthly  statement  of  debt; 
keeps  Financial  Statistics. 

PUBLIC  MONEYS.— This  division  supervises  the  sub- 
Treasuries  and  National  Banks,  and  enforces  the  laws  and  regu- 
lations respecting  them. 

CUSTOMS. — The  Division  of  Customs  hears  and  determines 
all  questions  of  tariff  laws  and  regulations  arising  in  the  Customs 
Districts  or  Consular  service.  The  Commissioner  of  Customs 
makes  final  revision  of  the  accounts  of  Customs  officers  from  all 
the  ports  of  the  country. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE.— This  division,  uniting  with  it 
that  of  Navigation,  has  charge  of  all  questions  arising  in  the 
Marine  service  and  relating  to,  or  growing  out  of,  the  collection 
of  Internal  Revenue.  The  actual  work  of  collection  belongs  to 
the  Bureau  of  Internal  Revenue. 

LOANS  AND  CURRENCY  is  a  division  which  supervises 
the  National  loans,  the  redemption  of  bonds ;  preparations  for 
printing  bonds ;  delivery  and  redemption  of  bonds  and  their  can- 


214  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

cellation  and  destruction.  In  its  records  a  U.  S.  bond  can  be 
traced  from  the  paper-mill  to  the  furnace. 

REVENUE  MARINE  SERVICE  is  an  adjunct  of  the  Cus- 
toms service.  It  consists  of  37  fast  revenue  cutters  for  the  use 
of  Customs  officers,  that  they  may  board  vessels,  make  searches, 
collect  duties,  and  enforce  the  laws  against  smuggling. 

STATIONERY,  PRINTING  AND  BLANKS.— This  divi- 
sion purchases,  prints,  binds  and  distributes  books  and  blanks  for 
use  in  the  subdivisions  of  the  Treasury  Department. 

SPECIAL  AGENTS. — This  division  supervises  the  work  of 
the  thirty  odd  special  agents  of  the  Treasury  who  go,  armed 
with  full  authority,  into  the  Customs  Districts  tp  note  the  man- 
ner of  doing  work,  correct  wrong  methods,  and  secure  uniform 
enforcement  of  the  laws. 

SECRET  SERVICE. — This  division  superintends  the  work 
of  detecting  and  punishing  counterfeiters  of  the  National  bonds, 
coin  and  currency.  It  is  supported  by  annual  appropriations 
devoted  to  this  secret,  detective  work. 

CAPTURED  PROPERTY.— This*livision  has  in  charge  all 
the  records,  archives  and  property  captured  or  abandoned  during 
the  Rebellion.  It  furnishes  all  information  to  claimants  or  for 
historical  and  legal  purposes  which  is  sought  through  it. 

ENGRAVING  AND  PRINTING— -The  engraving  and 
printing  of  government  bonds,  United  States  notes,  securities, 
stamps,  and  whatever  represents  value,  is  in  charge  of  this  Bu- 
reau. It  embraces  many  subdivisions,  and  is  regarded  as  the 
completest  establishment  of  its  kind  in  the  world. 

BUREAU  OF  THE  MINT  supervises  the  work  of  all  the 
United  States  Mints  and  Assay  offices.  Its  chief  officer  is  the 
Director  of  the  Mint,  salary  $4,500.  The  United  States  Mints 
are  located  at  Philadelphia,  Pa. ;  San  Francisco,  Cal. ;  New  Or- 
leans, La.;  Carson,  Nevada.  The  Assay  offices  are  located  at 
Denver,  Col.;  New  York  City;  Helena,  Montana;  Boise  City, 
Idaho;  and  Charlotte,  N.  C.  The  Assay  offices  do  not  coin 
money,  but  reduce  gold  and  silver  to  ingots  or  bars,  and  stamp 
the  fineness  or  quality  on  each  bar.  In  addition  to  overseeing 
the  workings  of  the  respective  Mints  and  Assay  offices,  the 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  215 

Director  of  the  Mint  must  certify  to  the  Secretary  of  Treasury 
each  year  the  actual  value  of  the  coins  of  every  nation.  The 
officers  directly  in  charge  of  the  different  Mints  are  called 
Superintendents  of  Mints. 

SUPERVISING  ARCHITECT.— -This  office  was  created  in 
1853,  to  obviate  the  difficulty  of  erecting  the  large  and  numerous 
public  buildings  through  irresponsible  and  unskilled  commis- 
sions. Before  the  creation  of  the  office  there  was  no  uniformity 
in  public  buildings,  but  little  taste,  and  poor  adaptation  to  the 
purposes  intended.  The  duties  of  the  office  are  to  select  proper 
sites,  submit  plans  and  estimates,  and  carry  on  the  work  of  con- 
struction. The  Supervising  Architect  is  assisted  by  an  able  corps 
of  clerks  and  draughtsmen  numbering  nearly  100. 

STEAM-VESSEL  INSPECTION.— The  head  of  this  ser- 
vice is  the  Supervising  Inspector-General  of  Steam- Vessels. 
His  duty  is  to  enforce  all  the  laws  relating  to  the  inspection  of 
steam-vessels.  Tnere  are  local  inspectors  and  officers  in  all  the 
commercial  cities  of  the  country. 

LIFE-SA  VING  SER  VICE.— The  Superintendent  of  this  ser- 
vice has  charge  of  all  the  life-saving  stations  on  our  coasts. 
This  service  in  its  present  form  dates  from  1878.  It  is  a  growing 
and  important  service,  and  is  at  present  conducted  at  an  annual 
expense  of  $500,000,  with  a  force  of  some  1,400  men,  mostly 
hardy  surfmen,  who  lead  an  exposed  and  dangerous  life  at  points 
on  our  coast  where  wrecks  are  most  likely  to  occur. 

STATISTICS. — The  Chief  of  this  Bureau  receives,  arranges 
and  publishes  the  statistics  of  finance,  coinage,  immigration, 
population,  railroads,  minerals,  agriculture,  manufacture,  and 
domestic  and  foreign  commerce  of  the  United  States,  sent  from 
every  authorized  source. 

LIGHT-HOUSES. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  Presi- 
dent of  the  Light-House  Board.  This  Board  is  composed  of 
nine  men,  chosen  for  their  scientific  knowledge.  They  have  in 
charge  the  work  of  lighting  the  coasts  of  oceans  and  rivers.  It 
was  organized  in  1852.  Their  labors  involve  the  proper  lighting 
of  5,000  miles  of  Atlantic  coast,  1,500  of  Pacific  coast,  3,000  miles 
of  lake  coast,  and  5,500  miles  of  river  coast.     Thus  far  about 


216  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

12,000  light-houses  or  stations  have  been  erected;  3,000  buoys, 
420  day  beacons,  54  fog  signals,  and  25  light-ships  have  been 
placed  in  position. 

MARINE  HOSPITALS.— -This  service  is  under  a  Supervis- 
ing Surgeon-General.  It  was  established  July  16,  1798,  and  re- 
organized in  1870  and  1875.  It  is  designed  to  afford  protection 
to  sick  and  disabled  seamen,  with  a  view  to  encouraging  fit  per- 
sons to  become  sailors.  The  terms  of  enlistment  require  a  pay- 
ment of  forty  cents  a  month  from  seamen's  wages.  This  goes 
to  the  government.  As  a  consideration  for  this  the  government 
cares  for  them  when  sick  or  disabled  at  one  of  its  Marine  Hos- 
pitals, or,  where  none  exist,  at  any  designated  hospital.  It  is  an 
important  service,  and  has  charge  of  as  many  as  20,000  invalid 
seamen  annually. 

FIRST  COMPTROLLERS  Office  has  charge  of  all  civil 
accounts  except  those  relating  to  the  Customs  and  Postal  Ser- 
vice. The  office  was  established  September  2,  1789.  The  First 
Comptroller  checks  the  work  of  the  First  and  Fifth  Auditor  and 
the  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office. 

SECOND  COMPTROLLERS  Office,  established  March 
3,  1 817,  revises  and  checks  all  the  accounts  of  the  Second,  Third 
and  Fourth  Auditors. 

BUREAU  OF  COMPTROLLER.— The  Comptroller  of  the 
Currency  has  the  responsible  duty  of  enforcing  all  laws  relating 
to  the  issue  and  regulation  of  the  National  Currency.  He  is 
custodian  of  the  plates  from  which  notes  are  printed,  supervises 
the  naming  and  starting  of  National  banks,  attends  to  their  clos- 
ing operations  when  they  fail,  reports  to  Congress  annually  con- 
cerning the  entire  workings  of  the  National  banking  system.  The 
office  was  established  in  February,  1863,  and  was  rendered 
necessary  by  the  National  Currency  system  which  came  into 
existence  at  that  time. 

A  UDITORS. — The  accounts  of  the  Treasury  Department  of 
whatever  kind  must  reach  final  settlement  under  the  hands  of 
Auditors.  There  are  six  of  these,  and  each  is  the  head  of  a 
separate  office.  The  numerous  accounts  are  subdivided  accord- 
ing to  nature  or  subject,  and  each  Auditor  receives  those  which 
by  law  or  custom  fall  under  his  jurisdiction. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  217 

TREASURER.— The  office  of  United  States  Treasurer  was 
established  by  act  of  September  2,  1789.  The  Treasurer  re- 
ceives and  accounts  for  all  public  moneys  arising  from  customs, 
internal  revenue,  sale  of  lands,  or  whatever  source.  The  United 
States  Treasury  is  not  only  the  Treasury  at  Washington,  but  the 
sub-Treasuries  located  for  Convenience  at  New  York,  Boston, 
Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  New  Orleans,  San 
Francisco  and  St.  Louis.  It  comprises  also  certain  banks  which 
are  designated  as  depositaries  of  public  moneys,  though  these 
last  cannot  receive  any  moneys  arising  from  customs.  The 
sub-Treasuries  are  officered  by  Treasurers,  who  give  bond  and 
are  responsible  outside  of  the  United  States  Treasurer  at  Wash- 
ington.    This  is  why  they  are  called  Independent  Treasuries. 

REGISTER  OF  TREASURY.— While  the  United  States 
Treasurer  is  the  officer  who  actually  handles  the  money  and  is 
responsible  for  its  safe-keeping,  the  accounts  of  receipts  and  dis- 
bursements are  under  the  supervision  of  the  Register.  This 
office  was  created  by  the  same  act  as  the  Treasurer. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE  BUREAU— The  establishment 
of  a  system  of  Internal  Revenue,  made  necessary  by  the  civil 
war,  gave  rise  to  a  Bureau  devoted  to  the  supervision  of  the  sys- 
tem. Its  chief  is  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue.  The 
Bureau  was  established  by  act  of  July  1,  1862.  In  it  centre 
the  accounts  of  the  Collectors  of  Internal  Revenue,  who  are 
the  officers  appointed  to  make  actual  collections  in  the  Revenue 
Districts  into  which  the  entire  country  has  been  divided.  The 
Bureau  consists  of  several  sub-divisions  devoted  to  Law,  Ac- 
counts, Agents,  Stamps,  Tobacco  and  Distilled  Spirits. 

COAST  SUR  VEY.— Instituted  Feb.  10,  1807,  for  mapping 
the  coasts,  rivers,  and  harbors  of  the  United  States,  locating 
rocks,  shoals,  and  shallows,  and  making  charts  of  the  soundings. 
The  work  is  under  the  supervision  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  but  is  actively  prosecuted  by  a  Superintendent  of 
Coast  Survey. 

BOARD  OF  HEALTH.— -This  body  was  created  by  act  of 
March  3,  1879.  It  is  composed  of  seven  members.  Their  duty 
is  to  co-operate  with  similar  Boards  in  the  States,  and  to  act  in- 


218  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

dependently,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out  how  epidemics  origi- 
nate, and  what  will  prevent  them. 

CUSTOMS  SERVICE. — Custom  Houses  are  of  course  only 
found  at  the  points  where  goods  from  foreign  ports  are  landed. 
These  are  called  Ports  of  Entry.  They  are  officered,  in  ports 
of  first  rank,  by  a  Collector  of  the  Port,  who  is  responsible  for 
the  execution  of  the  tariff  laws  and  all  moneys  collected  as 
duties  on  imported  goods.  He  is  also  the  custodian  of  the  gov- 
ernment buildings  and  property  at  the  respective  ports.  His 
work  is  supervised  and  checked  by  a  Naval  Officer  of  the  Port. 
He  is  assisted  by  an  Appraiser  of  the  Port,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
ascertain  the  nature  and  true  value  of  all  goods  imported.  He 
is  further  assisted  by  Weighers  who  weigh  goods  paying  a 
specific  rate  of  duty,  and  by  Gaugers  who  gauge  all  liquids  on 
which  there  is  a  duty.  The  Inspectors  are  the  officers  who 
police  the  wharves  and  ships  and  see  that  no  goods  are  landed 
except  those  for  which  the  Collector  has  issued  a  permit.  The 
Surveyor  of  the  Port  has  immediate  charge  of  the  Inspectors 
and  assigns  them  to  duty,  though  he  does  not  appoint  them. 
The  heads  of  the  Customs  Service  are  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Deputies  and  Clerks  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Moneys  arising  from  customs  in  the  respective  Districts  are  de- 
posited in  the  sub-treasuries,  and  thence  find  their  way  into  the 
central  treasury.  All  customs  accounts,  statistics,  etc.,  are  re- 
ported to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Of  late  years  the  Customs  Service  has  been  extended  from 
sea-coast  ports  to  inland  cities.  Thus  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis,  and 
other  inland  cities  are  Ports  of  Entry.  Goods  intended  for 
Inland  Ports  are  unloaded  directly  from  the  ship  into  sealed  cars 
and  carried  to  the  Inland  Port  as  if  the  ocean  voyage  were  con- 
tinued. _  There  they  are  entered,  appraised,  and  assessed  with 
duty. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE  SERVICE.— Tike  that  of  Cus~ 
toms,  the  active  work  of  this  service  is  done  in  the  Internal 
Revenue  Districts.  The  entire  country  was  divided  into  some 
1 20  Districts,  to  each  of  which  was  assigned  a  Collector,  depu- 
ties, and  a  corps  of  store-keepers,  gaugers,  etc.     This  was  when 


RULING  NATIONALLY.  219 

(i  862-1 882)  the  Internal  Revenue  laws  were  in  full  vigor.  Since 
the  revenue  taxes  have  been  lowered,  and  the  number  of  taxable 
articles  reduced,  many  of  these  Districts  have  been  consolidated, 
and  ere  long  the  whole  system  will  pass  away. 

Customs  duties  and  Internal  Revenue  taxes  are  the  chief 
sources  of  government  income.  But  it  also  receives  a  large 
income  from  the  sale  of  public  lands.  These  sales  were  con- 
ducted under  the  auspices  of  the  Treasury  Department  till  1849, 
when  they  were  transferred  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
where  we  will  speak  of  them  and  of  the  homestead  law. 

NATIONAL  BANKS— -When  the  government  first  started, 
a  National  bank  was  deemed  necessary  to  act  as  its  financial 
agent.  One  was  chartered  in  179 1  for  twenty  years.  Attempts 
to  revive  the  charter  in  181 1  failed,  owing  to  the  opposition  of 
those  who  construed  the  Constitution  narrowly.  In  18 16,  after 
the  war  of  1812,  when  the  country  was  heavily  in  debt  and  in 
need  of  a  steady  finance,  another  National  bank  was  chartered 
for  twenty  years.  This  was  the  bank  which  President  Jackson 
fought  so  determinedly  and  finally  drove  out  of  existence.  All 
subsequent  attempts  to  establish  a  similar  bank  or  to  secure  a 
uniform  currency  failed  till  1 863,  when  the  exigency  of  civil 
war  eventuated  in,  first,  an  issue  of  notes  (greenbacks)  directly 
by  the  government ;  and,  second,  the  establishment  of  the 
National  banking  system.  The  government  had  to  use  its 
own  credit  in  order  to  exist.  Could  it  so  use  it  as  to  provide  a 
uniform  currency  and  at  the  same  time  relieve  itself  of  the 
trouble  and  expense  of  acting  as  banker  for  the  entire  people  ? 
This  was  the  problem  which  the  National  banking  system  was 
to  solve.  The  National  Banking  Act  is  an  elaborate  one,  but  by 
its  provisions  any  number  of  persons  not  less  than  five  may  start 
a  National  Bank  by  (1)  certifying  to  the  Comptroller  of  the  Cur- 
rency, a  name ;  (2)  a  place ;  (3)  the  amount  of  capital  stock 
(which  cannot  be  less  than  $50,000)  and  number  of  shares ;  (4) 
names  and  residences  of  the  shareholders,  and  number  of  shares 
held  by  each  ;  (5)  that  they  seek  the  benefits  of  the  National 
Banking  Act ;  (6)  the  time  when  they  intend  to  begin  banking. 

These  being  approved,  the  Comptroller  grants  a  certificate  of 


220  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

incorporation,  with  the  right  to  use  a  seal,  and  to  engage  in 
legitimate  banking  business  for  twenty  years  from  the  passage 
of  the  act.  Every  shareholder  is  personally  liable  for  the  debts 
of  the  bank  to  the  amount  of  his  stock.  But  as  yet  the  bank 
has  no  bills  or  notes.  In  order  to  obtain  these  it  must  buy 
interest-bearing  United  States  bonds  to  an  amount  not  less  than 
one-third  of  the  paid-up  stock  of  the  bank,  but  the  amount  need 
not  be  in  excess  of  $50,000.  These  are  deposited  in  the  United 
States  Treasury.  Circulating  notes,  engraved  and  printed  in  the 
Treasury  Department,  are  then  issued  to  the  bank,  to  the  value 
of  the  bonds  deposited,  less  ten  per  cent.  If  $50,000  in  bonds 
have  been  deposited,  $45,000  in  circulating  notes  are  issued  in 
different  denominations.*  Should  the  bank  fail  the  deposited 
bonds  are  sold,  and  with  the  proceeds  the  notes  are  redeemed. 
The  fact  that  there  is  a  margin  of  ten  per  cent,  between  the 
notes  and  the  security  for  them,  and  the  additional  fact  that  that 
margin  is  increased  by  the  bonds  being  above  par,  has  given  rise 
to  the  expression  that  the  notes  of  a  broken  national  bank  are 
better  than  those  of  a  sound  one. 

No  National  bank  can  loan  money  directly  on  real  estate 
security.  This  is  to  keep  them  on  a  strictly  commercial  basis. 
The  notes  formerly  issued  were  ones,  twos,  fives,  tens,  twenties, 
fifties,  one  hundreds,  five  hundreds,  and  one  thousands ;  but 
since  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  (1879)  the  ones  and 
twos  have  been  discontinued,  in  order  to  give  circulation  to  the 
silver  dollars. 

The  total  output  of  National  Bank  notes  has  been  in  round 
numbers,  $350,000,000.  Add  to  this  the  total  issue  of  Green- 
backs or  Legal  Tenders,  $346,681,016,  and  the  total  National 
paper  currency  of  the  country  (not  including  fractional  currency) 
is  $700,000,000. 

The  National  Banks  are  taxed  annually  one  per  cent,  on  circu- 
lation, one-half  per  cent,  on  deposits,  and  one-half  per  cent,  on 
the    capital    stock    over    and    above    the  amount   invested    in 

*  There  is  a  bill  now  pending  in  the  (48th)  Congress  which  seeks  to  increase  the 
issue  of  notes  to  an  amount  equal  to  the  par  value  of  the  bonds  deposited. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  221 

United  States  bonds.  They  are  not  exempt  from  State  tax- 
ation. The  total  tax  paid  by  National  Banks  is  nearly  $7,000,- 
OOO  annually. 

These  banks  now  number  2,359,  anc*  tnev  are  situated  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  They  have  almost  entirely  taken  the  place 
of  the  old  State  banks,  and  they  secure  to  the  people  a  uniform 
system  of  currency  and  banking.  The  note  of  a  bank  in  Maine 
is  as  good  in  California  as  at  home.  The  holder  is  secure, 
because  the  note  is  backed  up  by  security  in  bonds  greater  by 
at  least  ten  per  cent,  than  the  note  itself.  The  notes  are  harder 
to  counterfeit.  The  plates  are  beyond  the  control  of  the  bank. 
The  people  have  never  had  so  uniform,  stable,  safe,  and  conve- 
nient a  paper  currency. 

DEBT  AND  BONDS— Our  country  has  never  been  free 
from  public  debt.  It  started  under  the  indebtedness  of  the  war 
for  independence,  which  when  gathered  together  in  1791  footed 
$75,463,476.  This  fluctuated  up  to  1804,  when  it  was  $86,427,- 
120.  It  then  decreased  till  in  18 12  it  was  $45,209,737.  The 
war  of  18 12  came  on,  and  in  1 8 16  the  debt  was  $127,334,993. 
By  gradual  reduction,  it  was  only  $37,513  in  1835,  when  the 
government  was  practically  out  of  debt.  But  in  1836  it  was 
$336,957,  and  gradually  ascended  till  the  time  of  the  Mexican 
war,  say  1846,  when  it  was  $15,550,202.  Then  in  consequence 
of  that  war  it  leaped,  1848,  to  $47,044,862,  and  in  1849  to  $63,- 
061,858.  In  1856  it  was  down  to  $31,972,537,  but  by  i860  up 
to  $64,842,287.  Then  came  the  civil  war  with  its  immense  ex- 
penditure. By  1866,  the  year  in  which  the  debt  reached  its 
highest  figures,  it  was  $2,778,236,173.  To  handle  this  immense 
indebtedness  put  the  energies  of  the  country  to  extreme  test, 
necessitated  new  subjects  and  methods  of  taxation,  multiplied 
collection  machinery,  and  made  the  Treasury  Department  a 
centre  of  extraordinary  power  and  responsibility.  The  tariff 
laws  were  strengthened  and  given  protective  features.  The 
system  of  Internal  Revenue  was  formulated. 

One  source  of  war  revenue  has  passed  entirely  away.  This 
was  what  was  known  as  the  Income  Tax,  which  originated  in 
1863,  and  went  out  of  existence  by  1873.     It  was  in  its  greatest 


222  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

vigor  in   1866,  when  the  government  receipts  from  it  were  $72,- 
982,160. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  the  government  found  itself  not  only 
with  this  immense  indebtedness  of  $2,778,236,173  on  hand,  but 
it  was  in  an  ugly  and  pressing  shape.  War  times  did  not 
facilitate  funding;  that  is,  gathering  the  floating  debt  up  and 
placing  it  at  interest,  with  gradual  and  remote  payments  of  the 
principal.     The  shape  of  the  debt  was  as  follows  : 

Debt  already  funded $1,109,568,191.80 

Matured  debt 1 ,503,020.09 

Temporary  loans 107,148,713.16 

Certificates  of  indebtedness 85,093,000.00 

Five  per  cent,  legal  tender  notes 33,954,230.00 

Compound  interest  legal  tender  notes 217,024,160.00 

Seven-thirty  notes 830,000,000.00 

U.  S.  Legal  tender  notes  (greenbacks) 433,160,569.00 

Fractional  currency 26,344,742.51 

Suspended  requisitions 2,111 ,000.00 

Total 2,845,907,626.56 

Less  cash  in  the  treasury 67,671,453.56 

Total  as  above 2,778,236,173.00 

Amount  funded 1,109,568,191.80 

Amount  unfunded  or  floating 1,668,667,981.20 

Here  then  was  a  total  of  $1,668,667,981  which  was  not 
funded,  was  floating  about  loosely,  and  which  the  government 
was  liable  to  be  called  on  to  pay  at  any  moment.  Worst  of  all, 
a  part  of  it  (the  $830,000,000  of  seven-thirties)  bore  interest  at 
7  3-10  per  cent.  Of  course  no  government  could  stand  for  a 
moment  in  the  face  of  such  a  drain  as  would  be  occasioned  by 
the  presentation  of  these  floating  claims  for  payment.  Yet  it 
must  either  pay,  fund,  or  be  dishonored.  It  could  not  do  the 
first,  nor  submit  to  the  third.  Large  as  the  debt  was,  the 
national  honor  was  above  all  price.  It  must,  therefore,  do  what 
all  corporations  and  business  firms  do,  viz. :  fund  its  floating  in- 
debtedness. This  was  a  mighty  work.  In  order  to  do  it  bonds 
were  prepared,  of  various  denominations,  and  mostly  bearing 
interest  at  six  per  cent.  These  were  to  run  not  less  than  five 
nor  more  than  twenty  years.  Hence  they  were  called  five- 
twenty  six  per  cents.  They  were  offered  to  the  banks,  and 
through  them  to  the  people.    Could  the  government  get  enough 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  223 

money  from  their  sale  to  pay  its  floating  indebtedness  of  $i, 668,- 
667,981  ?  Could  it  pay  its  interest  promptly,  and  have  some- 
thing over  toward  the  principal  ?  We  have  seen  how  the  tarifflaws 
and  other  revenue  laws  were  strengthened.  There  would  be 
enough  and  more.  The  people  responded  with  a  hearty  good-will. 
The  bonds  were  taken  with  alacrity,  and  looked  upon  as  so 
desirable  an  investment  that  they  soon  sold  at  a  premium.  In  a 
short  time  the  government  funded,  through  its  five-twenty  six 
per  cents.  $1,602,698,950  of  its  floating  indebtedness,  and 
thus  relieved "  itself  of  all  immediate  pressure,  except  what 
was  necessary  to  provide  interest,  and  gradually  reduce  the 
principal. 

Such  was  the  favor  with  which  these  securities  (bonds)  were 
received,  that  the  government  concluded  it  might  lower  its  in- 
terest on  them,  and  still  sell  them,  thus  saving  a  large  amount 
of  interest.  This  was  no  longer  funding,  but  refunding.  Re- 
funding began  by  acts  of  July  14,  1870,  and  Jan.  20,  187 1. 
Again  bonds  were  authorized  to  be  issued  to  the  extent  of 
$1,500,000,000,  bearing  interest,  $500,000,000  at  five  per  cent, 
and  payable  in  ten  years  or  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United  States ; 
$300,000,000  at  4*4  per  cent. ;  the  balance  at  4  per  cent.  With 
the  proceeds  of  these,  the  former  high  interest-bearing  bonds 
were  to  be  lifted.  The  crisis  of  1873  interfered  with  their  sale. 
But  in  1876  they  struck  a  favorable  market,  were  successfully 
disposed  of,  and  soon  at  a  premium,  as  before.  This  favorable 
situation  the  government  again  took  advantage  of,  and  by  repeated 
acts  down  to  1883,  succeeded  in  carrying  out  a  system  of  refund- 
ing which  greatly  lowered  the  interest  on  its  bonds,  the  rates 
now  running  from  43^  to  3  per  cent.  It  at  the  same  time  paid 
off  the  principal  of  its  clebt  at  an  average  rate  of  $70,000,000  a 
year,  so  that  the  total  is  now  below  $1,400,000,000. 

It  is  not  supposed  that  the  process  of  refunding  is  yet  com- 
plete. Many  think  that  the  4  and  4^  per  cent,  bonds  can  be 
refunded  into  3  per  cents.,  and  some  enthusiastic  persons  think 
the  whole  interest-bearing  debt  can  be  floated  at  less  than  3  per 
cent.  This  is  hardly  possible  so  long  as  the  government  adheres 
to  the  policy  of  paying  off  the  debt  so  fast.     This  policy  gives 


224  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  a  bond  too  short  a  life.  It  is  not  issued  for  any  great  number 
of  years,  and  is  called  in  when  there  is  money  enough  to  meet 
it.  Thus  the  inducement  of  length  of  time,  which  is  supposed 
to  overcome  the  non-inducement  of  a  low  rate  of  interest,  is  lost. 
And  as  to  this  policy  of  rapid  payment  of  the  principal,  it  is  be- 
ginning to  receive  criticism.  The  time  was  when  it  was  proper,  as 
helping  to  show  the  nation's  earnestness  and  for  the  support  of 
its  credit.  This  time  has  passed.  There  is.  now  no  reason  for 
haste,  except-  a  desire  to  "be  free  from  the  annual  loss  of  interest. 
Whether  it  is  better  to  save  this  annual  loss  by  prompt  payment 
of  the  principal,  or  distribute  the  burden  of  payment  over  the 
generations  that  are  to  follow  us,  is  a  question  which  now  draws 
a  variety  of  opinions. 

A  concluding  remark  must  be  made  about  the  management 
of  the  Treasury  Department  during  this  period  of  immense 
receipts,  expenditures  and  great  responsibility.  It  has  been 
such  as  to  show  less  loss  to  the  government  than  any  former 
period.  Considering  the  great  influx  of  new  force,  the  rush 
of  business  during  war  times,  the  newness  and  experimen- 
tal character  of  much  of  its  work,  this  is  agreeably  surpris- 
ing, yet  it  may  go  to  prove  that  a  financial  department,  like  a 
financial  man,  is  capable  of  rising  with  an  emergency,  and  meet- 
ing with  honor  the  severest  tests  of  ability  and  honesty.  In 
answer  to  a  request  from  the  Senate  the  Treasury  Department 
submitted  the  following  table,  showing  the  per  cent,  of  losses  in 
its  transactions  since  the  beginning  of  the  government  and  up  to 
June  30,  1879: 

Received  and  Loss  on 

Administrations.  Expended.  Total  loss.  #1,000. 

Washington 8  Yrs.      $1 1 2,560,504  #250,970  #2.22 

Adams,  John 4  90,733,612  235,412  2.59 

Jefferson 8  219,072,736  603,468  2.75 

Madison 8  526,764,050  2,191,660  4.16 

Monroe 8  376,328,275  3,229,787  8.58 

Adams,  John  Q 4  201,488,077  885,374  4.39 

Jackson 8  500,081,748  3,761,112  7.52 

Van  Buren 4  285,327,949  3,343,792  »-7« 

Harrison  and  Tyler 4  244,590,156  1,565,903  6.40 

Polk ' 4  423,913,687  1,732,851  4-o8 

Taylor  and  Fillmore 4  432,861,677  1,814,409  4*9 

Pierce 4  608,257,816  2,167,982  3.56 

Buchanan...! 4  697,500,871  2,659,108  3.81 


RULING   NATIONALLY. 


225 


Administrations. 

Lincoln 4  Yrs. 

Johnson 4 

Grant , 8 

Hayes 2 


Received  and 

Expended. 
^9,386,697,144 

8,014,908,984 
10,842,922,583 

3,353^29,856 


Total  loss. 

$7,200,984 

4,619,600 

2,622,479 

2,677 


Loss  on 
$1,000. 
$0.76 

•57 

.24 

.008 


SECRETARIES  OF  THE  TREASURY. 


Names.  Appointed. 

Alex.  Hamilton,  N.  Y Sept.  II,  1789 

Oliver  Wolcott,  Conn. .  .  .Feb.    2,    1795 

Samuel  Dexter,  Mass Jan.     1,     1801 

Albert  Gallatin,  Pa May   14,  1S01 

Geo.  W.  Campbell,  Tenn. Feb.    9,    1814 

Alex.  J.  Dallas,  Pa Oct.    6,    1814 

Wm.  PI.  Crawford,  Ga... Oct.    22,    1816 

Richard  Rush,  Pa Mar.    7,    1825 

Samuel  D.  Ingham,  Pa..  .Mar.    6,    1829 

Louis  McLane,  Del Aug.    2,    1831 

Wm.  J.  Duane,  Pa May   29,   1 833 

Roger  B.  Taney,  Md. .  ..Sept.  23,  1833 
Levi  Woodbury,  N.  H..  .June  27,  1834 

Thomas  Ewing,  O Mar.    5,    1841 

Walter  Forward,  Pa Sept.   13,  1 841 

John  C.  Spencer,  N.  Y..  .Mar.    3,    1843 
Geo.  M.  Bibb,  Ky June   15,  1844 


Names.  Appointed. 

Robert  J.  Walker,  Miss.  .Mar.  6,  1845 
Wm.  M.  Meredith,  Pa.... Mar.    8,    1849 

Thomas  Corwin,  O   July  23,   1850 

James  Guthrie,  Ky Mar.    7,    1853 

Howell  Cobb,  Ga Mar.    6,    1857 

Philip  F.  Thomas,  Md...  .Dec.  12,   i860 

John  A.  Dix,  N.  Y Jan.    11,    1861 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  O Mar.    7,    1861 

Wm.  P.  Fessenden,  Me.. July  1,  1864 
Hugh  McCullough,  Ind.  .Mar.  7,  1865 
Geo.  S.  Boutwell,  Mass..  .Mar.  11,  1869 
Wm.  A.  Richardson,  Mass. Mar.  17,  1873 
Benj.  H.  Bristow,  Ky.  . .  .June    4,    1874 

Lot  M.  Morrill,  Me July    7,     1876 

John  Sherman,  O Mar.    8,    1877 

Wm.  H.  Windom,  Minn. .Mar.  5,  1881 
Charles  J.  Folger,  N.  Y. .  Oct.  27,   1881 


THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

As  the  name  indicates,  this  Department  has  charge  of  all  mat- 
ters appertaining  to  the  army.  It  is  presided  over  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  salary  $8,000,  who  is  appointed  by  the  President 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  for  the  term 
of  four  years  .unless  sooner  removed.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
President's  Cabinet,  and  in  a  military  point  of  view  ranks  next 
to  the  President. 

The  War  Department  was  established  by  act  of  August  7, 
1789,  and  therefore  is  as  old  as  the  government.  The  act  says 
"  there  shall  be  an  executive  Department  denominated  the  De- 
partment of  War,  and  there  shall  be  a  principal  officer  therein  to 
be  called  the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  who  shall 
perform  such  duties  as  shall  be  entrusted  to  or  enjoined  on  him 
by  the  President  agreeably  to  the  Constitution,  relative  to  land 
forces,  ships,  or  warlike  stores  of  the  United  States."  The  De- 
partment then  had  control  of  "  land  forces  and  ships."  It  was 
both  a  War  and  Navy  Department,  the  latter  not  having  a  sepa- 
rate existence  till  some  time  afterwards. 
15 


226  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

SECRETARY'S  DUTIES.— When  it  is  said  that  the  De- 
partment has  charge  of  all  matters  relating  to  war  a  sharp  line 
must  be  drawn  between  its  affairs  and  those  of  the  army  in  the 
field.  The  responsibility  for  campaigns,  battles  and  manoeuvres 
rests  on  the  generals  who  represent  the  commander-in-chief,  the 
President,  in  the  field.  The  War  Department  is  the  civil  side 
of  army  affairs.  The  Secretary  conducts  the  business  of  the  De- 
partment. In  war  he  is  one  hand  of  the  President  and  the  army 
the  other. 

He  attends  to  all  commissions  of  officers,  to  the  raising  of 
forces,  to  the  matter  of  army  supplies.  He  has  charge  of  all 
captured  property,  and  sees  to  the  transportation  of  troops,  muni- 
tions, equipments  and  stores  throughout  .the  United  States.  He 
defines  the  quantity  and  kind  of  supplies  and  attends  to  their 
purchase  through  the  Subsistence  and  Quartermaster's  Depart- 
ments. He  procures  buildings  to  store  them  in.  He  receives 
field  officers'  accounts  of  clothing,  munitions,  supplies  of  every 
kind,  and  adjusts  and  passes  on  their  accounts.  In  connection 
with  army  officers  he  must  see  to  the  condition  of  prisoners  of 
war,  advise  with  the  militia  officers  of  the  States,  issue  proposals 
for  supplies,  and  report  to  Congress  annually  or  whenever  called 
upon,  the  transactions  of  his  office  and  its  condition.  An  im- 
portant duty  added  since  the  civil  war  is  the  purchase,  prepa- 
ration and  care  of  the  national  cemeteries,  of  which  there  are 
seventy-nine,  containing  the  bodies  of  tens  of  thousands  of  Union 
soldiers,  known  and  unknown. 

His  office  is  divided  into  sub-Departments,  Bureaus  or  Divi- 
sions, each  of  which  is  presided  over  by  a  responsible  head. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL.— -This  subdepartment  is  in  charge 
of  an  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army,  who  has  army  rank 
as  Brigadier,  and  army  pay.  The  business  of  the  office  is  the 
organization  and  management  of  the  armies.  All  orders  to  the 
military  establishments  and  armies  go  out  through  this  office. 
It  attends  to  recruiting  the  armies,  keeps  all  muster  in  and  out 
rolls,  and  officers'  accounts,  furnishes  statements  to  Treasury 
Auditors,  Pension  Commissioners,  Paymasters,  Commissaries  and 
Quartermasters. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  227 

INSPECTOR-GENERAL.— -The  Inspector-General  ranks  as 
Brigadier,  with  army  pay.  His  business  is  to  keep  the  Secretary 
of  War  posted  as  to  the  true  condition  of  the  army,  its  tents, 
arms,  clothing,  quarters,  accoutrements,  drill,  discipline,  and 
entire  condition.       • 

SIGNAL  OFFICE. — This  useful  office,  a  comparatively  mod- 
ern one,  is  part  civic  and  part  military.  It  has  charge,  under  the 
instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  a  School  of  Instruction 
at  Fort  Whipple,  Va.,  where  war  manoeuvres,  the  construction 
and  working  of  rapid  field  telegraphy,  the  erection  and  manage- 
ment of  army  signals,  and  the  control  of  all  instruments  of 
field  observation,  are  taught. 

It  has  also  charge  of  the  Army  Signal  Corps,  which  is  a  mod- 
ern army  essential,  in  time  of  active  service,  for  safe  and  speedy 
operations.     It  is  also  useful  in  time  of  peace  for  the  assistance . 
it  renders  in  conducting  the  Sea  Coast  Service,  with  its  signal 
codes  and  quick  telegraphy. 

To  this  office  belongs  also  the  well-known,  popular,  and  now 
indispensable  Weather  Bureau,  over  which  the  familiar  "  Clerk 
of  the  Weather  "  presides.  This  Bureau  conducts  its  business 
through  Signal  Stations  erected  at  all  exposed  points  on  ocean, 
lake  and  river  coast,  at  prominent  points  of  observation  in  cities 
and  on  mountains  and  plains,  with  which  it  is  connected  by  tele- 
graph. It  is  the  duty  of  the  officers  in  charge  of  these  stations 
to  telegraph,  at  least  once  a  day,  to  the  Central  Bureau  in  Wash- 
ington the  state  of  the  barometer  and  thermometer,  the  velocity 
of  wind  and  its  direction,  the  nature  of  the  storm  or  calm  that  ex- 
ists; in  short,  such  a  full  condition  of  the  weather  as  will  enable  a 
forecast  to  be  made  inland  or  for  the  sea,  for  the  general  use  of 
sailors,  merchants,  farmers  and  others  likely  to  be  affected  by  it. 
When  the  conditions  on  coasts  are  dangerous,  storm  signals  are 
erected,  and  mariners  either  heed  them  or  sail  at  their  peril. 
The  active  operations  of  the  Weather  Bureau  date  from  1868-69. 

QUARTERMASTER.— -This  Department  purchases  and  dis- 
tributes to  the  army  all  military  stores  and  supplies,  such  as 
clothing,  fuel,  forage,  camp  and  garrison  equipage  (the  furnish- 
ing of  rations  belongs  to  the  Subsistence  Department),  and  fur- 


228  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

nishes  means  of  transportation  for  the  army  and  its  stores.  It 
is  presided  over  by  the  Quartermaster-General,  who  ranks  as 
Brigadier,  with  army  pay.  While  the  duties  of  the  central  office 
at  Washington  are  important  and  responsible,  its  main  responsi- 
bility is  in  the  camps  and  garrisons  in  time  of  peace,  and  in  the 
field  in  time  of  war.  It  reaches  these  remote  points  by  means 
of  Quartermasters.  These  subordinate  officers  are  the  agents 
of  the  Quartermaster-General.  They  represent  the  movable 
quality  of  the  office.  They  are  at  all  the  military  posts  during 
peace.  In  time  of  war  their  number  has  to  be  increased,  and  they 
are  found  in  all  the  armies  and  sections  of  armies  superintending 
the  matter  of  transportation  and  supplies,  holding  the  officers  to 
strict  account  for  whatever  is  furnished,  and  in  turn  accounting 
themselves  to  their  chief  for  what  they  receive  and  distribute. 

COMMISSARY  DEPARTMENT.— This  office  is  presided 
over  by  the  Commissary-General,  who  ranks  as  Brigadier, 
with  army  pay.  It  is  not  unlike  the  Quartermaster-General's 
office,  except  that  it  has  sole  charge  of  the  supply  of  army  ra- 
tions. It  buys  all  rations  and  furnishes  them  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  army  at  cost  price.  It  carries  its  work  down  to  the 
military  posts  and  to  the  camps  in  the  field  by  means  of  subor- 
dinates called  Commissaries,  who,  like  Quartermasters,  are  more 
numerous  in  time  of  war  than  in  peace,  and  who  must  be 
promptly  on  hand  with  food  whenever  it  is  needed. 

PA  YMASTER. — This  Department  is  presided  over  by  a  Pay- 
master-General, who  ranks  as  Brigadier  with  army  pay.  The 
title  suggests  the  duty,  which  is  to  pay  the  army  and  keep  all 
the  pay  rolls  and  accounts  connected  with  the  operation.  The 
field  and  post  work  of  the  office  is  carried  on  by  means  of  Pay- 
masters'in  fact,  who  are  assigned  to  duty  at  the  respective  posts 
and  in  the  divisions  of  the  army  in  time  of  active  service. 

MEDICAL  DEPARTMENT.— The  chief  officer  of  this  De- 
partment is  the  Surgeon-General,  who  ranks  as  Brigadier  with 
army  pay.  He  is  chosen  for  his  scientific  knowledge.  The  De- 
partment has  in  charge  the  matter  of  army  hospitals  and  hospital 
supplies,  the  care  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  the  furnishing 
of  artificial  limbs,  eyes  and  other  appliances  for  the  maimed,  re- 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  229 

ports  on  hospital  diseases,  treatments  and  operations,  the  control 
of  the  Medical  Museum,  which,  by  the  way,  is  now  one  of  the 
best  appointed  and  most  interesting  of  its  kind  in  the  world. 

ORDNANCE  OFFICE.— The  officer  in  charge  of  this  De- 
partment is  called  the  Chief  of  Ordnance.  He  ranks  as  Briga- 
dier with  army  pay.  This  office  attends  to  procuring  and  sup- 
plying to  the  army  all  cannon,  gun-carriages,  and  all  ammunition 
and  equipments  for  the  same,  whether  for  use  in  garrison,  field 
or  siege  service.  It  is  the  heavy  gun  department  of  the  war 
branch.  It  operates  through  Ordnance  Stations,  situated  in  dif- 
ferent portions  of  the  country,  where  ordnance  is  kept  for  con- 
venience of  use  and  for  preservation,  and  which  are  called  Ar- 
senals. There  are  now  twenty-two  of  these  Ordnance  Stations  or 
Arsenals  in  the  country.  In  this  list  of  Arsenals  are  included 
the  Armory  at  Springfield,  Mass.,  where  small  arms  and  am- 
munition are  made  and  stored.  There  was  a  large  Armory  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  which  was  destroyed  during  the  civil  war. 

CHIEF  ENGINEER. — The  responsible  officer  is  a  Chief  of 
Engineers,  who  ranks  as  Brigadier,  with  army  pay.  The  duties 
of  this  office  are  various.  The  Chief  of  Engineers  commands 
the  Corps  of  Engineers  whose  duty  is  to  attend  to  locating, 
building  and  caring  for  fortifications,  coast  and  "inland ;  design- 
ing, building  and  handling  pontoon  bridges ;  designating  and 
carrying  out  river  and  harbor  improvements ;  making  surveys  for 
military  purposes.  The  Chief  of  Engineers  is  also  Commissioner 
of  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds  in  Washington.  He  is  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Washington  Aqueduct,  which  supplies  the  capital 
with  water,  and  from  the  Engineer  Corps  are  selected  three  of 
the  seven  members  of  the  Mississippi  River  Commission,  which 
has  charge  of  the  public  improvements  along  that  stream. 

SECRETARIES    OF    WAR. 

Names.             •        Appointed.  Names.  Appointed. 

Henry  Knox,  Mass Sept.  12,  1789  [  John  Armstrong,  N.  Y. .  .  Jan.   13,  1813 


Timothy  Pickering,  Pa.  ..  .Jan.    2,    1795 

James  McIIenry,  Md Jan.  27,  1796 

James  Marshall,  Va May   7,    1800 

Samuel  Dexter,  Mass May  13,  1800 

Roger  Griswold,  Conn..  .  .Feb.  3,  1801 
Henry  Dearborn,  Mass. ..  Mar.  5,  1801 
William  Eustis,  Mass Mar.  7,   1809 


James  Monroe,  Va Sept.  27,  1814 

Wm.  H.  Crawford,  Ga Aug.    I,  1S15 

Geo.  Graham  {ad in.),  Va.. April  7,  1817 

John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C Oct.    8,    18 17 

James  Barbour,  Va Mar.   7,   1825 

Peter  B.  Porter,  N.  Y May  26,  1828 

John  H.  Eaton,  Tenn Mar.  9,  1829 


230  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

secretaries  of  war-8- Continued. 


Names.  Appointed. 

Louis  Cass,  Mich Aug.   I,   1831 

Benj.  F.  Butler,  N.  Y Mar.  3,   1837 

Joel  R.  Poinsett,  S.  C Mar.  7,   1837 

John  Bell,  Tenn Mar.   5,   1841 

John  McLean,  O   Sept.  13,  1841 

John  C.  Spencer,  N.  Y Oct.   12,  1841 

James  M.  Porter,  Pa Mar.  8,   1843 

William  Wilkins,  Pa Feb.  15,  1844 

William  L.  Marcy,  N.  Y.  .Mar.  6,  1 845 
George  W.  Crawford,  Ga.. Mar.  8,  1849 
Winfield  Scott  (adin.),  Va.July  23,  1850 
Charles  M.  Conrad,  La..  ..Aug.  15,  1850 

Jefferson  Davis,  Miss Mar.   5,   1853 

John  B.  Floyd,  Va Mar.  6,   1857 

Joseph  Holt,  Ky Jan.   18,  1861 


Names.  Appointed. 

Simon  Cameron,  Pa Mar.  5,   i86r 

Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Pa Jan.   15,  1862 

U.  S.  Grant  {ad  in.),  111...  .Aug.  12,  1867 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Pa.  .  .  .Jan.  14,  1868 
L.  Thomas  {adin.),  Md.  .Feb.  21,  1868 
John  M.  Schofield,  111.  ...May  28,  1868 

John  A.  Rawlins,  111 Mar.  11,  1869 

William  T.  Sherman,  O..  ..Sept.  9,  1869 
William  W.  Belknap,  Iowa.Oct.  25,  1869 

Alphonso  Taft,  O Mar.  8,  1876 

James  D.  Cameron,  Pa May  22,  1876 

Geo.  W.  McCrary,  Iowa.  .Mar.  12,  1877 
Alexander  Ramsey,  Minn. .Dec.  10,  1879 
Robert  T.  Lincoln,  111 Mar.  5,   1881 


THE  ARMY. — The  army  of  the  United  States  is  in  one  sense 
an  organization  separate  from  the  War  Department,  in  another 
connected  with  it.  Its  field  administrations  are  separate,  yet  in 
all  things  appertaining  to  its  supplies,  enlistments,  accounts,  the 
two  are  inseparable.  The  question  of  a  standing  army  in  this 
country — that  is,  an  army  in  time  of  peace — has  always  been  a 
troublesome  one,  and  the  policy  has  been  to  keep  it  reduced  to 
the  lowest  standard  possible.  This  policy  results  from  a  whole- 
some dread  of  such  large  standing  armies  as  enable  European 
monarchs  to  keep  their  thrones,  and  which  are  a  constant  menace 
to  the  peace  of  nations,  as  well  as  a  great  source  of  expense  to 
the  supporting  governments.  But  our  experience  has  shown 
the  necessity  of  at  least  a  small  standing  army  for  the  purpose 
of  executing  the  laws  in  exposed  places,  as  on  the  border,  and 
suppressing  disturbances  wherever  they  may  arise.  The  moral 
effect  of  an  army,  as  an  arm  of  the  executive,  is  also  very  great. 
Power  is  far  more  imposing  and  effective  when  backed  by  a  vigor 
which  lawlessness  regards  it  folly  to  dispute,  or  before  which  it 
quails ;  and  power  is  never  so  impotent  and  ridiculous  as  when 
attempts  to  exercise  it  are  foiled  by  the  mob.  The  dignity  and 
efficacy  of  executive  authority  require,  as  things  go,  an  army  of 
some  shape  and  proportion;  and  a  navy  too.  The  economic 
argument  in  favor  of  an  army  is  also  very  great.  Besides  assur- 
ing peace  and  protection  it  is  the  nucleus  of  that  larger  army 
which  is  made  up  of  volunteers  and  called  into  service  when 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  231 

emergency  requires.  It  is  a  constant  training  school  for  officers 
and  men,  so  that  the  country  is  never  without  a  sufficient  amount 
of  military  discipline  to  meet  the  needs  of  larger  called  armies, 
when  the  condition  is  one  of  active  war. 

The  army  of  the  United  States  is  called  the  Regular  army  in 
contradistinction  to  that  added  to  it  in  time  of  war,  called  the 
Volunteer  army.  It  is  also  thus  distinguished  from  the  militia 
of  the  several  States,  and  the  militia  system,  which  is  a  mixed 
government  and  State  system. 

The  present  army  is  not  in  excess  of  25,000  men,  and,  by  act 
of  June  18,  1878,  cannot  exceed  30,000.  Enlistments  are  for 
five  years.  There  are  twenty-five  regiments  of  infantry,  ten  of 
cavalry  and  five  of  artillery,  and  a  force  of  1,000  Indian  scouts. 
An  infantry  regiment  is  composed  of  ten  companies,  of  fifty  men 
each,  which  the  President  may  increase  to  1 00. 

A  regiment  of  cavalry  consists  of  twelve  troops,  and  each 
troop  of  78  men.  A  regiment  of  artillery  consists  of  twelve  bat- 
teries, and  each  battery  of  120  men.  These  figures  are  the 
maximum  of  each.  They  are  in  excess  of  the  actual  number 
in  each  regiment  and  company. 

The  higher  officers  of  the  army  are  a  General  and  Lieutenant- 
General,  which  two  are  honorary,  conferred  only  at  times  on 
account  of  distinguished  service,  and  expire  with  the  death  or 
resignation  of  their  incumbent.  The  salary  of  the  General  is 
$13,500,  that  of  Lieutenant-General  $11,000.  The  regular 
officers  are  Major-Generals,  salary  $7,500 ;  Brigadier-Generals, 
salary  $5,500;  Colonels,  salary  $3,500;  Captains,  salary  $1,800; 
and  Lieutenants,  $1,600. 

Then  there  are  with  the  army  representatives  or  duplicates  of 
each  of  the  departments  we  have  seen  in  connection  with  the 
Department  of  War,  as  Adjutant-General's  Department,  Quar- 
termaster's Department,  Inspector-General's  Department,  Engi- 
neer Corps,  Ordnance  Department,  Medical  Department,  Pay 
Department,  Signal  Officer,  Bureau  of  Military  Justice,  Chaplains, 
bands,  etc.,  all  of  which  have  their  place  and  add  to  the  comfort 
and  efficiency  of  the  force.  The  army  is  governed  by  a  code 
prescribed  by  Congress  called  Articles  of  War.     They  are  128 


232  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  number;  and  are  read  at  the  time  of  enlistment  and  every  six 
months  afterwards. 

A  charitable  provision  in  our  army  system  is,  first,  gradually 
increasing  pay  for  the  minor  officers  as  they  add  to  their  years 
of  service,  and  second,  three-fourth  pay  to  all  commissioned 
officers  when  they  are  placed  on  the  retired  list.  Officers  pass 
to  the  retired  list  by  law  after  thirty-two  years  of  service  or  on 
arriving  at  the  age  of  sixty-two,  but  may  be  retired  for  honor- 
able cause  and  by  proper  authority  at  any  time. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY.— This  government  school  for  the 
education  of  men  in  the  science  and  art  of  war  is  situated  at 
West  Point  on  the  Hudson.  It  was  authorized  by  act  of  Con- 
gress in  1802,  and  then  instituted  in  a  modest  way.  It  has  since 
grown  to  be  a  large  and  useful  institution,  ranking  with  the  best 
of  its  kind  in  the  world.  Its  chief  officer  is  a  superintendent, 
who  ranks  as  Colonel.  It  has  a  large  corps  of  professors  de- 
voted to  teaching  tactics,  engineering,  philosophy,  mathematics, 
history,  geography,  ethics,  chemistry,  mineralogy,  geology, 
drawing,  modern  languages,  gymnastics,  music,  etc. ;  the  idea 
being  to  provide  not  only  men  skilled  in  whatever  appertains  to 
army  affairs,  but  educated  gentlemen  also. 

Each  Congressional  district  and  Territory  in  the  United  States 
is  entitled  to  have  one  cadet  or  scholar  at  the  Military  Academy. 
The  District  of  Columbia  is  entitled,  to  one,  and  the  United 
States  to  ten,  called  cadets  at  large.  The  President  selects  the 
cadets  at  large.  The  Secretary  of  War  selects  those  from  the 
Congressional  districts,  at  the  request  of  the  representative 
thereof  in  Congress.  Candidates  must  be  between  seventeen  and 
twenty-two  years  old,  at  least  five  feet  in  height,  physically  per- 
fect, and  must  be  proficient  in  the  elementary  branches.  They 
are  paid  $540  a  year,  which  is  regarded  as  sufficient  to  maintain 
them.  They  graduate  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant  in  the  army, 
and  are  standing  candidates  for  an  active  place  with  that  rank. 
The  academy  is  visited  annually  by  a  commission  appointed  by 
the  President  and  composed  of  members  of  Congress  and  mili- 
tary officers,  who  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War  for  the  use  of 
Congress. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  233 

NAVY   DEPARTMENT. 

The  Navy  Department  was  at  first  connected  with  the  War 
Department.  It  was  erected  into  a  separate  department  by  act 
of  April  30,  1798,  and  went  into  operation  in  June,  1798.  Its 
chief  officer  is  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  salary  $8,000,  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  for  four  years,  unless  sooner  removed.  He  ranks  as 
a  member  of  the  cabinet.  Like  all  the  other  departments,  this 
is  divided  into  a  number  of  Bureaus  or  Divisions,  for  its  more 
effective  working.  The  name  of  the  department  suggests  that 
it  is  devoted  to  the  naval  affairs  of  the  country.  The  question 
of  a  navy  has  always  been  an  interesting  one,  and  parties  have 
often  divided  on  the  propriety  of  keeping  a  naval  establishment 
in  time  of  peace,  likewise  over  the  policy  of  strengthening 
it  in  time  of  emergency.  It  must  be  said  that  in  time  of  war, 
when  our  destinies  were  all  in  the  keeping  of  our  vessels  of  war 
and  our  hardy  sailors,  that  the  American  Navy  has  been  a  source 
of  safety  and  credit,  and  has  given  proof  that  we  can  conduct 
ocean  warfare  with  all  the  brilliancy  and  effect  of  those  who 
boast  of  more  formidable  ships  and  thoroughly  trained  mar- 
iners. 

SECRETARY'S  DUTIES.— He  must  provide  all  naval 
stores  and  construct,  arm,  equip  and  employ  vessels  of  war. 
All  captures  of  ships,  standards  and  guns  must  be  reported  to 
him  and  pass  into  his  custody.  He  prepares  and  publishes  all 
charts,  maps,  sailing  directions  and  nautical  books,  bearing  on 
navigation,  which  he  deems  necessary.  He  reports  annually  to 
Congress  the  state  of  the  navy  and  submits  estimates  for  ap- 
propriations. He  accounts  for  all  disbursements  on  behalf  of  the 
navy.  He  establishes  coal  stations  in  different  parts  of  the 
world,  disposes  of  old  ships  and  worn-out  equipments,  acts  as 
trustee  of  the  Navy  Pension  Fund  and  Privateer  Fund ;  in 
short  does  all  that  appertains  to  efficient  management  of  naval 
affairs. 

YARDS  AND  DOCKS.— This  Bureau  has  charge  of  the 
Navy  Yards  and   Naval  Stations,  their  construction  and  main- 


234  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

tenance,  and  the  supply  of  timber  therefor.  There  are  several 
Navy  Yards  and  Stations  in  the  country,  located  at  what  are 
supposed  to  be  available  points,  as  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H.; 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y. ;  Philadelphia,  Pa.;  Boston,  Mass. ;  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. ;  Norfolk,  Va. ;  Pensacola,  Fla. ;  Mare  Island,  Cal. ; 
New  London,  Conn.  (N.  Station) ;  Port  Royal,  S.  C.  (store  ships). 
They  were  erected  for  the  purpose  of  building  ships  of  war,  but 
that  work  has  been  discontinued  at  many  of  them.  They  are 
convenient  stations  and  repair-shops,  and  no  longer  a  reliance  for 
the  speedy  construction  of  large  and  effective  war-ships,  owing 
to  the  cost  of  properly  maintaining  them,  and  the  spasmodic 
demand  for  their  services.  The  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Yards 
and  Docks  ranks  as  a  Captain  in  the  navy. 

EQUIPMENT  AND  RECRUITING.— The  Chief  of  this 
Bureau  ranks  as  Commodore  in  the  navy.  It  is  the  recruiting 
office  of  the  navy,  and  attends  to  the  equipment  of  vessels  oi 
war  with  sails,  rigging,  anchors,  fuel,  etc. 

NAVIGATION— The  Chief  of  this  Bureau  ranks  as  Com- 
modore. He  has  a  chief  clerk  and  four  assistants.  The  Naval 
Observatory  and  Hydrographic  Office  are  in  the  care  of  this 
Bureau,  which  in  addition  supplies  vessels  of  war  with  flags, 
charts,  signals,  chronometers,  barometers,  glasses,  etc. 

The  Naval  Observatory  just  mentioned  is  the  counterpart,  in 
America,  of  the  Greenwich  Observatory  in  England,  and  arose 
from  the  same  necessity ;  to  wit,  that  for  accurate  astronomical 
observations  and  safe  computations  for  the  purposes  of  naviga- 
tion. The  Observatory  employs  a  Superintendent,  who  ranks 
as  Rear  Admiral,  and  ten  assistant  professors  who  rank  as  naval 
officers  of  different  grades.  It  is  a  finely  equipped  institution 
and  employs  some  of  the  best  astronomical  observers  and  calcu- 
lators in  the  country.  As  to  astronomical  observations  its  work 
is  the  same  as  that  of  the  numerous  collegiate  and  private  ob- 
servatories throughout  the  country,  but  aside  from  that,  its 
energies  are  devoted  to  the  tabulation  of  results,  and  the  turning 
of  discoveries,  corrections,  and  calculations  to  practical  scientific 
account. 

Scarcely  less  important  is  the  Hydrographic  Office,  where  the 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  235 

results  of  surveys,  soundings  and  coast,  lake  and  river  observa- 
tions are  engraved,  printed  and  published  in  map,  chart  or  book 
form  and  given  out  for  the  use  of  naval  vessels  and  those  of  the 
merchant  marine.  Its  Chief  ranks  as  Captain  in  the  navy.  The 
Nautical  Almanac  is  published  from  this  office. 

BUREAU  OF  ORDNANCE.— The  Chief  of  this  Bureau 
ranks  as  Commodore  in  the  navy.  He  has  charge  of  the  manu- 
facture of  naval  ordnance,  ammunition,  armament  for  vessels,  of 
arsenals  and  magazines,  the  torpedo  service  and  stations,  all  ex- 
periments for  testing  guns,  torpedoes  and  other  naval  weapons. 

CONSTRUCTION  AND  REPAIRS.— The  Chief  of  this  Bu- 
reau ranks  as  Commodore.  He  controls  all  dry-docks,  and 
designs,  builds  and  fits  out  vessels  of  war. 

STEAM-ENGINEERING.— The  Chief  ranks  as  Commo- 
dore. He  controls  the  designing,  manufacturing  and  adjusting 
of  all  the  steam-engines  and  steam-machinery  of  war  vessels. 

PROVISION  AND  CLOTHING.— The  Chief  of  this  Bu- 
reau ranks  as  Commodore.  The  office  supervises  the  purchase 
and  supply  of  food  and  clothing  for  the  navy. 

MEDICINE  AND  SURGERY—- The  Chief  ranks  as  Com- 
modore. The  Bureau  supplies  medicines,  instruments  and 
medical  stores  to  vessels  of  war  and  marine  hospitals  and 
accounts  for  the  same. 

The  Navy,  like  the  Army,  has  given  rise  to  a  set  of  charitable 
and  educational  institutions  which  are  objects  of  pride  on  the 
part  of  the  Department  and  of  great  utility.  The  first  of  these 
is  the 

NAVAL  ASYLUM  located  at  Philadelphia.  It  is  a  home 
for  old  or  disabled  naval  officers,  seamen  and  marines.  It  oper- 
ates outside  of  and  distinct  from  the  pension  system.  Navy 
pensioners  may  commute  their  pensions  for  places  in  the  Asylum. 
The  applicant  must  be  unable  to  work  and  must  have  served 
twenty  years  in  the  navy.  If  admitted,  the  Asylum  is  his  home 
till  death,  on  condition  that  he  obeys  its  rules,  which  are  quite 
rigid.  For  good  conduct  one  dollar  a  month  is  awarded  to  each 
sojourner.  The  institution  is  presided  over  by  a  governor,  with 
navy  rank  and  pay. 


236  *    BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

NA  VAL  HOSPITALS.— These  are  institutions  for  the  tem- 
porary treatment  of  sick  and  disabled  seamen.  They  are  sup- 
ported by  an  annual  appropriation.  There  are  eighteen  Naval 
Hospitals  in  the  country,  located  at  leading  ports  or  wherever 
there  are  naval  stations,  and  one  at  Yokohama  in  Japan. 

NA  VAL  ACADEMY.— This  Academy,  a  national  institution, 
is  as  much  a  part  of  the  Navy  Department  as  the  Military 
Academy  is  a  part  of  the  War  Department.  It  is  located  at 
Annapolis,  Md.  Its  Superintendent  always  ranks  high  among 
naval  officers.  He  is  assisted  by  other  officers  of  the  navy  and 
by  a  corps  of  professors,  who  teach  seamanship,  gunnery,  mathe- 
matics, engineering,  astronomy  and  navigation,  chemistry,  phys- 
ics, modern  languages,  history,  drawing,  and  whatever  will  fill 
out  the  education  of  a  naval  officer,  a  private  engineer  or  retired 
gentleman.  The  pupils  come  from  the  Congressional  districts 
and  Territories,  one  from  each,  with  one  for  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  ten  at  large.  The  President  appoints  those  at 
large.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  deferring  to  the  recommen- 
dation of  the  member  of  Congress  from  a  district  or  delegate 
from  a  Territory,  appoints  those  from  the  districts.  Applicants 
are  examined  by  the  Superintendent  of  the  Academy  in  June 
and  September  of  each  year.  In  order  to  pass  they  must  be 
physically  sound,  of  good  moral  character,  not  under  fourteen 
nor  over  eighteen,  and  up  to  the  standard  in  the  elementary 
English  branches.  If  admitted,  candidates  become  cadet-mid- 
shipmen, and  are  not  only  pupils  but  inmates  of  the  Academy 
for  a  term  of  six  years,  to  which  they  must  bind  themselves  to 
add  two  years  of  active  service  if  not  discharged.  They  are 
paid  $500  a  year  from  time  of  admission.  After  their  eight 
years  of  service  and  schooling  they  graduate  as  Midshipmen  in 
the  navy. 

There  is  also  a  course  of  studies  in,  or  rather  a  department  of, 
the  Academy  devoted  to  Naval  Engineering.  It  is  a  four-year 
course  at  the  Academy  and  two  in  a  vessel  at  sea.  The  pupil 
in  this  course  is  a  cadet-engineer.  When  he  graduates  he  is 
entitled  to  a  commission  as  Assistant  Engineer  in  the  navy, 
when  there  is  a  vacancy. 


RULING   NATIONALLY. 


237 


U.  S.  NA  VY. — The  highest  rank  in  the  navy  is  Admiral, 
salary,  $13,000;  the  next,  Vice- Admiral,  salary,  $9,000.  These, 
like  General  and  Lieutenant-General  in  the  army,  are  honorary 
and  temporary,  and  expire  with  those  on  whom  they  were  spe- 
cially conferred.  The  highest  real  or  working  rank  is  Rear- 
Admiral,  salary,  $6,000.  Then  comes,  in  order,  Commodore, 
salary,  $5,000;  Captain,  $4,500;  Commander,  $3,500;  Lieu- 
tenant-Commander, $2,800;  Lieutenant,  $2,400 ;  Master,  $1,800; 
Ensign,  $1,200;  Midshipmen,  $1,000.  All  these  salaries  are 
actual  duty  salaries  at  sea.  They  are  considerably  less  for  shore 
duty.  The  salary  of  the  officers,  from  Lieutenant-Commander 
down,  increases  after  a  service  of  five  years  from  date  of  com- 
mission. Pensions  and  retiracy  from  service  on  pay  are  on  the 
same  general  plan  as  prevails  in  the  army.  Enlistments  in  the 
navy  are  for  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than  five  years.  Minors 
from  fifteen  to  eighteen  may  be  enlisted  till  they  are  twenty-one, 
with  the  consent  of  parents.  The  total  force  of  officers  and 
men  in  the  navy,  in  time  of  peace,  or  as  the  laws  now  stand, 
cannot  exceed  8,250.  The  navy  is  governed  by  a  code  of  sixty 
articles  prescribed  by  Congress. 

MARINE  CORPS. — This  very  useful  arm  of  the  service  is  a 
nondescript.  It  is  a  body  of  enlisted  men,  not  exceeding  2,500 
in  number,  who  are  officered  and  disciplined  according  to  army 
rules  and  tactics,  who  do  regular  military  duty  at  United  States 
arsenals  and  naval  stations,  but  who  may  be  detailed  for  active 
service  on  board  war  vessels.  They  have  proved  excellent  for 
policing  and  garrison  purposes,  and  the  complement  of  them  as- 
signed to  ships  during  actual  war  have  enabled  victorious  vessels 
to  hold  captured  places  permanently  without  the  constant  men- 
ace of  heavy  guns. 

SECRETARIES   OF   NAVY. 


Name.  Appointed. 

George  Cabot,  Mass May    3, 

Benjamin  Stoddert,  Mass.. May  21, 

Robert  Smith,  Md July   15 

J.  Crowninshield,  Mass.  .  .May    3, 

Paul  Hamilton,  S.  C Mar.    7, 

William  Jones,  Pa Jan.  12, 

B.W.  Crowninshield,  Mass. Dec.  19, 


1798 
1798 
1801 
1805 
1809 

I813 
1814 


Name.  Appointed. 

Smith  Thompson,  N.  Y.  ..Nov.    9,  1 818 

John  Rogers,  Mass Sept.    I,  1823 

Samuel  L.  Southard,  N.  J. Sept.  16,  1823 

John  Branch,  N.  C ;  .Mar.    9,  1829 

Levi  Woodbury,  N.  H.,*  .May  23,  1 83 1 
Mahlon  Dickerson,  N.  J.  .June  30,  1 834 
James  K.  Paulding,  N.  YJune  25,  1S38 


238 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


secretaries  of  navy — Continued. 


Name.  Appointed. 

George  E.  Badger,  N.  C.  .Mar.    5,  1S41 

A.  P.  Upshur,  Va Sept.  13,  1841 

David  Henshaw,  Mass...  .July  24,  1843 
Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  Va..  .Feb.  15,  1844 

John  Y.  Mason,  Va Mar.  14,  1844 

George  Bancroft,  Mass..  .  .Mar.  10,  1845 

John  Y.  Mason,  Va Sept.   9,  1846 

William  B.  Preston,  Va.  ..Mar.  8,  1849 
William  A.  Graham,  N.  C.July  22,  1850 
John  P.  Kennedy,  Md July  22,  1852 


Name.  Appointed. 

James  C.  Dobbin,  N.  C.  ..Mar.    7,  1853 

Isaac  Toucey,  Conn Mar.    6,  1857 

Gideon  Welles,  Conn Mar.    5,  1861 

Adolph  E.  Borie,  Pa Mar.    5,  1869 

George  M.  Robeson,  N.  J.  June  25,  1869 
Rich.  W.  Thompson,  IncL.Mar.  12,  1877 
Nathan  Goff,  Jr.,  W.  Va.  Jan.     6,  1881 

W.  H.  Hunt,   La Mar.    5,  1881 

Wm.  E.  Chandler, 'N.  H.. April    1,  1882 


INTERIOR   DEPARTMENT. 

This  office  did  not  exist  till  authorized  by  act  of  March  3, 
1849.  It  became  necessary  by  reason  of  the  great  growth  of 
some  of  the  Bureaus  and  Divisions  of  the  other  Departments, 
especially  those  of  Public  Lands  and  Patents,  and  because  the 
time  had  come  for  a  grouping  of  them  under  a  head  more  sig- 
nificant of  their  real  character.  We  are  not  sure  that  the  title 
"  Interior  Department "  is  the  happiest  which  could  have  been 
chosen,  but  it  savors  of  home  and  gives  one  to  understand  that 
the  business  of  the  office  relates  to  affairs  quite  within  our  own 
boundaries.  It  has  not  only  drawn  something  from  other  offices, 
but  has  been  the  office  most  called  upon  to  meet  the  great  and 
growing  demands  of  the  country,  whenever  a  Department  was 
needed  to  take  control  of  a  newly  created  service. 

The  office  has  for  its  head  a  Secretary  of  Interior,  appointed 
by  the  President  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  for  the  term  of  four  years  unless  sooner  removed.  His 
salary  is  $8,000,  and  he  is  a  Member  of  the  Cabinet. 

SECRETARY'S  DUTIES.— Hz  attends  to  all  business  relat- 
ing to  Public  lands  and  mines,  Indians,  bounty  lands,  patents, 
custody  and  distribution  of  publications,  education,  census,  Ter- 
ritories, government  asylums.  He  reports  annually,  or  whenever 
called  upon,  to  Congress  respecting  the  workings  of  his  office. 
He  prepares  the  Federal  Blue  Book  or  Biennial  Register  of  all 
the  government  employes,  keeps  the  return  office  in  which  are 
filed  the  contracts  made  in  the  Departments  of  War,  Navy,  and 
Interior,  controls    the  Yellowstone  Park,  and  publishes  at  the 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  239 

close  of  each  session  of  Congress  n,ooo  copies  of  the  laws  just 
passed.  Like  all  the  other  Departments,  this  is  divided  into 
Bureaus  and  Divisions  devoted  to  certain  duties,  that  the  entire 
work  of  the  Department  may  be  carried  on  in  an  orderly  manner. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  is  the 

GENERAL  LAND  OFFICE.— This  was  a  part  of  the 
Treasury  Department  until  the  creation  of  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment. Quite  early,  the  matter  of  disposing  of  the  Public  lands 
became  important,  and  a  Land  office  was  created  by  act  of  April 
25,  181 2.  This  question  of  selling  public  lands  and  disposing 
of  the  proceeds  was  for  over  half  a  century  actively  political,  and 
not  until  the  passage  of  the  Homestead  laws,  beginning  in  1862, 
did  a  satisfactory  method  of  dealing  with  them  exist. 

The  duties  of  the  General  Land  Office  are  attended  to  by  a 
Commissioner,  who  acts  under  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
These  duties  relate  to  the  surveying  and  plotting  of  public 
lands,  their  sale,  and  the  issuing  of  patents  for  those  sold.  There 
are  local  Land  offices,  numbering  sixteen,  in  all  the  States  and 
Territories  containing  public  lands  for  sale.  These  are  presided 
over  by  U.  S.  Surveyors-General.  The  Surveyor-General  em  - 
ploys  surveyors,  draughtsmen,  and  clerks  who  are  engaged  in 
the  active  work  of  field  surveys.  This  work  of  surveying,  plot- 
ting, dividing,  and  giving  metes  and  bounds  to  public  lands  is 
always  going  on.  At  first  townships  are  formed,  six  miles 
square,  with  true  east  and  west  and  north  and  south  boundaries, 
and  the  four  corners  are  located  and  marked.  Then  each 
township  is  cut  in  sections  one  mile  square,  or  640  acres  each, 
and  these  are  subdivided  into  quarter  sections  of  160  acres 
each.  They  are  all  numbered  and  booked,  and  are  known, 
referred  to,  sold,  and  patented  according  to  their  number  and 
range. 

The  actual  selling  of  the  lands  is  done  through  still  another 
set  of  offices  more  numerous  than  those  of  the  Surveyors,  and 
located  at  all  available  points.  They  are  known  as  Land  offices 
too,  but  they  are  Registers'  and  Receivers'  offices,  being  presided 
over  each  by  a  Register  and  Receiver.  His  business  is  to  make 
final  disposition  of  the  lands  to  the  actual  applicant  or  settler, 


240  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

give  him  title  and  possession,  collect  the  fees  and  purchase- 
money,  and  account  to  the  government. 

PUBLIC  LANDS. — These  formerly  existed  in  every  State 
outside  of  the  original  thirteen,  but  they  now  exist  only  in  the 
Territories,  and  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  Alabama,  Arkansas, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Kansas, 
Nebraska,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Florida,  California,  Nevada,  Oregon 
and  Colorado.  The  public  lands  are  being  disposed  of  very 
rapidly.  Figures  respecting  surveys  and  sales  are  almost  daz- 
zling. The  sales  for  1883  amounted  to  16,830,000  acres,  the 
largest  on  record.  In  1873  they  only  amounted  to  3,793,000 
acres,  but  they  always  fall  off  during  hard  times. 

PUBLIC  LAND  SYSTEM.— -It  may  be  said  in  general  that 
public  lands  are  of  two  classes,  one  rating  at  $1.25  per  acre,  the 
other  at  $2.50  per  acre.  There  are  four  ways  of  getting  posses- 
sion:  1st,  under  the  Homestead  act;  2d,  under  the  Pre-emption 
laws  ;  3d,  under  the  Timber  Culture  act ;  4th,  under  the  Military 
bounty  act.  The  Homestead  act  provides  that  any  head  of  a 
family,  or  person  over  21  years,  a  citizen  or  one  who  has  declared 
his  intentions,  may  enter  a  homestead  of  160  acres,  or  alternate 
80  acres,  of  surveyed  land.  He  must  pay  the  entry  fees,  from 
$7  to  $22,  take  possession  and  be  an  actual  settler  for  five  years, 
pay  the  government  price,  and  get  the  title.  Under  the  pre- 
emption laws  the  same  class  of  persons  may  enter  any  unsur- 
veyed,  offered,  or  unofTered  lands,  and  by  payment  of  fees,  and 
proof  of  actual  settlement,  hold  a  section  of  the  same  against 
sale  to  any  one  else.  He  must  make  final  proofs  and  payments 
as  under  the  Homestead  act,  in  order  to  complete  his  title.  Title 
to  a  section  of  land  may  be  acquired  by  a  soldier  who  holds  a 
bounty  land-warrant,  said  land-warrant  being  good  payment  for 
the  land  as  far  as  it  goes.  *  But  the  government  has  never  issued 
many  of  such  land-warrants.  Title  may  be  secured  under  the 
Timber  Culture  acts  of  1873-78,  by  any  actual  settler  who  culti- 
vates for  two  years  five  acres  of  trees.  Such  an  one  gets  80 
acres;  and  160  acres  if  he  cultivate  ten  acres  of  trees.  His 
patent  will  be  issued  free  at  the  end  of  three  years,  on  proof  of 
what  he  has  done.     The  design  is  to  encourage  timber  culture 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  241 

on  farm  land.  Of  course  nothing  in  these  acts  prevents  a  cash 
purchaser  at  the  public  auction  of  these  lands  from  acquiring 
patented  title. 

These  acts  all  refer  to  the  sale  of  Agricultural  lands.  The  Min- 
eral lands  are  located  and  disposed  of  under  another  set  of  regu- 
lations, which  miners  and  mining  companies  alone  are  interested 
in,  though  all  are  open  to  the  ordinary  private  citizen.  After 
i860  the  policy  of  giving  government  aid  to  Railroads,  chiefly 
those  through  to  the  Pacific,  in  the  shape  of  large  grants  of 
public  lands,  became  popular  for  a  time,  but  is  so  no  longer. 
The  public  lands  yet  unsold  amount  to  1,814,793,938  acres. 

PENSION  OFFICE.— This  important  branch  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Interior  is  presided  over  by  the  Commissioner  of 
Pensions.  Our  pension  system  began  with  the  government  and 
was  conducted  by  the  Secretary  of  War  until  1833.  Then  a 
Pension  Office  was  created  which  remained  with  the  War  De- 
partment till  the  establishment  of  the  Interior  Department  in 
1849.  Our  government  has  always  been  liberal  in  its  payment 
of  pensions  to  soldiers  and  their  families.  Not  a  year  has 
elapsed  since  the  starting  of  the  government  that  a  good  round 
sum  has  not  been  paid  in  the  shape  of  pensions.  The  average 
up  to  18 1 5  would  be  about  $100,000  yearly.  From  that  time  on 
till  1865  the  average  would  be  fully  $2,000,000  annually.  Since 
then  the  figures  have  assumed  enormous  proportions,  owing  to 
the  fact  that  the  civil  war  greatly  increased  the  list  of  pensioners, 
and  the  further  fact  that  Congress  has  exceeded  all  former  liber- 
ality by  dating  the  payment  of  pensions  back  to  the  time  of  in- 
jury or  deprivation,  instead  of  beginning  it  with  the  date  on 
which  the  pension  is  granted.  Our  pension  system  does  not 
reach  the  Civil  Service  as  in  England,  if  we  except  the  retiracy 
of  Judges  of  the  United  States  Courts,  who  may,  since  1869, 
retire  at  seventy  with  full  salary  for  life,  if  they  have  served  ten 
years  continuously.  The  total  cost  of  the  system  for  1882  was 
$54,296,280.84. 

COMMISSIONER'S  DUTIES.— He  must  hear  through  his 
examiners,  surgeons,  etc.,  all  applicants  for  pensions,  grant  pen- 
sion papers  to  the  meritorious,  investigate  frauds,  issue  bounty 
16 


242  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

land-warrants,  and  do  all  that  this  elaborate  and  expensive 
system  requires  of  him. 

In  paying  pensions  he  is  assisted  by  Pension  Agents,  located 
at  offices  throughout  the  country  called  Pension  Agencies. 
There  are  now  seventeen  of  these,  located  at  Boston,  Chicago, 
Columbus,  Concord,  Des  Moines,  Detroit,  Indianapolis,  Knox- 
ville,  Louisville,  Milwaukee,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Pittsburg, 
St.  Louis,  San  Francisco,  Syracuse,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  manner  of  applying  for  pensions  is  carefully  guarded  by 
formalities,  oaths,  examinations,  etc.,  as  it  must  necessarily  be, 
owing  to  the  great  number  of  applicants  and  the  inducement 
to  raise  fictitious  cases.  The  rate  of  pension  paid  is  regulated 
by  the  character  of  the  disability  and  the  rank  of  the  pensioner. 
Widows  of  soldiers  killed  in  service  are  entitled,  and  orphans 
under  sixteen.  In  addition  to  pension  each  soldier  is  entitled  to 
periodical  allowance  for  an  artificial  limb  or  eye,  if  compelled  to 
use  such. 

INDIAN  BUREAU.— A  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs  was  estab- 
lished as  early  as  1832,  and  became  connected  with  the  Interior 
Department  in  1849.  Its  chief  officer  is  a  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs.  The  active  work  of  the  Bureau  is  done  among 
the  Indians  at  Agencies,  and  by  Agents,  of  which  there  are 
some  seventy,  situated  so  as  to  accommodate  the  respective 
tribes. 

The  government  has  from  time  to  time  made  treaties  with 
different  tribes,  allotted  reservations  to  others,  and  entered  upon 
a  variety  of  contracts,  possible  and  impossible,  according  to  the 
whim  of  the  natives,  many  of  which  are  but  little  better  than 
agreements  to  support  whole  tribes  in  idleness.  The  fulfillment 
of  these  compacts  makes  what  are  called  our  Indian  relations. 
These  it  is  the  business  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs 
to  superintend.  The  fact  that  such  superintendence  never  served 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  Indian  gave  rise  to  a  Board 
of  Indian  Commissioners,  composed  of  intelligent  and  charitably 
disposed  men,  appointed  by  the  President,  and  who  serve  with- 
out pay,  whose  duty  it  is  to  supervise  all  moneys  appropriated 
for  Indians,  and  inspect  food  and  clothing  purchased  for  their  use. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  243 

The  necessity  for  such  commission  is  a  confession  that  the 
eovernment  either  had  not  conducted  or  could  not  conduct  its 
Indian  affairs  properly:  both  of  which  were  doubtless  true,  in 
the  absence  of  a  clearly  defined  Indian  policy,  which  no  more 
exists  to-day  than  when  the  Cavalier  and  Puritan  landed. 

PATENT  OFFICE. — This  interesting  office  is  under  the 
immediate  supervision  of  a  Commissioner  of  Patents. 

The  name  of  the  office  suggests  its  use.  The  first  act  relating 
to  patents  was  that  of  April  10,  1790.  It  authorized  the  grant- 
ing of  patents  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  after  consultation  with 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  Attorney-General,  though  either  could 
act  on  his  own  responsibility.  The  present  office  and  something 
like  the  present  system  was  created  by  act  of  March  3,  1849,  in 
connection  with  the  Interior  Department.  But  it  was  not  until 
the  act  of  July  8,  1870,  that  the  existing  system  took  full  shape 
and  vigor. 

The  model-rooms  of  the  Patent  Office  were  begun  in  1836. 
They  were  greatly  enlarged,  and  quite  well  filled  with  models, 
when  the  fire  of  Sept.  24,  1877,  destroyed  some  87,000  of  them, 
besides  other  interesting  historic  relics.  They  have  been  again 
enlarged  and  are  rapidly  filling  up  with  evidences  of  American 
genius  and  skill. 

Patents  are  granted  only  after  full  designs  or  models  have  been 
presented  and  examined  by  experts,  and  something  found  therein 
"  new  and  useful,  not  known  or  used  by  others  in  this  country, 
and  not  patented  or  described  in  print  in  this  or  any  other 
country."  A  patent  for  an  original  invention  runs  for  seventeen 
years.  A  patent  for  a  design  may  run  from  three  and  a  half 
years  to  fourteen  years. 

CENSUS  OFFICE. — The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  charged 
with  the  duty  of  taking  each  decennial  census,  through  and  by 
means  of  a  Superintendent  of  Census.  The  active  work  of 
enumeration  is  done  by  means  of  Supervisors  of  districts, 
specially  appointed.  These  send  out  enumerators  into  all  the 
subdivisions  of  a  district,  who  gather  the  facts  and  figures  from 
the  people,  and  return  them  in  a  given  time.  When  they 
reach  the  Central  Office  at  Washington  they  are  tabulated  and 


244  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

printed  in  the  form  of  Census  Reports.  The  work  of  census-taking 
is  important,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  it  has  never  reached, 
in  this  country,  the  perfection  it  has  in  some  others.  This  may 
seem  strange  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  United  States  was  the 
first  nation  to  provide  in  its  fundamental  law  for  a  periodical 
count  of  its  people.  The  first  census  under  the  Constitution 
was  taken  in  1790.  They  have  been  taken  every  ten  years 
since,  and  the  results  duly  published.  The  early  censuses  con- 
tained but  little  more  than  an  enumeration  of  the  people.  The 
omission  of  statistics  and  facts  relating  to  the  industries  of  the 
country  caused  a  general  overhauling  of  the  census  methods  in 
1849.  By  act  of  March  3  of  that  year  a  Census  Board  was  created, 
composed  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Postmaster-General  and 
Attorney-General,  to  prepare  a  plan  for  the  census  of  1850. 
This  resulted  in  an  act  of  May  23,  1850,  creating  a  Census 
Office  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  with  a  Superintendent, 
as  above  noted.  Since  then  the  census  inquiries  have  been 
framed  so  as  to  cover  not  only  population,  but  age,  nationality, 
physical  and  mental  condition,  social  matters,  churches,  schools, 
industrial  establishments,  farms,  products  of  every  kind,  and 
whatever  will  contribute  to  knowledge  of  our  wealth,  progress 
and  actual  status  as  a  people.  One  hundred  inquiries  could  be 
addressed  to  the  citizen  by  the  census  enumerator,  but  no  more. 
The  three  censuses  taken  under  the  act  of  1850  were  great  ad- 
vances on  those  taken  before,  and  their  results  form  a  set  of 
volumes  which  are  indispensable  to  historians,  statisticians  and 
students  of  social  problems.  Still  the  act  was  defective,  and  the 
machinery  under  it  clumsy  and  uncertain.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  remedy  it  by  the  census  act  of  1880.  It  is  not  yet  time 
to  say  whether  the  attempt  has  been  a  success  or  a  failure.  It 
has  certainly  not  resulted  in  a  prompter  receipt,  tabulation  and 
publication  of  the  returns,  though  those  already  perfected  show  a 
completeness  and  utility  beyond  all  others. 

BUREAU  OF  EDUCATION.— This  Bureau  was  created  by 
act  of  March  2,  1867,  and  attached  to  the  Department  of  the 
Interior.  Its  Chief  is  a  Commissioner  of  Education.  The 
business  of  the  Bureau  is  to  collect,  publish  and  disseminate 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  245 

among  the  people  such  information  touching  schools  and  school 
systems  as  will  enable  them  to  keep  pace  with  modern  improve- 
ments in  school  organization  and  management,  and  meet  the 
national  desire  to  overcome  illiteracy  wherever  it  exists.  The 
Bureau  was  a  noble  conception,  and  its  work  bears  on  vital 
points,  for  our  Republic  is  ever  confronting  the  dangers  that 
lurk  in  illiteracy. 

RAILROAD  ACCOUNTS.— -The  Bureau  was  established  in 
1878,  and  connected  with  the  Interior  Department.  It  was  made 
necessary  by  the  new  policy  of  the  government  extending  aid  to 
the  Pacific  and  other  railroads.  The  aid  to  build  these  long, 
through  and  necessary  lines  was  either  by  guarantee  of  their 
bonds  or  by  gift  of  public  lands.  In  either  event  the  govern- 
ment felt  that  it  should  exercise  a  control  over  the  management 
of  such  roads  to  the  extent  of  auditing  their  accounts  and  seeing 
that  all  acts  of  Congress  in  their  interest  were  respected.  This 
is  the  duty  of  the  Bureau  of  Railroad  Accounts,  whose  chief  is 
called  Auditor. 

CAPITOL  ARCHITECT.— -This  officer  has  control  of  the 
Capitol  repairs  and  Capitol  grounds. 

GEOLOGICAL  SURVEY.—  Under  the  head  of  Public  Lands 
we  saw  they  were  divided  into  Agricultural  and  Mineral  Lands. 
This  division  requires  a  knowledge  of  their  geological  structure 
and  underground  resource.  For  this  purpose  the  Geological 
Survey  was  established  in  1879.  Its  chief  is  called  Director  of 
the  Geological  Survey.  The  annual  appropriations  for  carrying 
on  this  work  of  examining  and  classifying  public  lands  according* 
to  their  mineral  substances  and  worth  average    $100,000. 

OTHER  ADJUNCTS.— The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  was 
in  1877  authorized  to  appoint  a  Commission  of  Entomologists 
to  inquire  into  the  visitation  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Locusts 
and  devise  means  for  suppressing  their  annual  invasions.  He 
appoints  by  law  a  Recorder  of  Deeds  and  Register  of  Wills  for 
the  District  of  Columbia.  With  his  Department  is  connected 
the  management  of  the  Government  Hospital  for  the  Insane. 
This  noble  institution,  erected  at  a  cost  of  $500,000,  and  contain- 
ing nearly  1,000  inmates,  is  designed  for  the  care  and  treatment 


246 


BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


of  the  insane  of  the  Army  and  Navy  and  the  indigent  insane  of 
the  District  of  Columbia.  It  was  founded  in  1855  and  stands 
on  a  conspicuous  bluff  south  of  the  Anacostia  River,  in  full  view 
of  the  Capitol.  So  also  it  has  the  management  of  the  Columbia 
Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb,  established 
in  1857,  located  at  Washington,  and  designed  for  the  free  edu- 
cation of  the  deaf  and  dumb  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
the  paid  education  of  pupils  from  all  the  States  and  Territories. 
The  Freedmen's  Hospital  and  Columbia  Hospital  for  Women 
are  also  under  the  general  superintendence  of  the  Interior 
Department. 

SECRETARIES    OF   THE    INTERIOR. 


Name.  Appointed. 

Thomas  H.  Ewing,  Ohio.  .Mar.  8,  1849 
Alex.  H.  H.  Stuart,  Va.  .  .Sej>t.  12,  1850 
Robert  McClelland,  Mich.. Mar.    7,  1853 

Jacob  Thompson,  Miss Mar.    6,  1857 

Caleb  P.  Smith,  Ind Mar.    5,  1861 

John  P.  Usher,  Ind Jan.     8,  1863 

James  Harlan,  Iowa May  15,  1865 


Name.  Appointed. 

O.  H.  Browning,  111 July   27,  1866 

Jacob  D.  Cox,  Ohio Mar.    5.  1869 

Columbus  Delano,  Ohio..  .Nov.    1,  1870 
Zachariah  Chandler,  Mich. Oct.    19,  1875 

Carl  Schurz,  Mo Mar.  12,  1877 

S.  J.  Kirkwood,  Iowa Mar.    5,  1881 

Henry  M.  Teller,  Col April  6,  1882 


THE   POST-OFFICE   DEPARTMENT. 

The  government  comes  down  closer  to  the  people  through  the 
Post-Office  Department  than  any  other.  It  intimately  concerns 
all  of  us  and  exists  for  our  accommodation  in  the  matter  of 
correspondence  with  friends  and  business  folk  at  home  and 
abroad.  The  Constitution,  Art.  I.,  Sec.  8,  authorizes  the  estab- 
lishment of  Post-offices  and  Post-roads.  This  is  not  peculiar  to 
our  government.  All  civilized  powers  assume  to  do  the  same 
thing  for  their  people,  and  nearly  all  in  the  same  way,  so  much 
so  at  least  that  what  is  known  as  a  Postal  Union  has  become 
possible,  whereby  different  countries  agree  to  recognize  our 
stamps  on  letters  and  engage  to  carry  them  through  their  mails, 
we  doing  the  same  toward  their  stamps  and  with  their  letters. 
This  wonderful  triumph  of  political  civilization  brings  the  peo- 
ple of  all  countries  in  the  Postal  Union  as  closely  together  as  if 
they  were  of  one  country. 

The  earliest  Post-Office  System  in  our  country  arose  under 
act  of  Sept.  22,  1789.     It  was  a  crude  affair,  run  in  connection 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  247 

with  the  Treasury  Department,  though  presided  over  by  an 
officer  called  the  Postmaster-General,  as  to-day.  There  were 
then  75  post-offices  in  the  country,  and  the  routes  extended  over 
1,875  miles.  It  cost  the  country  in  1790,  $32,140,  and  the  re- 
ceipts were  $37,935.  Now  there  are  in  round  numbers  48,000 
post-offices,  a  routeage  of  350,000  miles,  an  annual  revenue  of 
$33,000,000,  and  an  expenditure  somewhat  in  excess  of  this 
revenue.  Mail  facilities  are  enjoyed  by  the  people  in  even 
remote  places.  It  has  always  been  the  policy  of  the  government 
to  favor  this  method  of  intercommunication  not  more  for  purposes 
of  business  than  to  foster  exchange  of  thought  and  a  truly  educa- 
tional spirit.  It  has  never  been  a  part  of  this  policy  to  make 
money  out  of  the  system.  The  cost  has  therefore,  as  a  rule, 
been  in  excess  of  the  profit,  measured  in  strict  dollars  and  cents. 
As  the  profit  approximated  the  cost,  there  has  been  a  reduction 
of  rates  of  postage.  Many  are  yet  alive  who  remember  the  old 
letter  rate  of  six  cents  and  over,  and  very  many  who  remember 
the  five-cent  rate.  Then  came  the  uniform  rate  of  three  cents 
for  every  two  ounces,  and  in  1883  the  two-cent  rate.  It  is  very 
probable  that  a  one-cent  rate  will  prevail  before  the  end  of  the 
century,  for  the  system  proves  that  cheapness  of  rate  is  more 
than  met  by  increased  amount  of  matter  mailed,  especially  in 
populous  communities. 

A  great  stride  was  made  in  our  postal  system  by  act  of  May 
8,  1794.  But  in  1829  the  grand  step  was  taken  which  made  it 
a  separate  system.  Then  the  Post-Office  Department  was  de- 
tached from  the  Treasury  Department,  and  the  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral made  responsible  for  its  management.  He  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Cabinet,  and  a  direct  adviser  with  the  President. 

DUTIES  OF  POSTMASTER.— The  general  duties  of  the 
Postmaster-General  are  to  conduct  the  multiform  and  intricate 
accounts  of  the  postal  service ;  originate  and  distribute  books, 
blanks  and  forms  ;  establish  and  discontinue  post-offices  ;  appoint 
postmasters ;  negotiate  postal  treaties  with  foreign  countries ; 
report  to  Congress  annually  the  condition  of  his  office ;  execute 
all  laws  relating  to  the  postal  service.  He  has  more  appoint- 
ments than  any  other  Department  official,  and  his  responsibility 


248  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

never  ceases  till  it  reaches  down  into  the  very  bosom  of  the 
masses. 

POST-OFFICES. — The  machinery  of  the  Department  is 
largely  outside  of  it,  and  it  works  in  every  city,  hamlet  and  far 
corner  of  the  land.  The  postal  routes  are  established  by  law. 
They  are  not  always  wisely  laid  down  at  first,  but  time  and  the 
drift  of  settlement  generally  cure  all  defects.  The  Department, 
following  the  routes,  establishes  post-offices,  appoints  postmasters 
and  places  the  people  in  contact  with  the  service.  All  this  is 
fully  in  the  hands  of  the  Department.  Postmasters  receiving 
over  $1,000  salary  must  have  their  nominations  confirmed  by 
the  Senate,  and  as  a  rule  they  are  appointed  by  the  President. 
All  minor  appointments  are  made  by  the  Postmaster-General 
directly.     Postmasters  are  graded,  and  paid  accordingly. 

OTHER  FEATURES.— The  postal  system  has  been  very 
growthy,  and  prolific  of  many  new  features,  all  tending  to  make 
it  more  convenient  and  safe.  The  sending  of  money  in  small 
sums  by  mail  was  a  constant  invitation  to  robbery  and  led  to 
many  losses.  The  attempt  to  secure  greater  safety  by  means  of 
a  registry  of  letters  did  not  amount  to  much.  Then  the  money 
order  feature  was  introduced,  by  which  money  can  be  sent  with 
entire  safety.  Sums  up  to  $50  can  thus  be  sent  from  one  Money 
Order  Office,  payable  at  another.  There  are  now  6,500  of  these 
offices,  and  the  amount  transmitted  through  them  annually 
aggregates  several  millions.  They  are  the  poor  man's  bank, 
through  which  he  can  send  drafts  to  any  part  of  this  country 
and  to  many  foreign  countries.  The  propriety  of  a  postal-sav- 
ing bank  has  often  been  mooted.  But  we  are  not  yet  quite  far 
enough  on  for  such  an  advantageous  feature. 

The  Postal  Note  feature  was  authorized  in  1883.  A  deposit 
of  less  than  $$  at  any  Money  Order  Office  will  entitle  one  to  a 
note  for  the  amount  of  his  deposit  less  a  fee  of  five  or  ten  cents, 
which  he  can  use  as  money  for  90  days,  and  which  will  be  re- 
deemed at  any  Money  Order  Office  on  demand.  It  is  a  handy 
note  for  transmission  by  letter. 

The  Letter  Carrier  feature  is  a  modern  one.  It  exists,  or  may 
exist,  in  any  city  with  a  population  of  20,000,  or  in  which  the 


RULING   NATIONALLY. 


249 


post-office  yields  $20,000  a  year.  In  such  cities  carriers  gather 
and  deliver  the  mail  matter,  to  the  great  convenience  of  business 
men. 

The  Railway  Service  is  also  a  new  feature.  By  law  all  navi- 
gable waters  of  the  United  States,  all  canals  and  railroads,  are 
established  postal  routes,  and  the  mails  were  carried  thereon  in 
the  ordinary  pouches,  the  distribution  being  made  at  some 
central  office.  The  Railway  Service  introduced  on  the  Rail 
routes  a  Postal  car  or  cars,  officered  by  mail  agents  whose  duty 
it  is  to  collect  and  distribute  all  the  mail  matter  on  that  route. 
It  is  a  post-office  on  wheels,  and  a  very  complete  and  popular 
institution. 

POSTMASTERS-GENERAL. 


Name.  Appointed. 

Samuel  Osgood,  Mass.  . .  .Sept.  26,  1789 

Timothy  Pickering,  Pa Aug.  12,  1 791 

Joseph  Habersham,  Ga.  .  .Feb.  25,  1 795 
Gideon  Granger,  Conn.. .  .Nov.  28,  1801 
Return  J.  Meigs,  Jr.,  Ohio.Mar.  17,  1814 

John  McLean,  Ohio June  26,  1823 

William  T.  Barry,  Ky Mar.  9,   1829 

Amos  Kendall,  Ky May   I, 

John  M.  Niles,  Conn May  25, 

Francis  Granger,  N.  Y .  . . .  Mar.   6, 
Charles  A.  Wickliffe,  Ky.  .Sept.  13,  1841 

Cave  Johnson,  Tenn Mar.   6,   1845 

Jacob  Collamer,  Ver Mar.  8, 

Nathan  K.  Hall,  N.  Y..  ..July  23, 


1835 
1840 
[841 


849 
850 


Sam'l  D.  Hubbard,  Conn. .Aug.  31,  1852 


Name.  Appointed. 

James  Campbell,  Penna..  .Mar.  5,  1853 
Aaron  V.  Brown,  Tenn..  .Mar.  6,    1857 

Joseph  Holt,  Ky Mar.  14,  1859 

Horatio  King,  Me Feb.  12,  1861 

Montgomery  Blair,  Md Mar.   5,   1861 

William  Dennison,  Ohio.  .Sept.  24,  1864 
Alex.  W.  Randall,  Wis... July  25,  1866 
John  A.  J.  Creswell,  Md..Mar.  5,  1869 
Marshall  Jewell,  Conn.  .  .  .Aug.  24,  1874 
James  N.  Tyner,  Ind.  .  .  .July  12,  1876 
David  McK.  Key,  Tenn.  .Mar.  12,  1877 
Horace  Maynard,  Tenn..  .June  2,  1880 
Thomas  L.  James,  N.  Y.  .Mar.  5,  1881 
Timothy  O.  Howe,  Wis.  .Dec.  20,  188 1 
Walter  Q.  Gresham,  Ind.  .April  3,   1883 


DEPARTMENT  OF  JUSTICE. 

The  presiding  officer  of  this  Department  is  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, who  is  appointed  by  the  President,  and  is  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet.     His  salary  is  $8,000. 

The  act  of  1789  authorizing  an  Attorney-General  empowered 
him  to  "  conduct  all  suits  for  the  United  States  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  give  his  advice  and  opinion  on  questions  of  law  when  re- 
quested by  the  President  or  heads  of  Departments." 

By  act  of  1861  he  has  charge  of  Attorneys  and  Marshals  in 
all  the  Judicial  Districts  in  the  United  States  and  Territories. 
He  is  not  only  legal  adviser  of  the  President  and  heads  of  De- 
partments, but  must  examine  all  titles  to  lands  for  public  build- 


250 


BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 


ings,  forts,  navy  yards,  etc. ;  report  to  Congress  the  condition  of 
his  office;  distribute  U.  S.  statutes  to  the  lower  courts;  designate 
the  places  of  confinement  for  criminals  under  U.  S.  laws.  He  is 
a  useful  and  invaluable  official  in  the  executive  branch  of  the 
government,  and  ought  to  be  well  informed  in  both  the  law  and 
practice  of  the  U.  S.  Courts.  The  position  is  highly  honorable 
and  has  been  held  by  some  of  the  brightest  legal  minds  of  the 
country. 


ATTORNEYS-GENERAL. 


Name.  Appointed. 

Edmund  Randolph,  Va. .  .Sept.  26,  1789 
William  Bradford,  Pa.  ..  .Jan.  27,  1794 

Charles  Lee,  Va . .  Dec.  10,  1 795 

Theophilus  Parsons,  Mass. .Feb.  20,  1801 

Levi  Lincoln,  Mass Mar.   5,   1801 

Robert  Smith,  Md Mar.   3,   1805 

John  Breckinridge,  Ky...  .Aug.  7,  1805 
Caesar  A.  Rodney,  Pa.  .  .  Jan.  28,  1807 
William  Pinkney,  Md....Dec.  II,  1811 

Richard  Rush,  Pa Feb.  10,  1814 

William  Wirt,  Va Nov.  13,  181 7 

John  M.  Berrien,  Ga Mar.   9,   1829 

Roger  B.  Taney,  Md July  20,  1831 

Benj.  F.  Butler,  N.  Y...  .  .   Nov.  15,  1833 

Felix  Grundy,  Tenn July    5,    1838 

Henry  D.  Gilpin,  Pa Jan.   1 1,  1840 

John  J.  Crittenden,  Ky. .  ..Mar.   5,   1841 

Hugh  S.  Legare,  S.  C Sept.  13,  1841 

John  Nelson,  Md July    1,    1S43 

John  Y.  Mason,  Va Mar.   6,   1845 


Name. 

Nathan  Clifford,  Me 

Isaac  Toucey,  Conn 

Reverdy  Johnson,  Md.  .  . . 

Jno.  J.  Crittenden,  Ky 

Caleb  Gushing,  Ma^s 

Jeremiah  S.  Black,  Pa.  .  . . 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Pa. . .  . 

Edward   Bates,  Mo 

T.  J.  Coffee  [ad.  in.),  Pa.. 

James  Speed,  Ky 

Henry  Stanbery,  O 

William  M.  Evarts,  N.  Y., 
E.  Rock  wood  II  oar,  Mass 
Amos  T.  Akerman,  Ga. .  .. 
Geo.  H.  Williams,  Oregon 
Edwards  Pierrepont,  N.  Y 

Alphonso  Taft,  Ohio 

Charles  Devens,  Mass 

Wayne  McVeagh,  Pa 

Benj.  H.  Brewster,  Pa 


Appointed. 
Oct.  17,  1846 
June  21,  1848 
Mar.  8,  1849 
July  22,  1850 
Mar.  7,  1853 
Mar.  6,  1857 
Dec.  20,  i860 
Mar.  5,  1 86 1 
June  22,  1863 
Dec.  2,  1864 
Jan.  23,  1866 
July  15,  1868 
Mar.  5,  1869 
June  23,  1870 
.Dec.  14,  1871 
.April  26,  1875 
.May  22,  1876 
Mar.  12,  1877 
Mar.  5,  1881 
Dec.  19,  1881 


DEPARTMENT   OF  AGRICULTURE. 

The  officer  in  charge  is  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture. 
The  Agricultural  Bureau  was  created  in  1862,  and  only  lately 
erected  into  a  separate  Department.  Its  chief  is  not  a  Cabinet 
officer.  The  Department  is  designed  to  be  the  centre  toward 
which  shall  be  attracted  information  respecting  agriculture  and 
whence  it  shall  flow  to  all  the  people.  It  is  further  a  Depart- 
ment of  experiments  with  agricultural  products  and  industries 
and  a  source  of  supply  for  new  and  rare  seeds  and  plants.  The 
Commissioner  is  expected  to  correspond  with  scientists  in  all 
countries,  collect  statistics  bearing  on  agricultural  subjects,  pub- 
lish such  works  as  will  best  spread  the  information  he  gathers, 
investigate  diseases  of  domestic  animals,  inquire  into  the  nature 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  251 

and  prevention  of  injury  to  crops  by  insects,  worms,  birds  and 
all  enemies  of  plants  and  grains.  Much  is  hoped  of  this  youth- 
ful Department.  The  propagating  garden  and  museum  attached 
to  it  are  already  interesting. 

JUDICIAL   DEPARTMENT. 

USES  OF  THE  JUDICIARY.— -The  third  co-ordinate  de- 
partment of  the  national  government  is  the  Judicial  Department, 
or  The  Judiciary.  The  existence  of  such  a  Department,  or 
branch  of  the  government,  with  functions  independent  of  and 
separate  from  the  legislative  and  executive  branches,  yet  co- 
ordinate with  them,  is  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  a  free  gov- 
ernment. Wherever  there  is  no  judiciary  to  interpret,  pronounce 
and  execute  laws,  two  things  must  happen.  1st.  Either  the 
government  will  perish  through  sheer  weakness  and  confusion, 
or,  2d,  the  judicial  power  will  be  absorbed  by  the  other  two 
branches  to  the  utter  extinction  of  civil  and  political  liberty. 
Montesquieu  has  wisely  said:  "There  is  no  liberty  if  the  judi- 
ciary be  not  separated  from  the  legislative  ano!  executive  power." 
And  Judge  Story  says  :  "  In  the  national  government  the  judicial 
power  is  equally  as  important  as  in  the  States.  The  want  of  it 
was  a  vital  defect  in  the  Confederation.  Without  it  the  laws  of 
the. Union  would  be  perpetually  in  danger  of  being  controverted 
by  the  laws  of  the  States.  The  national  government  would  be 
reduced  to  a  servile  dependence  on  the  latter  for  the  due  execu- 
tion of  its  powers,  and  we  should  have  reacted  over  again  the 
same  solemn  mockery  which  began  in  the  neglect  and  ended  in 
the  ruin  of  the  Confederation.  Power  without  adequate  means  to 
enforce  it  is  like  a  body  in  a  suspended  state  of  animation.  For 
all  practical  purposes  it  is  as  if  its  faculties  were  extinguished. 
A  single  State  might  under  such  circumstances,  at  its  mere 
pleasure,  suspend  the  whole  operations  of  the  Union." 

The  two  grand  uses  of  the  Judiciary  are  (i)  to  execute  the 
powers  of  the  government.  In  this  it  co-operates  directly  with 
the  Executive  branch,  while  it  acts  independently  of  it.  (2)  It 
secures  uniform  and  certain  operation  of  those  powers  and  of 
the  laws  made  under  them.    In  this  it  co-operates  with  the  Legis- 


252  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

lative  branch,  helping  it  here  and  checking  it  there,  making  its 
edicts  certain  in  results,  and  assuring  the  people  against  the 
oppression  of  unconstitutional  enactments. 

SUPREME  COURT.— ■"  The  judicial  power  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court  and  in  such  inferior 
courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  estab- 
lish. The  judges  of  both  the  Supreme  and  inferior  courts  shall 
hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  and  shall  at  stated  times 
receive  for  their  services  a  compensation  which  shall  not  be 
diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office." — Art.  III.,  Con. 

Thus  the  establishment  of  a  Supreme  Court  is  imperative. 
The  establishment  of  inferior  courts  is  left  to  the  discretion  of 
Congress.  Congress  has  acted  promptly  in  both  instances. 
Among  its  first  acts  was  one  looking  to  the  formation  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  subsequent  acts  passed  in  obedience  to  the 
demands  of  legal  business  have  contributed  to  the  formation  of 
our  present  imposing  judicial  system. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  is  the  highest  tribu- 
nal, or  court  of  last  resort,  in  the  nation.  Its  decisions  settle 
finally  the  law  of  the  land.  It  has  both  original  and  appellate 
jurisdiction.  Its  original  jurisdiction  extends  to  civil  causes  in 
which  a  State  is  a  party,  which  involve  public  ministers  and 
matters  affecting  the  marine.  Its  appellate  jurisdiction  is  general; 
that  is,  it  must  hear  all  appeals  from  the  Circuit  and  District 
Courts. 

It  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  eight  Associate  Justices. 
The  former  receives  $10,500,  and  the  latter  receive  '$  10,000  a 
year.  They  are  appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  Their  appointment  is  for  life 
or  good  behavior,  though  by  a  recent  enactment  they  may  re- 
tire at  seventy  years  of  age  and  still  draw  their  pay,  provided 
they  have  held  their  commissions  for  ten  years.*  They  are  thus 
removed  as  far  as  possible  from  party  influences. 

The  number  of  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  has  not  always 

*  Under  this  act  three  Justices  have  already  withdrawn,  viz.,  Noah  H.  Swayne, 
Ohio;  William  Strong,  Pa.j  and  Ward  Hunt,  N.  Y.,  their  salary  of  #10,000  being 
continued. 


RULING    NATIONALLY. 


253 


remained  the  same.  At  its  first  session  in  1790  it  consisted  of  a 
Chief  Justice  and  five  Associates.  The  Associates  were  increased 
to  six  in  1807,  to  eight  in  1837,  to  nine  in  1863,  In  1865  they 
were  decreased  to  eight,  and  in  1867  to  seven,  but  were  increased 
to  eight  in  1 870. 

The  Supreme  Court  must  hold  one  regular  term  a  year,  com- 
mencing on  the  second  Monday  in  October,  and  such  special 
terms  as  is  necessary.  Its  regular  sessions  are  always  at  the 
Capitol. 

CHIEF   JUSTICES   OF   UNITED    STATES   SUPREME   COURT. 


Term  of  service. 

John  Jay,  N.  Y 1 789-95 

John  Kutledge,  S.  C 1795—95 

Oliver  Ellsworth,  Conn 1 796-1 800 

John  Marshall,  Va 1801-35 


Term  of  service. 

Roger  B.  Taney,  Md 1836-64 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  O 1864-73. 

Morrison  R.  Waite,  O 1873- .  . 


ASSOCIATE   JUSTICES    OF    UNITED    STATES    SUPREME    COURT. 


Term  of  service. 

John  Rutledge,  S.  C 1789-91 

William  Cashing,  Mass 1789-1810 

James  Wilson,  Pa 1789-98 

John  Blair,  Va 1789-96 

Robert  H.  Harrison,  Md 1789-90 

James  Iredeil,  N.  C 1790-99 

Thomas  Johnson,  Md 1791-93 

William  Patterson,  N.  J 1793-1806 

Samuel  Chase.  Md 1796-1811 

Bushiod  Washington,  Va 1 798-1 829 

Alfred  Moore,  N.  C 1799-1804 

William  Johnson,  S.  C 1804-34 

Brockholst  Livingston,  N.  Y. .  1806-23 

Thomas  Todd .  Ky 1 807-26 

Joseph  Story,  Mass 181 1-45 

Gabriel  Duval,  Md 181 1-36 

Smith  Thompson,  N.  Y 1823-43 

Robert  Trimble,  Ky 1826-28 

John  McLean,  O 1829-61 

Henry  Baldwin,  Pa 1830-46 

James  M.  Wayne,  Ga .'.  .1835-67 

Philip  P.  Barbour,  Va 1836-41 

CIRCUIT  COURTS.— An  important  part  of  the  U.  S.  Judi- 
ciary, and  second  to  the  Supreme  Court,  are  the  Circuit  Courts. 
There  are  nine  of  these  Courts  now,  or  rather  nine  Judicial  Cir- 
cuits or  Districts,*  say  one  for  each  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

*  Care  must  be  taken  not  to  confound  the  Circuit  with  the  District.  There  are 
nine  Circuit  Districts,  each  composed  of  a  number  of  miner  Districts,  no  one  of 
which  can  be  smaller  than  a  State. 


Term 

John  Catron,  Tenn 

John  McKinley,  Ala 

Peter  V.  Daniel,  Va 

Samuel  Nelson,  N.  Y 

Levi  Woodbury*  N.  H 

Robert  C.  Giier,  Pa 

Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  Mass.  .  . . 

John  A.  Campbell,  Ala 

Nathan  Clifford,  Me 

Noah  H.  Swayne,  O 

Samuel  F.  Miller,  Iowa 

David  Davis,  111 

Stephen  J.  Field,  Cal 

William  M.  Strong,  Pa 

Joseph  P.  Bradley,  N.  J 

Ward  Hunt,  N.  Y 

John  M.  Harlan,  Ky 

William  B.  Woods,  Ga 

Stanley  Matthews,  O 

Horace  Gray,  Mass 

Samuel  Blatchford,  N.  Y 


of  service. 

1837-65 

1837-52 

1841-60 

1845-72 

1845-51 
1846-69 

1851-57 
1853-61 
1858-81 
1 861-81 
1 862-. . 
1862-77 
1 863-. . 
1870-80 
1870-.. 
1872-82 
1877-.. 
1880-. . 
1881-. . 
1881-. . 
1882-.. 


254  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  work  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  entire 
country  is  thus  divided  into  these  nine  Judicial  Circuits  or  Dis- 
tricts, and  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  assigned  to  each 
District,  which  he  is  expected  to  visit  at  least  once  in  two  years. 
He  is  thus  said  to  make  his  circuit;  whence  the  name,  Circuit 
Court.  The  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  takes  his  cir- 
cuit with  the  rest.  The  Circuit  for  the  respective  Judges  is 
determined  by  allotment.  Though  this  Supreme  Court  Judge  is 
really  the  presiding  officer  in  each  Circuit  Court,  it  is  easy  to  see 
that  such  Court  must  be  closed  a  great  part  of  the  time  if 
its  operation  depended  on  his  presence.  The  Supreme  Court 
judges  are  busy  most  of  the  year  with  their  session  at  the  Cap- 
ital. Even  when  on  a  circuit  made  up  of  several  States,  they 
must  with  difficulty  hold  a  court  in  each  State,  which  they  are 
required  to  do.  There  is,  therefore,  appointed  for  each  of  the 
Circuits  a  permanent  Circuit  Judge,  who  holds  the  Sessions  of 
the  Circuit  Courts,  and  who  is  visited  by  the  allotted  Supreme 
Court  Judge,  and  assisted  by  him  when  he  appears.  Each  of 
these  Circuit  Judges  receives  a  salary  of  $6,000  a  year.  They 
are  appointed  by  the  President  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate. 

These  Circuit  Courts  being  minor  courts  are  not  courts  of 
final  resort.  They  are,  however,  appellate  courts  for  many  pur- 
poses, appeals  being  taken  to  them  from  the  District  Courts,  as 
we  shall  see.  They  have  original  jurisdiction  of  a  class  of  causes 
denied  to  the  District  Courts,  but  for  the  most  part  have  con- 
current jurisdiction  with  the  latter.  The  Circuits  are  numbered 
from  one  to  nine,  and  are  sometimes  familiarly  spoken  of  as 
Justice  So-and-So's  Circuit,  after  the  name  of  the  Justice  allotted 
to  it. 

The  First  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Rhode  Island. 

The  Second  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Ver- 
mont, Connecticut,  and  New  York. 

The  Third  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Delaware. 

The  Fourth  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Mary- 
land, West  Virginia,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina. 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  255 

The  Fifth  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Georgia, 
Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas. 

The  Sixth  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Ohio, 
Michigan,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee. 

The  Seventh  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Indiana, 
Illinois,  and  Wisconsin. 

The  Eighth  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  Min- 
nesota, Iowa,  Missouri,  Kansas,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  and  Ne- 
braska. 

The  Ninth  Judicial  Circuit  embraces  the  districts  of  California, 
Oregon,  and  Nevada. 

Appeals  from  the  Circuit  Courts  are  direct  to  the  Supreme 
Court.  An  act  of  March  3,  1875,  gave  the  Circuit  Courts  con- 
current jurisdiction  with  State  Courts  in  a  large  number  of  cases 
arising  under  the  Constitution  and  treaties  of  the  United  States, 
and  likewise  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  District  Courts. 

DISTRICT  COURTS.— In  order  to  further  facilitate  judicial 
work  and  give  greater  convenience  to  the  people,  the  National 
Judiciary  is  again  divided  into  a  lower  grade  of  Courts,  called 
District  Courts.  Perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  say  the  country 
is  divided  into  a  number  of  judicial  districts,  in  each  of  which  is 
a  District  Court  presided  over  by  a  District  Judge.  Twenty-two 
of  the  States  are  each  a  Judicial  District.  The  others  are  divided 
into  two  and  three  Judicial  Districts,  according  to  population  and 
the  amount  of  business  transacted.  The  salaries  of  the  District 
Judges  range  from  $5,000  to  $3,500.  They  are  a  more  popular 
court  than  the  Circuit  Court,  because  closer  to  the  people,  and 
as  we  have  seen,  their  jurisdiction  is  nearly  the  same ;  the  same, 
in  fact,  where  there  is  no  Circuit  Court ;  and  indeed,  a  District 
Judge,  or  two  of  them  sitting  together,  may  hold  a  Circuit  Court. 
There  are  now  fifty-nine  Judicial  Districts  (there  must  be  at  least 
one  in  each  State),  and  the  same  number  of  District  Courts  and 
Judges,  District  Attorneys,  District  Clerks  and  Marshals.  All 
of  these  officers  are  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate, 
except  the  clerks,  who  are  chosen  by  the  courts.  The  District 
Attorneys  prosecute  all  delinquents  for  crimes  under  United 
States  laws,  and  all  civil  causes  in  which  the  government  is  con- 


256  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cerned.  The  U.  S.  Marshal  has  a  function  analogous  to  that  of 
the  County  Sheriff. 

COURT  OF  CLAIMS.— This  Court  was  created  as  late  as 
1855,  and  given  enlarged  power  and  increased  force  in  1 863.  It 
may  be  properly  classed  as  a  part  of  the  Judicial  System  of  the 
United  States,  for  appeals  are  had  from  it  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
where  the  amount  involved  exceeds  $3,000.  It  was  created  as  a 
relief  to  both  Congress  and  the  Courts,  and  has  jurisdiction  of  a 
class  of  cases  founded  on  laws  of  Congress,  contracts  with  the 
United  States,  or  on  claims  against  the  government,  where  the 
amount  rather  than  the  fact  is  in  dispute,  and  where  final  relief 
is  to  be  had  through  an  appropriation  by  the  Congress.  It  has 
proved  a  convenient  court,  because  it  works  more  expeditiously 
than  a  Congressional  investigation,  and  lifts  a  great  number  of 
cases  above  partisan  level.  It  tries  cases  for  and  against  the 
United  States,  and  in  general  all  matters  referred  to  it  by  Con- 
gress. Its  decisions  when  favorable  to  the  claimant  are  reported 
to  Congress,  and  the  necessary  appropriation  follows.  Its  powers 
and  rules  of  procedure  are  now  akin  to  those  of  other  courts, 
but  proceedings  therein  are  begun  by  petition,  as  if  the  applica- 
tion were  made  direct  to  Congress.  Its  officers  are  a  Chief 
Justice  and  four  Judges,  whose  salaries  are  $4,500  each. 

SUPREME  COURT,  D.  C—  This  important  court  is  a  nec- 
essary part  of  the  Judiciary  of  the  United  States,  the  District  of 
Columbia  being  under  a  government  provided  by  Congress.  It 
is  composed  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  associates,  the  former  at 
a  salary  of  $4,500,  the  latter  at  $4,000  each.  It  possesses  the 
same  jurisdiction  as  a  Circuit  Court.  Any  one  of  its  Justices 
may  hold  a  special  term,  and  when  doing  so  his  court  ranks  as 
a  District  Court  of  the  United  States.  It  is  also  a  Criminal 
Court  for  the  trial  of  offences  in  the  District. 

DISTRICT  ATTORNEYS— -The  Attorney-General  of  the 
United  States,  appointed  by  the  President,  and  ranking  as  a 
Member  of  the  Cabinet,  is,  in  common  speech,  the  District  At- 
torney for  the  Supreme  Court.  He  is  the  prosecuting  officer  of 
that  court.  So  the  District  Attorneys,  appointed  in  the  same 
way  as  the  Attorney-General,  but  in  and  for  their  respective  dis- 


RULING   NATIONALLY.  257 

tricts,  are  the  prosecuting  attorneys  of  the  District  Courts.  As 
a  general  thing  there  is  a  District  Attorney  for  each  District 
Court,  though  in  one  or  two  States  which  contain  two  or  more 
Districts  there  is  only  one  District  Attorney.  He  is  the  attorney 
for  the  United  States,  just  as  the  District  Attorney  in  any  county 
of  a  State  is  the  attorney  for  the  Commonwealth.  His  duty  is 
to  prosecute  in  his  District  all  crimes  cognizable  under  the  laws 
of  the  United  States,  and  all  civil  actions  in  which  the  govern- 
ment is  concerned. 

U.  S.  MARSHALS. — As  already  indicated  these  officers  are 
attached  to  every  District  Court,  and  their  function  is  similar 
to  an  ordinary  County  Sheriff.  They  serve  the  processes  of  the 
court,  and  execute  its  judgments  and  decrees.  They  are  equally 
the  officers  of  the  Circuit  Courts. 

JURIES. — The  machinery  of  the  Judiciary  would  be  very 
imperfect  without  mention  of  the  two  kinds  of  juries  in  use. 
They  are  required  by  the  Constitution,  see  Art.  V.  of  the 
amendments.  The  Grand  Jury  is  organized,  like  that  in  the 
judicial  districts  of  the  States,  and  has  the  same  powers 
and  duties.  It  is  that  part  of  the  judicial  system  which  first 
inquires  into  a  charge  of  crime  brought  against  a  citizen,  and  no 
indictment  for  such  crime  can  be  presented  to  the  court  unless  a 
majority  of  said  jury  certify  that  there  are  good  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  the  charge  is  well  founded.  It  is  the  body  o{  citizens 
which  stands  between  a  criminal  and  all  petty,  spiteful  and  illy- 
founded  charges,  and  protects  him  from  the  annoyance  and  ex- 
pense of  trials  without  probable  cause.  When  the  Grand  Jury 
is  called  by  a  Circuit  Court  it  must  inquire  into  all  the  crimes 
against  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  that  Circuit ;  when 
called  by  a  District  Court,  its  inquiries  extend  only  to  the  District. 

The  Petit  (small)  jury  has  the  same  uses  and  powers  as  in  the 
County  Courts.  It  is  called  by  a  Judge  of  the  District  or  Circuit 
Court,  on  subpoena,  is  composed  of  a  panel  of  forty-eight  men, 
from  which  the  usual  twelve  are  selected  for  the  trial  of  a  cause. 
A  Grand  Jury  acts  only  in  criminal  cases  ;  both  civil  and  criminal 
cases  are  tried  before  a  Petit  Jury.  The  finding  of  a  Grand 
Jury  is  called  a  presentment  or  indictment — a  presentment  when  it 
17 


258  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

acts  from  knowledge  within  itself,  an  indictment  when  it  acts  on 
knowledge  derived  from  the  District  Attorney,  or  other  person. 
The  finding  of  a  Petit  Jury  is  called  a  verdict.  The  Grand  Jury 
deliberates  alone,  the  Petit  Jury  hears  the  evidence  as  presented 
in  court,  the  pleas  of  the  attorneys  and  the  charge  of  the  judges 
before  it  retires  to  deliberate.  These  remarks  apply  to  Grand 
and  Petit  Juries  in  United  States  as  well  as  State  Courts. 

ADMIRALTY  COURTS— In  remote  times,  when  judicial 
systems  were  narrow,  there  arose  a  set  of  courts  separate  from 
those  of  common  law,  called  Admiralty  and  Maritime  Courts. 
They  have  separate  existence  yet  in  many  countries,  but  here 
Admiralty  and  Maritime  causes  are  heard  in  the  District  Courts 
of  the  United  States,  which  are  thus  said  to  have  Admiralty  and 
Maritime  jurisdiction.  There  would  be  little  use  in  keeping  up 
this  distinction  but  for  the  fact  that  the  laws  of  Admiralty,  which 
are  laws  respecting  ships  of  war  and  warlike  operations  at  sea, 
and  Maritime  laws,  which  are  those  respecting  vessels  engaged 
in  commerce,  are  different  from  those  relating  to  land  affairs,  and 
are  a  code  in  themselves,  thus  requiring,  if  not  a  separate  set  of 
courts  and  judges,  at  least  a  class  of  attorneys  specially  learned 
in  Admiralty  and  Maritime  matters.  Cases  within  Admiralty 
and  Maritime  jurisdiction  are  not  necessarily  limited  to  those 
arising  on  the  sea,  but  embrace  those  arising  on  the  lakes  and 
navigable  rivers  of  the  country. 

GOVERNMENT  OF  THE    TERRITORIES. 

Congress  provides  a  government  for  the  Territories.  Its  form 
has  become  stereotyped,  and  it  is  in  general  a  miniature  of  that 
enjoyed  by  the  States.  It  recognizes  the  usual  division  of  power 
into  three  branches,  Executive,  Legislative  and  Judicial. 

The  Executive  power  is  in  a  Governor,  appointed  by  the 
President  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  for 
four  years.  His  powers  are  akin  to  those  of  the  State  Govern- 
ors. He  must  reside  in  his  Territory,  is  commander  of  the 
militia,  may  grant  pardons  and  reprieves,  commission  officers, 
and  in  general  must  execute  the  laws.  He  has  a  Secretary, 
appointed  for  four  years,  who  may  act  as  Governor  in  case  of  a 


RULING   NATIONALLY-.  259 

vacancy.  The  salary  of  a  Governor  is  $2,600  and  of  a  Secretary 
$  1 ,800. 

The  Legislative  power  is  vested  in  a  Legislative  Assembly, 
composed  of  a  Council  and  House  of  Representatives.  The 
former  is  limited  to  twelve  members  and  the  latter  to  twenty-four. 
They  are  elected  by  the  qualified  voters  of  the  Territory  for  two 
years.  Sessions  of  the  Assemblies  are  biennial,  and  limited  to 
sixty  days.  Laws  passed  by  both  Houses  and  signed  by  the 
Governor  are  sent  to  Congress  and  if  approved  are  operative,  if 
not,  null  and  void.*  The  Legislative  power  of  a  Territory  is 
necessarily  limited  to  subjects  permitted  by  Congress.  Every 
Territory  has  the  right  to  send  a  Delegate  to  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States,  with  power  to  speak  but  not 
to  vote. 

The  Judicial  power  of  a  Territory  is  in  a  Supreme  Court, 
District  Courts,  Probate  Courts  and  Justices  of  the  Peace.  Pro- 
bates and  Justices  of  the  Peace  are  provided  for  by  the  Territory 
itself.  The  Supreme  Court  is  composed  of  three  judges  (Dakota 
has  four)  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate.  They  hold  one 
term  annually.  Then  each  Territory  is  divided  into  three 
Judicial  districts,  one  for  each  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The 
judge  assigned  to  a  district  must  hold  court  therein  as  often  as 
the  laws  prescribe,  and  he  must  reside  in  his  district  after 
assignment.  There  is  a  United  States  Marshal  and  a  District 
Attorney  in  each  Territory,  and  each  court  is  entitled  to  a 
clerk  and  minor  officers.  The  salary  of  Territorial  judges  is 
$3,000. 

All  of  the  above  is  true  of  the  Territories  proper,  but  not  of 
the  Indian  Country  nor  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  government  of  the  Indian  Country  is  hardly  describable. 
It  is  of  course  a  dependency  of  the  United  States,  but  the 
design  is  that  it  shall  be  as  independent  as  possible.  The  tribes 
have  been  assigned  land,  and  left  to  regulate  their  internal  affairs 
according  to  their  own  laws  and  customs,  of  course  with  the 
hope  that  as  they  grow  civilized  they  will  become  full-fledged 

*  Dakota,  Idaho,  Montana  and  Wyoming  need  not  send  their  laws  to  Congress 
for  approval. 


260  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

citizens,  with  institutions  which  will  readily  take  the  laws  and 
customs  of  the  nation.  Crimes  against  the  Indians  by  whites, 
and  against  whites  by  the  Indians  of  this  Territory,  are  taken 
cognizance  of  by  the  United  States  Courts  in  some  of  the 
adjoining  districts.  The  government  would  protect  the  Indian 
Country  against  invasion,  and  the  inhabitants  thereof  against 
such  tumult  as  they  could  not  control,  but  the  theory  connected 
with  this  magnificent  reservation  is  that  the  inhabitants  shall  be 
let  alone  to  work  out  their  social,  political,  industrial  and  moral 
problems  in  their  own  way,  or  with  such  help  as  they  choose  to 
invite. 

The  District  of  Columbia  is  governed  by  a  Commission  of 
three  persons  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate,  one  of 
whom  must  be  an  officer  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  above  the  rank 
of  Captain.  He  receives  no  additional  pay.  The  other  two, 
appointed  for  three  years,  from  civil  life,  receive  each  $5,000  a 
year.  They  have  no  powers  except  those  conferred  by  Congress, 
and  they  are  simply  the  Agents  of  Congress  to  suggest  laws 
and  execute  those  which  are  enacted.  They  control  streets, 
bridges,  aqueducts,  sewers,  appoint  the  trustees  of  public 
schools,  regulate  the  maintenance  of  prisons,  hospitals  and  re- 
formatory institutions,  and  do  all  that  usually  belongs  to  a  corps 
of  municipal  regulators.  They  estimate  for  all  municipal  ex- 
penditures, and  if  their  estimates  are  approved  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  and  by  Congress,  the  Congress  appropriates  one- 
half  of  the  amount  and  leaves  the  Commissioners  to  provide  the 
balance  by  taxation  of  the  property  in  the  district.  As  we  have 
passed  along  in  our  history  of  government  machinery  we  have 
struck  other  offices  connected  with  the  District  of  Columbia, 
appointed  by  the  President,  giving  to  it  a  diversified  but  very 
complete  government. 


RULING  BY  STATES; 

OR, 

THEIR   GOVERNMENTS   AND   RESOURCES. 


ALABAMA. 


NAME. — From  one  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  southern 
Mississippi  valley,  "  The  Alabamas,"  meaning,  "  Here  we  rest." 

ADMISSIO N— Organized  as  a  Territory,  March  3,  1817; 
act  of  admission,  Dec.  14,  1819;  admitted,  Dec.  14,  1819. 

AREA* — Square  miles,  51,540;  acres,  32,985,600;  pop.  to 
square  mile,  24.5. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Per  cent,  of 
Census,  Pop.  increase. 

1820 127,901  

1830 3°9>527      142.01 

1840 590,756      90.86 

1850 771,623      30.62 


Census.         Pop. 

i860 964,201 

1870 996,992 

1880 1,262,505 


Per,  cent,  of 

increase. 

24.96 

3-40 

26.6 


1880  by  Classes. 


Males. .  .  .622,629      Native.  . . .  1,252,771 
Females.  .639,876      Foreign...         9,734 

Dwellings 240,227 

Families 248,961 

Voters — Males  over  21 259,884 


White 662,185       Chinese 4 

Black.  ..  .600,103       Indians, 213 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.26 

"         "    family 5.07 

Natural  militia,  18-44 213,192 


*  These  State  areas  are  those  found  in  the  tenth  (1880)   census,  as  corrected  for 
the  same.     All  figures  are  from  the  last  census,  except  those  otherwise  indicated. 

(261$ 


262 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Autauga 13.108 

Baldwin 8,603 

Harbour 33.979 

Bibb 9,487 

Blount 15,369 

Bullock 29,066 

Butler 19,649 

Calhoun 19, 591 

Chambers 23,440 

Cherokee 19,108 

Chilton io,793 

Choctaw I5.731 

Clarke 17,806 

Clay 12,938 

Cleburne 10,976 

Coffee 8,119 

Colbert 16,153 

Conecuh 12,605 

Coosa 15, 113 

Covington 5,639 

Crenshaw 11,726 

Cullman 6,355 

Dale 12,677 

Dallas 48,433 

De  Kalb 12,675 

Elmore 17,502 

Escambia S'71? 

Etowah 15,398 

Fayette 10,135 

Franklin 9,1 55 

Geneva 4,342 

(Jreene 2I-93I 

Hale ,6,553 


1870. 
11,623 

6,004 
29,309 

7,469 

9.945 
24,474 
14,981 

i3,98° 

17,562 

11,132 

6,194 

12,676 

14,663 

9,56o 

8,017 

6. 1 71 

12,537 

9,574 

".945 

4,c68 

11,156 


i860. 
16.739 
7,53o 
30,812 
11,894 
10,865 

18,122 
21,539 
23,214 
18,360 


:  3,877 

1 5.o49 


9,623 


«,3« 

I9.273 
6.469 


",325 

40,705 
7,126 

M.477 
4,041 

10,109 
7,136 
8,006 
2,959 

'8,399 
21,792 


12.197 
33.625 
10,705 


12,850 
18,627 


3o,859 


Counties. 
Henry 


Jackson 25, 

Jefferson 23, 

Lamar 12, 

Lauderdale 21, 

Lawrence 21, 

Lee 27 

Limestone 21 

Lowndes 31, 

Macon 17 

Madison.r. 37 

Marengo 30 

Marion 9 

Marshall 14 

Mobile 48 

Monroe 17 

Montgomery...  52 

Morgan 16 

Perry 30 

Pickens 21 

Pike 20 

Randolph 16 

Russell 24 

Saint  Clair 14 

Shelby 17 

Sumter 28 

Talladega 23 

Tallapoosa 23 

Tuscaloosa 24 

Walker 9 

Washington 4 

Wilcox 31 

Winston 4 


761 
114 
272 
,142 

.035 
■392 
,262 
,600 
,176 
.371 
,625 
,890 
,364 
.585 
,653 
,091 
,356 
,428 
,74i 
,479 
,640 
,575 
,837 
,462 
,236 
,728 
360 
401 
957 
4  79 
538 
828 
253 


1870. 
14,191 
19,410 
12,345 

8,893 
15,091 
16,658 
21,750 
15,017 
25,719 
17,727 
31,267 
26,151 

6,059 

9,871 
49.3^1 
14.214 
43.704 
12,187 
24.975 
17,690 
17.423 
12,006 
21,636 

9,36o 
12,218 
24,109 
18,064 
16,963 
20,081 

6,543 

3,912 
28,377 

4.155 


i860. 
14,918 
18,283 
11,746 

17,420 
13,975 

15,3-6 
27,716 
26,8-2 
26,451 
31,171 
11,182 
11,472 
41,131 
15,667 
35,9°4 
11,335 
27,724 
22,316 
24,435 
20,059 
26,592 
11,013 
12,618 
24,035 
23,520 
23,827 
23,200 
7,980 
4,669 
24,618 
3.576 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  4;   instructors,  47 ;  students,  485. 

Public  schools,  4,629 ;  value  of  school  property,  $299,599 ; 
teachers,  4,637;  teachers'  salaries,  $388,128;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $505,201  ;  expended  for  same,  $430,131  ;  school  age, 
7  to  21  years;  school  population  (1882),  401,002;  pupils  en- 
rolled (1882),  177,428;  average  attendance  (1882),  1 14.577  5 
average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  79  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  370,279,  or  43.5  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years.  Persons  over  ten  years  who 
cannot  write  :  native  white,  1 1 1,040 ;  foreign  white,  727  ;  colored, 
Chinese  and  Indians,  321,680;  total,  433447*  or  5°-9  Per  cent- 
of  all  persons  over  ten  years. 

Daily  papers,  7;  others,  122;  total,  129.     Circulation,  86,813. 

0 CCUPA TIONS.— Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  380,630; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  72,211  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 16,953  ;  in  manufactures,  mechanics  and  mining,  29,996. 

A GRICULTURE—  Number  of  farms,  135,864;  total  acres  in 
farms,  18,855,334;  improved  acres,  6,375,706;  average  size  of 
farms,    139  acres; -value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $78,954,648; 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


263 


value  of  farm  implements,  $3,788,978 ;  total  value  of  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $56,872,994. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 5,281  bush. 

Buckwheat 363     " 

Butter 7.997,7 19  lbs. 

Cheese 14,091    " 

Cotton 699,654  bales. 

Hay 10,363  tons. 

Indian  Corn 25,451,278  bush. 

Milk 267,387  gal. 

Oats 3»039»639  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $362,263 

Potatoes,  Irish 334,925  bush. 

"        sweet 3,448,819    " 

Rice 810,889  lbs. 

Rye 28,402  bush. 

Sugar  &  Mol.,  94  hhds.       795,199  gal. 

Tobacco 452,426  lbs. 

Wheat 1,529,657  bush. 

Wool 762,207  lbs. 


Number- 
Other  cattle 404,213 

Sheep 347,538 

Swine 1,252,462 


Live- Stock. 
Number. 

Horses 1 13,950 

Mules  and  asses 121,081 

Working  oxen 75,534 

Milch  cows 271,443 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms  June  I,  1880 $23,787,681 

MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  2,070;  capi- 
tal invested,  $9,668,008;  hands  employed,  10,019;  wages  paid, 
$2,500,504;  value  of  materials,  $8,545,520;  value  of  products, 
$13,565,504. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Cotton  goods $1,352,000  I  Iron  and  steel $1,452,856 

Hour  and  mill  products 4,315,174  '  Lumber  sawed 2,649,634 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  27,576  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value, 

Gold $1 ,301 

Coal,  bituminous 322,934  tons  475,559 

Iron  ore 184,110    "  189,108 

Value  of  all  mining  products $665,968 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,809 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,519;  cost,  $61,612,917  ;  total  rail- 
road investment,  $68,903,393.  Steam  craft,  43  ;  tonnage,  7,168  ; 
value,  $257,600.    Sail  craft,  73  ;  tonnage,  7,937  ;  value,  $198,400. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $91,740,536;  of  personal  property,  $64,285,883;  State 
taxation  (1883),  $906,807,  rate  65  cents  on  $100;  county  taxa- 
tion, $682,851  ;  city  and  town,  $388,781  ;  State  debt  (1883)  #12,- 
164,023  ;  county  and  city  debts,  $5,656,780. 


264  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

GO  VERNMENT. — Capital,  Montgomery.  Governor  elected 
for  two  years.  Salary,  $3,000.  The  other  State  officers — term 
of  each  two  years — are,  Secretary  of  State,  salary,  $1,800; 
Treasurer,  $2,100;  Auditor,  $1,800;  Attorney-General,  $1,500; 
Adjutant-General,  $1,500;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction, 
$2,250;  Librarian,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  33  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  second 
Monday  in  November.  Sessions  limited  to  50  days.  Salary  of 
a  Legislator,  $4  per  day  and  10  cents  mileage. 

State  elections  held  every  two  years  on  first  Monday  in  Au- 
gust. Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tuesday 
after  first  Monday  in  November.* 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  As- 
sociate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  six  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $3,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  8 ;  Presidential  electors,  10. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.          Rep.  or  opp.  Maj. 

1872  President 79,444  90,272  10,828  R. 

1874  Governor 107,118  93,928  13,1900. 

1876  Governor 100,837  56,091  44,746  D. 

1876  President 102,989  68,708  34,281  D. 

1878  Governor 89,571  89.571  D. 

1880  Governor 134,213  42,458  91,7550. 

1880  President 89,928  56,126  33,802  D. 

1882  Governor 101,841  46,839  55,002  D. 


ALASKA  TERRITORY. 
For  statistical  and  other  purposes  the  Census  Bureau  divides 
Alaska  into  the  following  sections  : 

Sq.  miles.     White  pop.    Creole.  Native.  Total. 

Arct;c 125,245  ...  ...  3,094  3,094 

Yukon 176,715  18  19  6,833  6,870 

Kuskokvim 114,975  3  III  8,797  8,911 

Aleutian 14,610  82  479  1,890  2,451 

Kadiak 70,884  34  917  3,401  4»352 

Southeastern 28,980  293  230  7,225  7,748 

Totals 53*>4°9  43°  !>756  31,240  33,426 

*  As  to  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  see  Ruling  Nationally,  page  197. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  265 

The  ascertained  products  in  1880  were,  gold  $5,951,  and  silver 
$51,  besides  fur  skins  of  unknown  value. 

The  government,  as  we  have  seen,  is  military  or  naval ;  that  is 
the  public  peace  and  interests  are  in  the  keeping  of  an  officer 
stationed  at  the  principal  port  or  coast  town.  See  Alaska,  pages 
96  and  127. 


ARIZONA  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — From  the  Arizona  Indians  ;  Arizona  meaning  "sand 
hills." 

ORGANIZATION.— Act  of  Feb.  24,  1863. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  112,920;  acres,  72,268,800;  popula- 
tion to  square  mile,  0.36. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

1870. 9,658         Per  cent,  of  increase. 

1880 40,440  318.7. 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male.  ..  .28,202         Native. ..  .24,391  White.  ..  .35,160         Chinese.  ...  1,632 

Female.  .  12,238         Foreign  .  ..16,049  Black....       155          Indians.  ..  .3,493 

Dwellings 9>°33         Persdns  to  a  dwelling 4.48 

Families 9»536  "  "     family   4-24 

Voters — Males  over  21 20,398         Natural  militia,  18-44.    18,144 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.                         1880  1870          i860 

Apache 5,283        

Maricopa 5,689         

Mohave 1,190  179         

Pima 17,006        5,716         


Counties.                          1880  1870 

Pinal 3j°44         

Yavr.pai 5,013  2,142 

Yuma 3,215  1,621 


EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  101  ;  value  of  school  prop- 
erty, $1 13,599;  teachers,  101 ;  teachers'  salaries,  $56,744;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $103,028  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $98,- 
268;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population,  10,283;  pupils 
enrolled,  3,844;  average  attendance,  2,847;  average  length  of 
school  session,  109  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  5,496,  or  16.7  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  1,225; 
foreign  white,  3,599;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  1,018;  total, 
5,842,  or  17.7  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years. 


266  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

Daily  papers,  6;  others,  u  ;  total,  17.     Circulation,  14,350. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  3,435  ;  in 
professional  and  personal  service,  8,210  ;  in  trade  and  transporta- 
tion, 3,252;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  7,374. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  767 ;  total  acres  in  farms, 
135,573;  improved  acres,  56,071;  average  size  of  farms,  177 
acres  ;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $1,127,946;  value  of  imple- 
ments, $88,811  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products  sold,  consumed 
or  on  hand,  $614,327. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 239,051  bush. 

Butter 61,817  lbs. 

Cheese 18,360 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products #5,53° 

Potatoes,  Irish 26,249  bush. 

sweet 5,3°3 


Hay 5,6o6  tons,  i  Tobacco 600  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 34,746  bush.  !  Wheat 136,427  bush. 

Milk 42,618  gal.  J  Wool 313,698  lbs. 

Oats   564  bush.  I 

Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 34,843 

Sheep 76>524 

Swine 3,819 


Number. 

Horses 6,798 

Mules  and  asses 891 

Working  oxen 984 

Miich  cows 9^56  I 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms  June  I,  1880 $1,167,980 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  66;  capital 
invested,  $272,600;  hands  employed,  220;  wages  paid,  $m,- 
180;  value  of  materials,  $380,023  ;  value  of  products,  $618,365. 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  530  horse-power. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $211,965 

Silver 2,325,825 

Copper  ingots 3,183,750  lbs. 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— There  were  412  miles  of 
railroad  projected  or  built  in  1882,  but  none  operated  from 
within.  The  cost  of  building  and  equipment  was  $29,537,212, 
and  total  investment,  $30,1 19,000.  The  water  craft  numbered  4 
barges,  of  a  tonnage  of  554  tons;  value  $1,600. 

FINANCIAL  * CONDITION— Assessed  valuation  of  real 
estate,  $3,922,961  ;  of  personal  property,  $5,347,253;  territorial 
taxation,  $56,620;  county,  $220,471;  city  and  local,  $16,945; 
territorial  debt,  none;  county  and  local  indebtedness,  $377,501. 


RULING    BY   STATES.  267 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Prescott.  Governor  appointed 
by  the  President  for  four  years.  Salary,  $2,600.  Legislature 
composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Representatives,  all  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  Legislators  $4  per  day  and  20  cents  mile- 
age. Sessions  held  biennially  on  first  Monday  in  January  and 
limited  to  60  days.  Territorial  elections  held  every  two  years 
and,  with  presidential  election,  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November.  The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and 
two  associates,  appointed  by  the  President  for  four  years.  Salary 
of  judges,  $3,000. 

POLITICS.— Vote  for  Delegate : 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1880 4,095  3,606  489  D. 

1882 6,121  5,14*  980  D. 


ARKANSAS. 


NAME. — From  the  word  Kansas,  with  the  prefix  of  arc,  a 
bow.  The  story  runs  that  the  name  Arkansas  was  applied  to  a 
portion  of  the  Kansas  tribe  of  Indians  who  separated  from  the 
main  stem,  and  were  noted  for  the  superiority  of  their  bows. 
The  word  was  spelled  Arkansaw,  in  the  act  creating  it  a  Terri- 
tory, and  the  Legislature  recently  affirmed  that  as  the  pronuncia- 
tion.    Popular  name,  "  The  Bear  State." 

ADMISSION— Organized  as  a  Territory  March  2,  1 8 19. 
Act  of  admission,  and  actual  admission,  June  15,  1836. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  53,045  ;  acres,  33,948,800;  population 
to  the  square  mile,  15.13. 


268 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase 


Census.  Pop. 

1820 14.255 

1830 3°,3«8 

1840 97,574 

1850 209,897 


Per  cent  of 
increase. 


II3.I 

221.0 
II5** 

1880  by 

Male 416,279      Native 792,175 

Female.  ..386,246      Foreign....    10,350 

Dwellings 149,377 

Families 154,272 

Voters — Males  over  21 182,977 


Census.  Pop. 

i860 435.450 

1870 484,471 

1880 802,525 


Per  cent  of 

increase. 

107.4 

II. 2 

65.6 


Classes. 

White 591,531      Chinese 133 

Black 210,666      Indian 195 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.37 

"         "   family 5.20 

Natural  militia,  18-44.  • 159,606 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Arkansas 8,038 

Ashley 10,156 

Baxter 6,004 

Benton 20,328 

Boone 12,146 

Bradley 6,285 

Calhoun 5,671 

Carroll 13,337 

Chicot 10,117 

Clark 15,771 

Clay 7,213 

Columbia 14.090 

Conway 12,755 

Craighead 7»°37 

Crawford 14,740 

Crittenden 9.415 

Cross 5,050 

Dailas 6,505 

Desha 8,973 

Dorsey 8,370 

Drew 12,231 

Faulkner 12,786 

Franklin 14,951 

Fulton 6,720 

Garland 9,023 

Grant "6,185 

Greene 7.480 

Hempstead 19,015 

Hot  Spring 7,775 

Howard 9,9*7 

Independence 18,086 

Izard 10,857 

i Jackson 10,877 
Jefferson 22,386 
ohnson ",565 
.a   Fayette 5,73° 

Lawrence 8,782 


1870. 
8,268 
8,042 

13,831 

7,032 
8,646 
3,853 
5,78o 
7,214 
",953 

",397 
8,112 

4,577 
8,957 
3,831 


i860. 
8,844 
8,590 

9,3o6 


4,103 
9.383 
9,234 
9.735 

i2,4-i9 
6,697 
3,c66 
7.850 
4,920 


3,9*5 
5,707 
6,125 

8,283 
6.459 

9.960 

9,o78 

9,627 
4.843 

7,298 
4,024 

3,943 

7.573 

13,768 

5,877 

5,843 
13.989 
5.635 

14,566 
6,806 
7,268 

15,733 
9.»52 
9>*39 
5,98i 


M,307 
7,2*5 
10,493 
i4,97i 
7,612 
8,464 
9.372 


Counties.  i\ 

Lee 13 

Lincoln 9 

Little  River 6 

Logan 14 

Lonoke 12 

Madison 11 

Marion 7 


M 

Mississippi 7, 

Monroe 9 

Montgomery 5 

Nevada 12 

Newton 6 

Ouachita n 

Perry 3 

Phillips 21 

Pike 6 

Poinsett 2 

Polk 5 

Pope 14 

Prairie 8, 

Pulaski 32 

Randolph 11 

Saint   Francis 8 

Saline 8 

Scott 9 

Searcy 7 

Sebastian 19 

Sevier 6 

Sharp 9 

Stone 5 

Union 13 

Van  Buren 9 

Washington 23 

White 17 

Woodruff. 8 

Yell 13 


,255 
,404 
,885 
,146 
,455 
.907 
■9*9 
.332 
,574 
■729 
,959 
,120 
,758 
,872 
,262 
,345 
,T92 
,857 
,322 
,435 
,616 
,724 
,389 
,953 
,174 
,278 
,560 
,192 
,047 
,089 
,419 
,565 
,844 
.794 
,646 
,852 


1870. 


8,231 
3,9?9 

3.633 
8,336 
2,984 


i860. 


3,236 


7,74o 
6,192 

3.895 
5-657 
3,633 


4,374 

3,393 

12.975 

12,936 

2,685 

2,465 

15.372 

M,877 

3.7^8 

4,025 

1,720 

3,621 

3,376 

4,262 

8,386 

7,883 

5,604 

8,854 

32,066 

",699 

7,466 

6,261 

6,714 

8,672 

3,9" 

6,640 

7,483 

5,145 

5,614 

5,271 

12,940 

9,238 

4,49a 

10,516 

5,4oo 



10,571 

12,288 

5,107 

5,357 

17,266 

14,673 
8,316 

io,347 

6,891 
8,048 

6,333 

EDUCATION.^CoWzges,  5  ;  Instructors,  35  ;  Students,  709. 

Public  schools,  2,768  5  value  of  school  property,  $273,302  ; 
teachers,  2,823;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $388,616;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $500,978;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$503,857;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
289,617;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  117,696;  average  attendance 
(1882),  56,291  ;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1880,  91 
days. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


269 


Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  153,229,  or  28.8  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  97,- 
990;  foreign  white,  552;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  103,473; 
202,015,  or  38  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers ;  6;  others,  114;  total,   120;  circulation,  92,621. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  216,655  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  23,466;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 9,233;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  II,- 

338. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  94,433 ;  total  acres, 
12,061,547;  improved  acres,  3,595,603;  average  size  of  farms, 
128  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $74,249,655  ;  value  of 
implements,  $4,637,497  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products  sold, 
consumed  or  on  hand,  $43,796,261. 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 1 ,952  bush. 

Buckwheat. 548      " 

Butter 7,790,013  lbs. 

Cheese 26,301    " 

Cotton 608,256  bales. 

Hay 23>295  tons. 

Indian  Corn 24,156,417  bush. 

Milk 316,858  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 2,219,822  bush. 

Orchard  products $867,426 

Potatoes,  Irish 402,027  bush. 

"         sweet 881,260     " 

Rye '.  ..        22,387      " 

Tobacco 970,220  lbs. 

Wheat 1,269,715  bush. 


Wool. 


557,368  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 146,333 

Mules  and  asses 87,082 

Working  oxen 25,444 

Milch  cows 249,407 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms  June  I,  1880 $20,472,425 


Number. 

Other  cattle 433,392 

Sheep 246,757 

Swine 1,565,098 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  1,202 ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $2,953,130;  hands  employed,  4,557;  wages  paid, 
$925,358;  value  of  material,  $4,392,080;  value  of  products, 
$6,756,159. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flour  and  grist-mill  products..$2,249,289  I  Oil  and  cotton-seed  cake 590,000 

Lumber  sawed 1 ,793,848 

Total  steam  and  water-power  in  use,  15,733  horse-power. 


270  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 
Coal,  bituminous 14,778  tons  $33,535 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,020 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  558;  cost,  $40,307,404;  total  in- 
vestment, $40,046,318.  Steam  craft,  37  ;  tonnage,  5,047;  value, 
$227,400;  barges  and  flats,  78;  value,  $6,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate, 
Oct.  1,  1883,  $75,000,000;  personal  property,  $48,000,000;  State 
taxation  (1883),  70  cents  on  $100,  $750,000;  county  taxation 
(1880),  $734,974;  township  and  municipal  taxation,  $388,878; 
State  debt  (1883),  bonded,  $2,454,000  ;  floating,  $2,689,000;  total, 
$5,143,000;  amount  in  sinking  fund,  $1,006,668;  local  and 
county  indebtedness,  $3,899,047. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Little  Rock.  Governor  elected 
every  two  years.  Salary,  $3,500.  The  other  officers,  all  elected 
for  two  years,  are  the  Secretary  of  State,  salary,  $1,800;  At- 
torney-General, $1,500;  Treasurer,  $2,250;  Superintendent 
Public  Instruction,  $1,600;  Auditor,  $2,250;  Land  Commis- 
sioner, $1,800. 

Legislature  composed  of  31  Senators  and  94  Representatives. 
Senators  elected  for  four  years ;  Representatives  for  two  years. 
Salary  $6  a  day.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  second  Mon- 
day in  January.  Sessions  limited  to  60  days.  State  election 
held  every  two  years  on  first  Monday  in  September. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  Associate 
Justices,  elected  for  eight  years.     Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  5  ;  Presidential  electors,  7. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Greenback.  Maj. 

1872  President 37.927  41,073              3.146  R. 

1874  Governor 76,87 1  76,87 1  D. 

1876  Governor 71,298  37,306             33,992  D. 

1876  President 58,083  38,699              19,414  D. 

1878  Governor 88,792  ......               88,7920. 

1880  President 60,489  41,661               18,828  D. 

1880  Governor 84,185  31,424              52,761  D. 

1882  Governor 87,675  49,352  10,142  28,181  D. 


RULING  BY   STATES. 


271 


CALIFORNIA. 


NAME. — The  name  California  originated  in  the  imagination 
of  one  Garcia  Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  a  Spaniard,  and  author  of 
the  romance  called  "  Esplandian,"  published  about  15 10.  In 
this  work  "  California"  is  the  name  of  an  imaginary  island  "  on 
the  right  hand  of  the  Indies,  very  near  to  the  Terrestrial  Para- 
dise, abounding  in  great  treasures  of  gold."  Cortes  applied  the 
word  to  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  in  1535.  The  ro- 
mancer evidently  conjured  up  the  word  from  the  Arabic  Khalafa, 
our  word  caliph,  successor.  Popular  name,  "  The  Golden 
State." 

ADMISSION, — Act  of  admission  and  actual  admission, 
September  9,  1850. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  155,980;  acres,  99,827,200;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  5.54. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

»350 92,597 

1860 379,994 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 


3*0-3 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1870 560,247  47.4 

1880 864,694  54.3 


1880  by  Classes. 

Males 518,176      Native 571,820      White 767,181      Chinese 75,218 

Females.  .346,518      Foreign.  .  .292,874  Black  ....      6,018      Indians  ....  16,277 

Dwellings 161,037      Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.37 

Families 177,508  "  "     family 4.87 

Voters — Males  over  21 329,392      Natural  militia,  18-44 257,229 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 

1870.          i860.  Counties.                    1880.            1870.         i860. 

24,237  8,927     Del  Norte 2,584  2,022  *,993 

685  El  Dorado 10,683         10,309         20,562 

9,582         10,930     Fresno 9.478  6,336  4,605 

11,403         12,106     Humboldt 15.512  6,140  2,694 

8,895         16,299     Inyo 2,928  1,956  

6,165  2,274     Kern 5,6oi  2,925 

8,461           5,328  I  Klamath 1.686           1,803 


Counties. 

Alameda 

Alpine 

Amador 

Butte 


....  62,976 

539 

....  11,384 

....  18,721 

Calaveras 9,°94 

Colusa 13,118 

Contra  Costa 12,525 


272 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Counties.                     1880.  1870. 

Lake 6,596  2,969 

Lassen 3,34°  1,327 

Los  Angeles 33>3Sl  15,309 

Marin ",324  6,903 

Mariposa 4,339  4,572 

Mendocino 12,800  7,54" 

M.rced 5,656  2,807 

Modoc 4,399  

Mono 7,499  43° 

Monterey 11,302  9,876 

Napa 13,235  7,l63 

Nevada 20,823  19,134 

Placer 14,232  n,357 

Plumas 6,180  4,489 

Sacramento 34.39°  26,830 

San  Benito 5,584  

San  Bernardino 7,786  3,988 

San  Diego 8,618  4,95* 

San  Francisco 234.959  149,473 

San  Joaquin 24,349  21,050 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued 
i860 


".333 
3,334 
6,243 
3,967 
1,141 


Counties.  1880. 

San  Luis  Obispo 9,142 

San  Mateo 8,669 

Santa  Barb;  ra 9,513 

Fanta  Clara 35,°39 

Santa  Cruz 12,802 

Sbasta 9,492 

Sierra 0,623 

Siskiyou 8,610 

Solano 18,475 

4,739     Sonoma 25,926 

5,521     Stanislaus 8,751 

16,446     Sutter 5,159 

I3>27 '    Tehama 9>3ox 

4,363  I  Trinity 4,999 

24,142  l  Tulare 11,281 

i  Tuolumne 7,848 

5,55i  j  Ventura 5,073 

4,324  J  Yolo 11,772 

56,802     Yuba ",284 

9.435  I 


1870. 

4,772 
6,635 
7,784 
26,246 
8,743 
4,i73 
5,619 
6,848 
16.871 
19,819 
6,499 
5,030 
3,587 
3,2i3 
4,533 
8,150 


9,899 
10,851 


i860. 
1,782 
3,214 
3,543 
11,912 

4,944 
4,36o 

",387 
7,629 
7,169 

11,867 
2.245 
3,390 
4,o44 
5,125 
4,638 

16,229 

4.7l6 
13,668 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,    u;    instructors,    180;    students, 

2,193- 

Public  schools,  3,446 ;  value  of  school  property,  $6,949,983  ; 
teachers,  3,556;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $2,406,781;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $3,525,527;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$3,122,666;  school  age,  5  to  17  years;  school  population  (1882), 
216,380;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  168,024;  average  attendance 
(1882),  107,177;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  155.4 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  48,583,  being  7.1  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years.  Persons  over  ten  years  who 
cannot  write:  native  white,  7,660;  foreign  white,  18,430;  col- 
ored, Chinese  and  Indians,  27,340;  total,  53,430,  being  y.8  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years. 

Daily  papers,  59;  others,  305;  total,  364.  Circulation,  671,- 
811. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  79,396; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  121,435;  in  trade  and 
transportation,  57,392  ;  in  mining,  mechanics  and  manufacturing, 
118,282. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  35,934;  total  acres  in 
farms,  16,593,742;  improved  acres,  10,669,698;  average  size  of 
farms,  462  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $262,051,282; 
value  of  implements,  $8,447,744 ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $59,721,425. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


273 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 12,463,561  bush. 

Buckwheat 22,307     " 

Butter 14,084,405  lbs. 

Cheese 2,566,618    " 

Hay 1,135,180  tons. 

Hops 1 ,444,077  lbs. 

Indian  Corn *,993>325  bush. 

Milk 12,353,178  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 1,341,271  bush. 

Orchard  products $2,017,314 

Potatoes,  Irish 4,550,565  bush. 

"         sweet 86,284     " 

Rye 181,681     " 

Tobacco . .         73,317  lbs. 

Wheat 29,017,707  bush. 

Wool 16,798,036  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 237,710 

Mules  and  asses 28,343 

Working  oxen 2,288 

Milch  cows 210,078 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June 


Number. 

Other  cattle 451,941 

Sheep 4,152,349 

Swine 603,550 


1880 #35>5°°>4i7 

MANUFACTURES.— -Number  of  establishments,  5,885  ;  cap- 
ital invested,  $61,243,784;  hands  employed,  43,693;  wages 
paid,  $21,065,905;  value  of  material,  $72,607,709;  value  of 
products,  $116,218,973. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Lumber,  sawed $4,428,950 

Printing  and  publishing 3,148,978 

Slaughtering  and  packing....  7,953,914 

Tobacco  and  Cigars 3,947,353 

Sugar-refining 5,932,000 


Boots  and  shots #3,649,551 

Clothing  (men's) 3,992,209 

Flour  and  mill  products 12,701,477 

Machinery 4,797,232 

Leather, tanned  and  curried. .    5,740,573 
Malt  liquors 3,862.431 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  32,921  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $17,150,941 

Silver 1,150,887 

Coal,  bituminous 236,950  tons.  663,013 

Copper,  ingots 720,000  lbs.  

Minor  minerals 2,597  tons.  19,948 

Total  precious $18,301,828  Total  non-precious $682,961 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Rail  roads  in  1883,  3,187 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  3,745;  cost,  $268,485,344;  total 
investment,  $289,618,204.  Total  number  of  steam  craft,  187  ;  ton- 
nage* 59>°3°  i  value,  $3,792,800.  Number  of  sail  craft,  652; 
tonnage,  117,970;  value,  $2,949,250.  Barges  and  flats,  88; 
value,  $110,800. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $446,219,940;  personal  property,  $161,152,822.  State 
18 


274  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

taxation  (1882),  59.6  cents  on  $100,  $3,934,184;  county  taxa- 
tion, $4,059,471  ;  township  and  municipal  taxation,  $5,353,357; 
State  debt  (1882),  all  funded,  $606,500;  local  and  county  indebt- 
edness, $13,449,074. 

GOVERNMENT.— -Capital,  Sacramento.  Governor  elected 
every  four  years.  Salary,  $6,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all 
elected  for  four  years,  are  :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $12  per 
day;  Secretary  of  State,  $3,000;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Comptroller, 
$3,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $3,000;  Attorney- 
General,  $3,000;  Surveyor-General,  $3,000;  State  Librarian, 
$3,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  40  Senators  and  80  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  chosen  for  four  years  and  Representa- 
tives for  two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $8  a  day,  $25  extra,  and  10 
cents  mileage.  Sessions  held  biennially,  commencing  on  first 
Monday  after  Jan.  1.     Limit  of  session,  60  days. 

The  date  of  State  election  is  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November ;  also  of  Presidential  and  Congressional  election. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  six  associates, 
elected  for  twelve  years.     Salary  of  each,  $6,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  6;  Presidential  Electors,  8. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.         Ind.&  others.  Maj. 

1872  President 40,718  54,020  1,068  13,302  R. 

1873  Sup.  Court I9.247  13*841  24,554  5.2071. 

1875  Governor 61,509  31,322  29,752  30,1870. 

1876  President 76,464  79,269  44  2,805  R. 

1879  Governor 47,647  67,965  44,482  20,318  R. 

1880  President 80,417  80,273  144  D. 

1882  Governor 90,695         .    67,173  6,792  16,730  D. 


RULING   BY  STATES. 


275 


COLORADO. 


NAME. — From  the  Rio  Colorado,  the  ruddy,  red  or  colored 
river.     Popular  name,  "  The  Centennial  State." 

ADMISSION.— Organized  as  a  Territory,  Feb.  28,  1861  ; 
act  of  admission,  March  3,  1875  ;  admission  took  effect  August 
1,  1876. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  103,645;  acres,  66,332,800;  persons 
to  square  mile,  1.87. 

POPULA  TION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Census.                                                               Pop.  Per  cent,  of 

i860 34,277  increase. 

1870 39,864  16.2 

1880 194,327  3874 


1880  by  Classes. 
Native 154,537        White. 


Male 129,131 

Female...    65,196       Foreign....  39,790 

Dwellings 39,oi8 

Families   41,260 

Voters — Males  over  21 93,608 


Black 


[91,126 
2,435 


Chinese. .  .  .612, 
Indian 154 


Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.98 

"  "    family 4.7 1 

Natural  militia,  18-44 86,004 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Arapahoe 38,644 

Bent 1,654 

Boulder 9,723 

Chaffee 6,512 

Clear  Creek 7,823 

Conejos 5,605 

Costilla 2,879 

Custer 8,080 

Douglas 2,486 

Elbert 1,708 

El  Paso 7,949 

Fremont 4,735 

Gilpin 6,489 

Grand 417 

Greenwood 

Gunnison 8,235 


1870.      i860. 

6,829       

592        

i,939        

1,596        

2,504        

i,779        

1,388        

987        

1,064        

5,49<>        

5io        

Counties.  1880. 

Hinsdale 1,487 

Huerfano 4,124 

Jefferson 6,804 

Lake 23,563 

La  Plata 1,110 

Larimer 4,892 

Las  Animas 8,903 

Ouray 2,669 

Park 3,970 

Pueblo 7,617 

Rio  Grande *,944 

Routt 140 

Saguache 1,973 

San  Juan ~ 1,087 

Summit*™ < 5,459 

Weld „ ...  5,646 


1870. 

2,250 

2,390 

522 

"838 
4,276 

2,265 


258 
1,636 


EDUCATION.— Colleges,  3;  instructors,  25;  students,  380. 
Public   schools,    514;  value   of  school   property,   $710,503; 
teachers,  559;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $300,128;  receipts  for 


276  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

school  purposes,  $526,126;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $626,- 
965  ;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  49,208; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  31,738;  average  attendance  (1882),  18,- 
488;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  100  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  9,321,  being  5.9  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  8,373;  foreign  white,  1,533; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  568;  total,  10,474,  being  6.6  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  20;  others,  70;  total,  90.    Circulation,  101,329. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  13,539; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  24,813  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 15,491  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
47,408. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  4,506;  total  acres  in 
farms,  1,165,373;  improved  acres,  616,169;  average  size  of 
farms,  259  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $25,109,223; 
value  of  implements,  $910,085  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $5,035,228. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 107,116  bush. 

Buckwheat no     " 

Butter 860,379  lbs. 

Cheese 10,867   " 

Hay 85,062  tons. 

Indian  Corn 455,968  bush. 

Milk 506,706  gal. 


Quantity. 

Oats 640,900  bush. 

Orchard  products $3,246 

Potatoes,   Irish 383,123  bush. 

Rye 19,465     " 

Wheat 1,425,014     " 

Wool 3»I97,39I  lbs- 


-Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 42,257 

Mules  and  asses 2,581 

Working  oxen 2,080 

Milch  cows 28,770 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $8,703,342 


Number. 

Other  cattle 3X5>989 

Sheep 746,443 

Swine 7>°56 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  599;  capi- 
tal invested,  $4,311,714;  hands  employed,  5,074;  wages  paid, 
$2,314,427;  value  of  material,  $8,806,762;  value  of  products, 
$14,260,159. 

The  principal  products  were ; 


RULING   BY   STATES.  27' 


Flour  and  mill  products #2,534,644 

Machinery 1,037,522 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  . .  .    1,082,690 


Lumber  planed #1,276,000 

"        sawed 1,051,295 


Total  steam  and  water-power  in  use,  5,802  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold ...     #2,699,898 

Silver 16,549,274 

Coal,  bituminous 462,747  tons  1,041,350 

Copper  ingots 1,578  lbs.  

Total  precious  metals..#i9,249,i72.     Non-precious..  #1,041,350 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,157 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,799;  cost,  $87,581,073;  tot^l 
investment,  $88,398,364. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  estate  (1882),  $73,776,109;  State  taxation  (1882)  at  40 
cents  on  $100,  $295,104;  county  taxation,  $1,209,808;  town- 
ship and  municipal  taxation,  $569,841  ;  State  debt,  Dec.  1,  1882, 
$233,688,  not  funded.  The  Constitution  prohibits  a  debt  in  ad- 
vance of  appropriations.  County  and  municipal  indebtedness, 
$3,381,482. 

GO  VERNMENT. — Capital,  Denver.  Governor  elected  every 
two  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all  elected 
for  two  years,  are  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $1,000;  Secretary 
of  State,  $3,000;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Auditor,  $2,500;  Attorney- 
General,  $2,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $3,000; 
Adjutant-General,  $500;  State  Librarian. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  26  Senators  and  49  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator  $4  per  day  and  15  cents 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Wednesday  in 
January.     Session  limited  to  40  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  on  Tuesday 
after  the  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  As- 
sociates, elected  for  nine  years.     Salary  of  each,  $5,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,  1 ;  Presidential  electors,  3. 


278 


BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.  Dem.  Grbk.  Maj. 

1872  Congress 7,696  6,260             1,336  R. 

1874  Congress 9,333  7,170             2,163  R. 

1876  Congress 13,308  12,310             998  R. 

1876  Governor 14,154  13,316             838  R. 

1878  Governor 14,396  11,573  2,755  2,823  R. 

1878  Congress 14,294  12,003  2,329  2,291  R. 

1880  President 27,450  24,647  1,435  2,803  R. 

1882  Governor 27,552  29,897  937  2,345  D. 


CONNECTICUT. 


NAME. — From  the  Indian  Quinni-tuk-ut,  the  country  "  upon 
the  long  river/'  or  "  the  long  river  "  itself.  Popular  name,  "  The 
Free  Stone  State,"  and  jocularly  "  The  Nutmeg  State." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  Jan.  9,  1788: 

AREA. — Square  miles,  4,845  ;  acres,  3,100,800;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  128.52. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Per  cent,  of 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 237,946 

1800 251,002 

1810 261,942 

1820 275,148 

1830 297,675 


increase. 


5-4 
4-3 
50 
8.1 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 309,978 

1850...: 37o>792 

i860 460,147 

1870 537,454 

1880 622,700 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
4.1 
19.6 
24.0 
16.8 
15.8 


1880  by  Classes. 


Male 305,782      Native 492,708 

Female.  ..316,918      Foreign 129,992 

Dwellings 108,458 

Families 136,885 

Voters — Males  over  21 177,291 


White 610,769      Chinese 129 

Black i!,547      Indians 255 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.74 

"     family 4-55 

Natural  militia,  18-44 127,590 


i8yo. 

i860. 

121,257 

97.345 

66,570 

6i,73i 

22,000 

21,177 

38.518 

34.7*9 

RULING   BY   STATES.  279 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 

Counties.  1880.  1870.  i860.     I       Counties.  1880. 

Fairfield 112,042  95,276  77,746     New  Haven 156,523 

Hartford 125,382  109,007  89,962     New  London 73, 152 

Litchfield 52,044  48,727  47,318     Tolland 24,112 

Middlesex 35,589  36,099  30,859  j  Windham 43,856 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  3;  instructors,  74;  students,  939. 

Public  schools,  2,601  ;  value  of  school  property,  $3,454,275  ; 
teachers,  2,719;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $1,056,268;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $1,441,255  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $1,- 
553,065;  school  age,  4-16;  school  population  (1882),  146,188; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  121,185;  average  attendance  (1882), 
77,041  ;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  179.66 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read  20,986,  being  4.2  per 
cent,  of  all  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years  who 
cannot  write:  native  white,  3,728  ;  foreign  white,  23,035  ;  colored, 
Chinese  and  Indians,  1,661  ;  total,  28,424,  being  5.7  per  cent,  of 
all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  17;  others,  123;  total,  140.  Circulation,  233,- 
240. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  44,026  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  51,296;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 29,920;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
116,091. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  30,598;  total  acres  in 
farms,  2,453,541;  improved  acres,  1,642,188;  average  size  of 
farms,  80  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $121,063,910; 
value  of  implements,  $3,162,628  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $18,010,075. 

* 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 12,286  bush. 

Buckwheat x  37,563   ■" 

Butter 8,198,995  lbs. 

Cheese 826,195     " 

Hay 557,86o  tons. 

Indian  Corn 1,880,421  bush. 

Milk 12,289,893  galls. 

Oats 1,009,706  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $427,506 

Potatoes,  Irish 2,584,262  bush. 

"         sweet 918     " 

Rye 370,733    " 

Tobacco 14,044,652  lbs. 

Wheat 38,472  bush. 

Wool 230,133  lbs. 


280  BUILDING  AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 92,149 

Sheep 59,431 

Swine 63,699 


Number. 

Horses 44.94° 

Mules  and  asses 539 

Working  oxen 28,418 

Milch  cows 116,319 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $10,959,296 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  4,488  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $120,480,275;  hands  employed,  112,915;  wages 
paid,  $43,501,518;  value  of  material,  $102,183,341;  value  of  pro- 
ducts, $185,697,211. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 


Machinery #6,339,599 

Hardware 10,374,293 

Hats  and  caps 4,407,993 

Hosiery 2,432,271 

Mixed  Textiles 5>9I9>5°5 

PaPer 4,337,55° 

Plated  and  Britannia  ware .  .  6,080,076 

Sewing  machines 2,969,741 

Silk  and  silk  goods 5,881,000 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  ..  4,669,540 

Woollen  goods 16,892,284 


Boots  and  shoes #2,211,385 

"           "          rubber 4,I75>997 

Brass  and  copper  rolled 10,985,47 1 

Carpets 2,500,559 

Carriages  and  wagons   .  .    . .  2,605,591 

Clocks 3,016,717 

Clothing,  men's 2,210,159 

Cotton  goods 1 7,050, 1 26 

Corsets 3>322>359 

Cutlery 2,704,708 

Fire-arms 2,470,398 

Flour  and  mill  products.  .  . .  2,964,134 

Total  steam  and  water-power  in  use,  118,232  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 
Iron  ore 35,oi8  tons  $147,799  . 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  973 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,029;  cost,  $46,471,572;  total 
investment,  $47,633,321.  Steam  craft,  116;  tonnage,  29,323; 
value,  $1,752,200.  Sail  craft,  641;  tonnage,  44,299;  value, 
$1,107,475.  Canal  boats,  4;  barges  and  flats,  y6.  83  miles  of 
abandoned  canal,  costing  $827,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $228,487,700;  of  personal  property,  $95,901,223.  State 
taxation  (1883),  12.5  cents  on  $100,  $1,630,536;  county  taxa- 
tion, $145,707;  township  and  municipal  taxation,  $4,730,907. 
State  debt,  Jan.  1,  1883,  all  funded,  $4,272,100;  county  and 
town  indebtedness,  $17,034,061. 

GO  VERNMENT— Capital,  Hartford.  Governor  elected  every 
two  years.  Salary,  $2,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all  selected 
for  two  years,  except  Insurance  Commissioner,  are :  Lieutenant- 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


281 


Goverhor,  salary,  $500;  Secretary  of  State,  $1,500;  Treasurer, 
$1,500;  Comptroller,  $1,500;  Secretary  State  Board  Education, 
$3,000;  Adjutant-General,  $1,200;  Insurance  Commission  (three 
years),  $3,500;  Secretary  Board  Agriculture,  $700;  State  Libra- 
rian, $1,800;  three  Railroad  Commissioners,  each,  $3,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  24  Senators  and  249  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  two  years  and  Repre- 
sentatives for  one  year.  Salary,  $300  a  year  and  mileage.  Ses- 
sions of  Legislature  annual,  beginning  on  Wednesday  after  first 
Monday  in  January.     No  limit  to  session. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  on  Tuesday 
after  first  Monday,  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary  $4,500, 
and  four  associates,  salary  of  each  $4,000.  All  elected  for  eight 
years. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  4;  Presidential  electors,  6. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem. 

1872  President 45,894 

1873  Governor 45,°59 

1874  Governor 4°»755 

1875  Governor.  .' 53,752 

1876  President 6 1,934 

1878  Governor 46,385 

1880  President 64,417 

1882  Governor 59»OI4 


Rep. 

Temp. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

50,318 

206 

4,218  R. 

39,245 

2,541 

3,273  D. 

39,973 

4,960 

1,809  D. 

44,272 

2,942 

6,538  D. 

59,034 

378 

2,900  D. 

48,867 

1,079 

8,314 

2,482  R. 

67,073 

412 

868 

2,656  R. 

54,853 

1,034 

697 

4,161  D. 

DAKOTA  TERRITORY. 


NAME. — Dakota  is  Indian  for  "  leagued  "  or  "  allied."  It  was 
applied  to  the  confederated  Sioux  tribes. 

ORGANIZATION.— Act  of  organization,  March  2,  1861. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  147,700;  acres,  94,528,000;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  0.92. 

POPULATION*^  rate  of  increase: 

Census.  Pop.  Per  cent  of 

i860 4,837  increase. 

1870 14,181  193. 1 

l88o 135,177  853.2 


282 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male.  ..  .82,296         Native.  ..  .83,382 
Female.  .52,881  Foreign  .  ..51,795 

Dwellings 29,324 

Families 31,202 

Voters — Males  over  21 51,603 


White 133,147        Chinese 238 

Black....         401        Indians.  ..  .1,391 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.61 

"  "     family 4.33 

Natural  militia,  18-44 45, 7^8 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1! 

Aurora 

Barnes 1 

Beadle 1 

Billings 1 

Bonhomme 5, 

Boreman 

Bottineau 

Brookings 4 

Brown 

Brule 

Buffalo 

Burleigh 3 

Campbell 

Cass 8 

Cavileer 

Charles  Mix 

Cheyenne 

Clark 

Clay.. 5, 

Coddington 2 

Custer 

Davison 1 

Day 

Delano 

DeSmet 

Deuel 2 

Douglas 

Edmunds 

Emmons 

Faulk 

Forsyth 

Foster 

Gingras 

Grand  Forks 6, 

Grant 3 

Gregory 

Hamlin 

Hand 

Hanson 1, 

Howard ..» 

Hughes 

Hutchinson 5, 

Hyde 

Jayne 

Kidder * 

Kingsbury 1, 

Lake 2, 

La  Moure 

Lawrence 13, 

Lincoln 5, 


69 

,585 

3»3 

468 

534 


1870.        i860. 


965 
353 
238 

63 
,246 

50 
,998 


407 


1x4 

001 

156 
995 

256 

97 


248 

010 


693 
153 
301 
12 
268 
573 


109 

657 

20 
248 
896 


608 


163 


246 


2,621 


712 


1870. 


355 


Counties.  1880. 

Logan 

Lugenbeel 

Lyman 124 

McCook 1,283 

McHenry 

McPherson 

Mandan 

Mercer 

Meyer 115 

Miner 363 

Minnehaha , 8,251 

Moody 3,9J5 

Morton 200 

Mountraille 13 

Pembina 4,862 

Pennington 2,244 

Potter 

Pratt 

Presho 

Ramsey 281 

Ransom 537 

Renville 

Richland 3,597 

Rolette 

Rusk 46 

Shannon 113 

Sheridan 

Spink 477 

Stanley 793 

Stark 

Stevens 247 

Stutsman I,ocy 

Sully 296 

Todd v 203 

Traill 4,123         

Tripp 

Turner 5,320        

Union 6,813        3,507 

Wallette 432         

Walworth 46        

White  River 

Williams 14         

Yankton 8,390       2,097 

Zieback 

Sisseton  and  Wahpeton  In- 
dian Reservation 73         

Fort  Sisseton 134         

Unorganized  portion  of  the 

Territory 2,091 


i860. 


337 


EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  508;  value  of  school  prop- 
erty, $214,760;  teachers,  520 ;  teachers'  salaries,  $81,31 1 ;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $137,817;  expended  for  same,  $183,257; 
school  age,  5-21;  school  population  (1881),  33,815;  pupils 
enrolled  (1881),  25,451  ;  average  attendance,  8,530. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  3,094,  being  3.1  per 


RULING   BY   STATES.  283 

cent,  of  all  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years  who 
cannot  write:  native  white,  933;  foreign  white,  3,224;  colored, 
Chinese  and  Indians,  664;  total,  4,821,  being  4.8  per  cent,  of  all 
over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  9;  others,  57;  total,  66.     Circulation,  37,843. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  28,508  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  14,016;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 6,219;  m  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
9,101. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  17,435  ;  total  acres  in 
farms,  3,800,656;  improved  acres,  1,150,413;  average  size  of 
farms,  218  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $22,401,084; 
value  of  implements,  $2,390,091  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $5,648,814. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity. 

Barley 277,424  bush. 

Buckwheat 2,521     " 

Butter 2,000,955  lbs- 
Cheese 39.437    " 

Hay 308,036  tons. 

Indian  Corn 2,000,864  bush. 

Milk 415,119  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 2,217,132  bush. 

Orchard  products $156 

Potatoes,  Irish 664,086  bush. 

Rye 24,359    " 

Tobacco 1*897  ^s. 

Wheat 2,830,289  bush. 

Wool 157,025  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 88,825 

Sheep 30,244 

Swine 63,394 


Number. 

Horses 41,670 

Mules  and  asses 2,703 

Working  oxen 11,418 

Milch  cows 40,572 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $6,463,274 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  251;  capi- 
tal invested,  $771,428;  hands  employed,  868;  wages  paid,  $339,- 
375  ;  value  of  materials,  $1,523,761;  value  of  products,  $2,373,- 
970. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flouring  and  grist-mill  products $1,040,958 

Sawed  lumber 435,792 

Total  steam  and  water-power  in  use,  2,224  horse-power. 


284  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $3,305M3 

Silver 70,813 

Total  value  of  precious  minerals $3,376,656 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  151 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  none ;  cost,  $5,800,000;  total  in- 
vestment, $5,850,000.  Steam  craft,  19;  tonnage^  7,592 ;  value, 
$328,000.     Barges,  12;  tonnage,  1, 220;  value,  $9,500. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  estate  in  1883,  $69,154,910;  Territorial  taxation,  1883, 
36  cents  on  $100,  $195,346;  county  taxation,  $296,692;  city 
and  town  taxation,  $79,765  ;  Territorial  debt,  1883,  all  funded, 
$309,500  ;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $998,860. 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Bismarck.  Governor  appointed 
for  four  years  by  President  by  and  with  advice  and  consent  of 
Senate.  Salary,  $2,600.  The  other  Territorial  officers  are  Sec- 
retary of  Territory,  appointed  for  four  years,  salary,  $1,800; 
Treasurer,  elected  for  two  years,  $2,000;  Auditor,  two  years, 
$1,000;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  two  years,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Repre- 
sentatives, all  chosen  for  two  years.  Salary,  $4  per  day  and  20 
cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  second  Tuesday 
in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  and  Delegate  elections  held  on  Tuesday  after  first 
Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  three  As- 
sociates, appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years. 
Salary,  $3,000. 

POLITICS.— -Vote  for  Delegate : 

Rep.       Dem.      >  Maj. 

1880 18,796      9,340      9,456  R. 

1882 38,151      9,034     29,117  R. 


RULING   BY  *  STATES. 


285 


DELAWARE. 


NAME. — Named  from  the  river  and  bay  to  which  Lord  de  la 
Warr's,  or  Ware's,  name  was  affixed,  he  having  visited  the  bay 
as  early  as  1610,  and  died  on  his  vessel  at  its  mouth.  Popular 
name,  "The  Blue  Hen,"  or  u  Diamond  "  State. 

ADMISSIO N.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  December  7,  1787, 
being  the  first  State  to  ratify. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  1,960;  acres,  1,254,400;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  74.80. 

POPULATIONS  rate  of  increase : 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 59,096 

1800 64,273 

1810 72,674 

1820 ...  72,749 

1830 76,748 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

8.7 

13.0 

0.1 

54 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 78,085 

'850 91,532 

i860 112,216 

1870 125,015 

1880 146,608 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

1-7 
17.2 
22.5 
11.4 
17.2 


1880  by  Classes. 

Males 74,108       Native 137,140  White 120,160      Chinese 1 

Females..  .   72,500       Foreign..  ..     9,468  Black 26,442       Indians 5 

Dwellings 27,215  Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.39 

Families !   28,253  "         "    family 5.19 


Voters — Males  over  21 38,298        Natural  militia, 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


[8-44. 


Counties.  1880.  1870. 

Kent 32,874        29,804 

New  Castle 77,7*6        63,515 


i860.     I       Counties.  1880. 

27,804     Sussex 36,018 

54,797  I 


1870. 
31,696 


•30,361 


i860. 
29,615 


EDUCATION— College,  i;  instructors,  8;  students,  54. 

Public  schools,  519;  value  of  school  property,  $440,778; 
teachers,  526;  teachers' salaries,  $138,819;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $177,653;  expended  for  same,  $207,281  ;  school  age, 
6-21;     school     population     (1881),    37,285;     pupils    enrolled 


286  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

(1881),  29,122  ;  average  attendance,  17,439;  average  length  of 
school  session  in  1881,  for  white  schools  only,  153  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  16,912,  being  15.3 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  6,630 ;  foreign 
white,  1,716;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  11,068;  total, 
19,414,  being  17%    per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years   of 

age- 
Daily  papers,  5  ;  others,  21  ;  total,  26.     Circulation,  36,925. 
OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  17,849; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  17,616;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,  4,967 ;    in    manufacturing,    mechanics    and    mining, 
14,148. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  8,749;  total  acres  in 
farms,  1,090,245;  improved  acres,  746,958;  average  size  of 
farms,  125  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $36,789,672; 
value  of  implements,  $1,504,567;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $6,320,345. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity.    . 

Barley 523  bush. 

Buckwheat 5,857     " 

Butter 1,876,275  lbs. 

Cheese 1,712    " 

Hay 49,632  tons. 

Indian  Corn 3,894,264  bush. 

Milk 1,132,434  galls. 

Oats 378,508  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products #846,692 

Potatoes,  Irish 283,864  bush. 

sweet I95»937     " 

Rye 5.953     " 

Tobacco 1 ,278  lbs. 

Wheat 1,175,272  bush. 

Wool 97,946  lbs. 


Live -Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 2I>933 

Mules  and  asses 3,93 1 

Working  oxen 5,8l8 

Milch  cows 27,284 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms 


.  Number. 

Other  cattle 20,450 

Sheep 21,967 

Swine 48, 186 

June  I,  1880 #3,420,080 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  746;  capi- 
tal invested,  $15,655,822;  hands  employed,  12,658;  wages  paid, 
$4,267,349;  value  of  material,  $12,828,461 ;  value  of  product, 
$20,514,438. 


RULING   BY    STATES.  287 


The  principal  manufactures  are  : 


Cars $1,185,688 

Cotton  goods 1,057,257 

Flour  and  mill  products 1,341,026 

Iron  and  steel 2,347,177 


Iron  pipe,  wrought $2,000,000 

Leather 1 ,886,597 

Ships 2,162,503 

Woollen  goods 665,253 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  15,428  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Iron  ore 2,726  tons  $6,553 

Minor  minerals 14,510    "  163,310 

Total  mineral  products $169,863 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  204 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  189;  cost,  $4,309,977;  total  in- 
vestment, $4,341,215.  Canals,  14  miles;  cost,  $3,730,230. 
Steam  craft,  25;  tonnage,  5,888;  value,  $302,300.  Sail  craft, 
159;  tonnage,  12,127;  value,  $303,175.  Barges  and  flats,  16; 
value,  $51,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Delaware  does  not  impose  a 
State  tax  on  property,*  and  there  is  therefore  no  assessed  value, 
but  a  total  valuation  of  real  and  personal  property  was  returned 
to  the  Census  Bureau,  equal  to  $59,951,643.  State  taxation 
(1883),  $117,458;  county,  $248,275;  city  and  township,  $355,- 
982;  State  debt  (1883),  all  bonded,  $781,750;  county,  city  and 
town  indebtedness,  $1,465,835. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Dover.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $2,000.  The  other  State  officers  are :  Sec- 
retary of  State,  four  years,  salary,  $1,000;  Treasurer,  two  years, 
$1,450;  Auditor,  two  years,  $700;  Superintendent  of  Public 
Instruction,  one  year;  Attorney-General,  five  years,  $2,000; 
State  Librarian,  two  years. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  9  Senators  and  21  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years  and  Representa- 
tives for  two  years.  Their  salary  is  $3  a  day  and  mileage. 
Legislature  holds  biennial  sessions,  beginning  on  first  Tuesday 
in  January.     No  limit  to  the  sessions. 

*  Her  State  moneys  are  raised  principally  from  licenses  and  from  taxes  on  rail- 
roads and  passengers.  The  former  gave  $64,000  in  1882,  and  the  latter  $40,428, 
out  of  a  total  of  State  receipts  of  $141,238.  The  State  also  owns  railroad  securities 
to  the  value  of  $1,168,790,  and  is  therefore  practically  out  of  debt. 


288  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Judiciary  is  appointed  by  the  Governor  for  life  or  good 
behavior.  It  consists  of  a  Chancellor  and  Chief  Justice,  who 
each  receive  $2,500  a  year,  and  three  Associate  Justices,  who 
receive  each  $2,200  a  year. 

Representative  in  Congress,   1  ;  Presidential  electors,  3. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Dem.  Rep.  Others.  Maj. 

1872  President 10,205  11,115  4^7  423  R. 

1874  Governor 12,488  11,259  ....  1,229  D. 

1876  Congress ..  13,169  10,562  238  2,3390. 

1876  President *3,379  10,691  2,688  D. 

1878  Governor .... .  10,730  2,835  7,895  D. 

1878  Congress 10,576  2,966  7,610  D. 

1880  President 15,180  14,148  1,032  D. 

1882  Governor 16,558  14,620  1,9380. 


DISTRICT   OF   COLUMBIA. 


NAME. — The  Capitol  District,  or  central  place  of  Columbia ; 
Columbia  being  (formerly  more  than  now)  a  poetical  or  rhetori- 
cal title  for  the  United  States,  and  even  North  America  and  the 
Continent — from  Columbus. 

ORGANIZATION.— ]u\y  16,  1790,  and  March  3,  1791.  Re- 
duced to  present  size  in  1846.  Not  organized  as  a  Territory,  but 
governed  by  Congress  and  Commissions. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  60 ;  acres,  38,400 ;  persons  to  a  square 
mile,  2,960.4. 


RULING  BY   STATES.  289 


POPULATION and  rate  of  increase: 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.         increase. 

1850 51,687  18.2 

i860 75,o8o  45.2 

1870 131.700  75.4 

1880 177,624  34.8 


Per  cent  of 
Census.  Pop.         increase. 

1800 14,093 

1810 24,023  70.4 

1820 33,039  37.5 

1830 39,834  20.5 

1840 43,7*2  9-7 

1 880  by  Classes. 

Male 83,578      Native 160,502      White 118,006      Chinese 4 

Female...  94,046      Foreign....      17,122      Black....   59,596      Indians....     5 

Dwellings 28,687      Persons  to  a  dwelling 6.19 

Families 34,896  "         "     family 5.09 

Voters — Males  over  21 45,873      Natural  militia,  18-44 35>4ri 

.   EDUCATION. — Colleges,  5;  instructors,  5 1  ;  students,  473. 

Public  schools,  415;  value  of  school  property,  #1,206,355; 
teachers,  425;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  #317,329;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  #476,957  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  #579,312  ; 
school  age,  6-17;  school  population,  43,558;  pupils  enrolled 
(1881),  27,299;  average  attendance,  20,637 ;  average  length  of 
school  session  in  188 1,  190  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  21,541,  being  15.7 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  1,950;  ^foreign  white, 
2,038  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  21,790;  total,  25,778,  being 
18.8  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years. 

Daily  papers,  5  ;  others,  39;  total,  44.     Circulation,  202,023. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  1,464; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  39,975  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,  9,848 ;    in    manufacturing,    mechanics    and   mining, 

15,337. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  435;  total  acres  in 
farms,  18,146;  improved  acres,  12,632;  average  size  of  farms, 
42  acres ;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  #3,632,403 ;  value  of 
implements,  #36,798  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products  sold,  con- 
sumed or  on  hand,  #514,441. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Butters 20,920  lbs. 

Hay 3,759  tons. 

Indian  Corn 29,75°  bush. 

Milk 496,789  galls. 

Orchard  products #12,074 

19 


Quantity. 

Potatoes,  Irish 33,064  bush. 

sweet 23,347     " 

Rye 3,704    " 

Tobacco 1,400  lbs. 

Wheat 6,402  bush 


290  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses  1,027 

Mules  and  asses 68 

Working  oxen 


Number. 

Milch  cows 1,292 

Other  cattle 271 

Swine 1,132 


Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 #123,300 

MANUFACTURES.— -Number  of  establishments,  971  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $5,552,526;  hands  employed,  7,146;  wages  paid, 
$3,924,612;  value  of  material,  $5,365,400;  value  of  products, 
$11,882,316. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flour  and  mill  products #1,172,375  |  Printing  and  publishing #2,896,312 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  3,143  horse-power. 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— The  railroads  of  the  Dis- 
trict are  those  centering  there.  They  are  the  property  of  cor- 
porations outside,  and  their  mileage  is  counted  in  with  the  length 
operated  by  said. corporations.  Steam  craft,  34;. tonnage,  6,946; 
value,  $595,000.  Sail  craft,  58;  tonnage,  1,920;  value,  $48,000; 
canal  boats,  33;  barges  and  flats,  27;  tonnage  of  same,  3,675; 
value,  $28,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  valuation  of  real 
estate,  $87,980,356;  of  personal  property,  $11,421,431;  total 
District  taxation,  $1,469,254;  net  debt  of  District,  $22,675,459. 

GOVERNMENT. — The  District  is  governed  by  a  commission 
of  three  persons  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  three 
years.  Two  of  them  must  be  from  civil  life;  salary,  $5,000. 
The  third  must  be  an  officer  of  the  Engineer  Corps  of  the  army. 
He  draws  army  pay. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  District  is  vested  in  a  Supreme 
Court,  with  a  Chief  Justice,  salary,  $4,500,  and  five  Associates, 
salary,  $4,000  each. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


291 


FLORIDA. 

NAME. — Pascna  Florida  is  Spanish  for  Easter  Sunday.  The 
peninsula,  or  "  Land  of  Flowers,"  discovered  by  Ponce  de  Leon 
on  that  day  he  called  Florida. 

ADMISSION. — Organized  as  a  Territory,  March  30,  1822; 
act  of  admission,  and  actual  admission,  March  3,  1845. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  54,240;  acres,  34,713,600;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  4.97. 

POPULATION 'and  rate  of  increase  : 


Census.  Pop. 

1830 34,730 

1840 54,477 

1850 87,445 


Per  cent,  of 


56.8 
60.5 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

i860 140,424  60.5 

1870 187,748  33-7 

1880  269,493  43.5 


Male 136,444 

Female.  ..133,049       Foreign....  9,909 

Dwellings 52,868 

Families 54,691 

Voters — Males  over  21 61 ,699 


1880  by  Classes. 
Native 259,584      White 142,605      Chinese. 


Black 126,690      Indians. 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 

U  "    family 

Natural  militia,  18-44 


Counties. 

Alachua 16 

Baker 

Bradford 6 

Brevard 1 

Calhoun 1 

Clay 2 

Columbia 9 

Dade 

Duval 19 

Escambia 12 

Franklin 1 

Gadsden 12 

Hamilton 6 

Hernando 4 

Hillsborough 5 

Holmes 2 

Jackson 14 

Jefferson 16 

Lafayette 2 

Leon 19 


,462 

3°3 
112 

,478 
,580 
,838 
,589 
257 
,43i 
,156 
,79^ 
.169 
,79° 
,248 
,814 
,170 
,372 
,065 
,44i 
662 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


1870. 

17,328 

1,325 

3,67! 


i860. 
8,232 


1,216 

246 

998 

1,446 

2,098 

1,914 

7,335 

4,646 

85 

83 

11,921 

5,074 

7,817 

5,768 

1,256 

1,904 

9,802 

9,396 

5,749 

4,i54 

2,938 

1,200 

3,216 

2,981 

i,572 

1,386 

9,528 

10,209 

13,398 

9,876 

1,783 

2,068 

15,236 

12,343 

Counties.  iS 

Levy 5 

Liberty 1 

Madison 14 

Manatee 3 

Marion 13 

Monroe 10 

Nassau 6 

New  River 

Orange 6 

Polk 3 

Putnam 6, 

Saint  John's 4 

Santa  Rosa 6, 

Sumter 4. 

Suwannee 7, 

Taylor 2, 

Volusia 3, 

Wakulla 2, 

Walton 4, 

Washington 4, 


767 
,362 
,793 
,544 
046 
940 
6.55 


261 
53S 

645 

636 
161 

2  79 
294 

723 
201 


1870. 

2,018 

1,050 

11,121 

1,931 

10,804 

5,657 
4,247 

2,195 
3,169 
3,821 
2,618 
3,312 
2,952 
3,556 
i,453 
1,723 
2,506 

3,o4i 
2,302 


.  18 
.180 
5.10 

4-93 
[,807 


i860. 
1,781 
1,457 
7,779 
854 
8,609 

2,913 

3,644 

3,820 

987 


2,712 
3,038 
5,480 
1,549 
2,303 
1,384 
1,158 
2,839 
3,037 
2,154 


292  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  1,135;  value  of  school 
property,  $134,804;  teachers,  1,151  ;  teachers'  salaries,  $99,177; 
receipts  for  school  purposes,  $129,907;  expended  for  same,  $117,- 
724;  school  age,  4-21  years;  school  population,  88,677; 
pupils  enrolled,  39,315  ;  average  attendance,  27,046. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  70,219,  being  38  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  19,024;  foreign  white, 
739;  colored,  Indians  and  Chinese,  60,420;  total,  80,183,  being 
43.4  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years. 

Daily  papers,  3  ;  others,  42  ;  total,  45.     Circulation,  27,607. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  58,731; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  17,923;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 6,446;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
8,436. 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  23,438;  total  acres  in 
farms,  3,297,324;  improved  acres,  947,640;  average  size  of 
farms,  141  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $20,291,835; 
value  of  implements,  $689,666 ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products' 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $7,439,392. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 210  bush. 

Butter 353J56  lbs. 

Cheese 2,406   " 

Cotton 54>997  bales. 

Hay 149  tons. 

Indian  Corn 3,174,234  bush. 

Milk 40,967  galls. 

Oats 468,112  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products* $758,295 

Potatoes,  Irish 20,221  bush. 

"  sweet 1,687,613     " 

Rice 1 ,294,677  lbs. 

Sugar  &  Mol.,  1,273  lids. 1,029,868  galls. 

Tobacco 21,182  lbs. 

Wheat 422  bush. 

Wool. 162,810  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 
Number.  Number. 


Horses 22,636 

Mules  and  asses 9,606 

Working  oxen 16,141 

Milch  cows 42,174 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $5,358,980 


Other  cattle 409,055 

Sheep 56,681 

Swine 287,05 1 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  426;  capi~ 
tal  invested,  $3,210,680;  hands  employed,  5,504;  wages  paid, 

*  Includes  $690,553  worth  of  oranges  and  lemons. 


RULING  BY   STATES.  293 

$1,270,875;   value  of  material,  $3,040,119;   value  of  products, 
$5,546,448. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flour  and  mill  products $337,78°  I  Tar  and  turpentine $295,500 

Lumber,  sawed 3,060,291  |  Tobacco  and  cigars I>347?555 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  7,147  horse-power. 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  984 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  490 ;  cost,  $23,762,424;  total  in- 
vestment, $27,191,194.  Steam  craft,  70 ;  tonnage,  6,827  ;  value, 
$448,500.  Sail  craft,  323;  tonnage,  25,333;  value,  $633,300. 
Barges,  6;  value,  $3,000.  Length  of  canals  in  operation,  10.5 
miles;  cost,  $70,000.  This  does  not  include  the  canals  now 
building  for  drainage  purposes. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  property  (1883),  $56,000,000;  State  taxation  (1883),  50 
cents  on  $100,  $317,625  ;  county  taxation,  $266,306;  city  and 
town  taxation,  $101,944;  State  debt  (1883),  funded,  $1,276,500, 
floating,  $31,287;  county  and  local  indebtedness,  $1,491,629. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Tallahassee.  Governor  elected 
for  four  years.  Salary,  $3,500.  The  other  State  officers,  se- 
lected for  four  years,  are :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $500 ; 
Secretary  of  State,  $2,000;  Treasurer,  $2,000;  Comptroller, 
$2,000;  Attorney-General,  $2,000;  Superintendent  of  Public  In- 
struction, $2,000;  Adjutant-General,  $2,000^  Commissioner  of 
Lands,  $1,200. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  32  Senators  and  y6  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $6  per  day  and  10  cents  mileage. 
Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary, 
$3,500,  and  two  associates,  salary  of  each,  $3,000.  They  are 
appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Senate  for  life  or  during  good 
behavior. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  2  ;  Presidential  electors,  4. 


294 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 


Dem. 

Rep.                      I 

1872  Governor. . 

.  .16,004 

17,603 

1872  President. . 

..15.428 

17,765 

1874  Congress  .  . 

••17,555 

18,600 

1876  Governor.  . 

..24,179 

23,984 

1876  President. . 

..22,923 

23,849  (Disputed)  . 

1878  Congress  .  . 

..20,171 

17,927 

1880  President. . 

..27,964 

23,654 

1880  Governor. . 

..28,341 

23,285 

1882  Congress . . 

..24,059 

20,098                    3 

GEORGIA. 

Maj. 
1,599  R. 
2,337  R- 
1,045  R. 

195  D. 
1,061  R. 
2,244  D. 
4,310  D. 
5,056  D. 

414  D. 


NAME. — So  called  in  honor  of  George  II.,  of  England. 
ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  January  2,  1788. 
AREA. — Square   miles,   58,980;   acres,  37,747,200;   persons 
to  a  square  mile,  26.15. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census. 
1790... 
1800..  . 


Pop. 
-      82,548 
.     162,686 

1810 252,433 

1820 340,985 

1830 516,823 


Per  cent  of 
increase. 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 631,392 

97.0  1850 906,185 

55.1  i860 1,057,286 

35.0    1870 1,184,109 

51.5    1880 1,542,180 

880  by  Classes. 


Per  cent  of 
increase. 

33-7 
31.0 
16.6 
11.9 
30.2 


Male 762,981       Native 1,531,616 

Female.  .779,199      Foreign...       10,564 

Dwellings 289,474 

Families 303,060 

Voters — Males  over  21 321,438 


Counties.  1880. 

Appling 5,276 

Baker 7,3°7 

Baldwin 13,806 

Banks 7,337 


White 816,906      Chinese 17 

Black 725,133       Indian 124 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.33 

"         "   family 5-°9 

Natural  militia,  18-44 275,815 

By  Cotinties  for  three  Censuses. 

Counties.                      1880.  1870.  i860. 

Bartow 18,690  16,566  15,724 

Berrien 6,619  4,518           3,475 

Bibb 27,I47  21,255  16,291 

Brooks IX»727  8,342          6,356 


1870. 

i860. 

5,086 

4,190 

6,843 

4,985 

10,618 

9,078 

4,973 

4,7°7 

RULING  BY   STATES. 


295 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.                     1880.  1870.  i860. 

Bryan 4,929  5,252  4»OI5 

Bullock 8,053  5,6io  5,668 

Burke 27,128  17,679  17,165 

Butts 8,311  6,941  6,455 

Calhoun 7,024  5,503  4,9*3 

Camden 6,183  4,6i5  5,420 

Campbell... 9,97°  9,176  8,301 

Carroll 16,901  11,782  11,991 

Catoosa 4,739  4,4°9  5,°82 

Charleton  2,i54  1,897  1,780 

Chatham 45,°23  41,279  3I»°43 

Chattahoochee   5,670  6,059  5,797 

Chattooga 10,021  6,902  7,165 

Cherokee I4,32S  IO,399  II>291 

Clarke 11,702  12,941  11,218 

Clay 6,650  5,493  4,893 

Clayton 8,027  5,477  4,466 

Clinch 4,138  3,945  3,063 

Cobb 2o,748  13,814  14,242 

Coffee 5,070  3,192  2,879 

Colquitt 2,527  *,6S4  1,316 

Columbia 10,465  13,529  11,860 

Coweta 21,109  15,875  J4.7C3 

Crawford 8,656  7,557  7,693 

Dade 4,7°2  3,°33  3,o09 

Dawson 5,837  4,369  3,856 

Decatur 19,072  15,183  11,922 

De  Kalb 14, 497  10,014  7,806 

Dodge 5,358  

Dooly. 12,420  9,79°  8,917 

Dougherty 12,622  11,517  8,295 

Douglas 6,934  

Early 7,6n  6,998  6,149 

Echols 2,553  1,978  J,49J 

Effingham 5,979  4,214  4,755 

Elbert i2.957  9,249  *°,433 

Emanuel 9,759  6,134  5,081 

Fannin 7,245  5,429  5,139 

Fayette ..  8,605  8,221  7,047 

Floyd 24,418  17,230  15,195 

Forsyth io,559  7,983  7>749 

Franklin *i,453  7,893  7.393 

Fulton 49,137  33,446  i4,427 

Gilmer 8,386  6,644  6,724 

Glascock 3,577  2,736  2,437 

Giynn 6,497  5,376  3,889 

Gordon 11,171  9,268  10,146 

Greene 17, 547  i2,454  i2,652 

Gwinnett 19,531  i2,43r  i2,94o 

Habersham 8,718  6,322  5,966 

Hall 15,298  9,607  9,366 

Hancock 16,989  11,317  12,044 

Haralson 5,974  4,°°4  3,°39 

Harris 15,758  13,284  13,736 

Hart 9,094  6,783  6,137 

Heard 8,769  7,866  7,805 

Henry i4,!93  10,102  10,702 

Houston 22,414  20,406  15,611 

Irwin 2,696  1,837  1,699 

Jackson 16,297  11,181  10,605 

Jasper 11,851  10,439  10,743 

Jefferson 15,671  12,190  10,219 

Johnson 4,800  2,964  2,919 

Jones 11,613  9,436  9,107 

Laurens 10,053  7,834  6,998 


Counties.  iS 

Lee .10 

Liberty 10 

Lincoln 6 

Lowndes 11 

Lumpkin 6 

McDuffie 9 

Mcintosh 6 

Macon 11 

Madison 7 

Marion 8 

Meriwether 17 

Miller 3 

Milton 6 

Mitchell 9 

Monroe '...18 

Montgomery 5 

Morgan ....14 

Murray 8 

Muscogee 19 

Newton 13 

Oconee <. 6 

Oglethorpe 15 

Paulding 10 

Pickens 6 

Pierce 4 

Pike 15 

Polk 11 

Pulaski 14 

Putnam 14 

Quitman 4 

Rabun 4 

Randolph 13 

Richmond 34 

Rockdale 6 

Schley 5 

Screven 12 

Spalding 12 

Stewart 13 

Sumter 18 

Talbot 14 

Taliaferro 7 

Tattnall 6 

Taylor 

Telfair 4 

Terrell to, 

Thomas 20, 

Towns 3. 

Troup 20, 

Twiggs 8 

Union 6 

Upson 12 

Walker 11' 


Walton 15 

Ware 4 

Warren 10 

Washington 21 

Wayne 5 


,577 

,649 
,412 

,°49 
,526 

449 
,24i 
,675 
,978 
,598 
,651 
,720 
,261 

,392 
,8„8 
,381 
,032 
,269 
,322 
,623 
,35i 
,400 
,887 
,79° 
,538 
,849 
,952 
,058 
,539 
,392 
,634 
,34i' 
,665 
,838 
,302 
,786 
,585 
,998 
,239 
,"5 
,034 
,988 
8,597 
828 
45i 
597 
261 
565 
918 

43i 
400 
056 
622 
i59 


Webster ... 

White 

Whitfield  . 
Wilcox  .... 

Wilkes 

Wilkinson 
Worth 


964 
980 
237 
34i 
900 
109 
985 
061 


1870. 
9,567 
7,683 

5,413 
8,321 
5,161 

4,49J 

11,458 

5,227 

8,000 

13,756 

3,091 

4,284 

6,633 

i7,2J3 

3,*6 

10,696 

6,500 

16,663 

14,615 


11,782 
7,639 
5,3i7 
2,778 
10,905 
7,822 
11,940 
10,461 
4,i5o 
3,256 
10,561 
25,724 


S,i29 
9»*75 
10,205 
14,204 
i6,559 
",9*3 
4,79° 
4,86a 
7,x43 
3,245 
9,o53 
14,523 
2,780 
17,632 
8,545 
5,267 
9.430 
9,925 
11,038 
2,286 
io,545 
i5,842 
2,177 
4.677 
4,606 
10,117 

2,439 

11,796 

9-383 

3,778 


i860. 
7,196 
8,367 
5,466 
5,2  49 
4,62-6 

5,546 
8,449 
5,933 
7,390 

i5,33o 
i,79i 
4,602 
4,3o8 

15,953 
2,997 
9-997 
7,^83 

16,584 

i4,32o 


",549 
7,038 
4,95i 
i,973 

10,078 
6,295 
8,744 

10,125 

3,499 

3,271 

9,57i 

21,284 


4,633 
8,274 
8,699 

i3,422 
9,428 

13,616 
4,583 
4,352 
5,998 
2,713 
6,232 

10,766 

2,459 

16,262 

8,320 

4,413 

9,910 

10,082 

11,074 

2,200 

9,820- 

12,698 

2,268 

5,030 

3,3*5 

10,047 

2,115 

11,420 
9,376 
2,763 


EDUCATION.— Colleges,  7;   instructors,  68  ;  students,  524. 

Public  schools,  5,939;  value  of  school  property,  $1,046,026; 
teachers,  6,146;  teachers'  salaries,  $616,096;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $659,560;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $584,174;  school 


296  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

age,  6-18  years;  school  population  (1882),  507,861  ;  pupils  en- 
rolled (1882),  256,432;  average  attendance  (1882),  164,180; 
average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  65  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot. read,  446,683,  being  42.8 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  128,362;  foreign  white, 
572  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  391,482  ;  total,  520,416,  being 
49.9  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  16;  others,  184;  total,  200.  Circulation,  291,631. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  432,204; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  104,269  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 25,222;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
36,167. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  138,626;  total  acres  in 
farms,  26,043,282;  improved  acres,  8,204,720;  average  size  of 
farms,  188  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $111,910,540; 
value  of  implements,  $5,317,416;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $67,028,929. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 16,662  bush. 

Buckwheat 402     " 

Butter  .  . .  . 7,424,485  lbs. 

Cheese I9»I5I    " 

Cotton 814,441  bales. 

Hay ■  14,409  tons. 

Indian  Corn 23,202,018  bush. 

Milk 374,645  gal. 

Oats 5>548,743  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $782,972 

Potatoes,  Irish 249,590  bush. 

sweet 4,397,778     " 

Rice 25,369,687  lbs. 

Rye 101,716  bush. 

Sug.  &  mol.,  601  hhds.    1,565,784  gal. 

Toloacco 228,590  lbs. 

Wheat 3,159,771  bush. 

Wool 1,289,560  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle  544,812 

Sheep 527,829 

Swine 1,471,003 


Number. 

Horses 98,520 

Mules  and  asses 132,078 

Working  oxen 50,026 

Milch  cows 31 5,073 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $25,930,352 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  3,593  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $20,672,410;  hands  employed,  24,875  ;  wages  paid, 
$5,266,152  ;  value  of  materials,  $24,143,939;  value  of  products, 
$36,440,948. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


RULING   BY   STATES.  297 


Iron  and  steel $990,850 

Lumber  sawed 4,875,310 

Rice  cleaning 1,488,769 

Tar  and  turpentine 1,455,739 


Agricultural  implements $601,935 

Carriages  and  wagons 582,581 

Cotton  goods 6,513,490 

Flouring  mill  products 9>793>898 

Machinery 1,299,491 

Total  steam  and  water-power  in  use,  51,169  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $81,029 

Silver 332 

Coal,  bituminous 154,644  tons.  231,605 

Iron  ore 72,705     "  120,692 

Copper  ingots 922  lbs. 

Minor  minerals 120,135 

Total  value  of  precious  minerals,  $81,361.    Non-precious,  $472,432. 

COMMERCIAL  FA CILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,371 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  2,321;  cost,  $61,872,829;  total 
investment,  $72,825,130.  Canal  lines  operated,  25  miles;  cost, 
$1,907,818.  Steam  craft,  44;  tonnage,  13,331;  value,  $1,387,- 
300.  Sail  craft,  86;  tonnage,  9,354;  value,  $233,850.  Canal 
boats,  20;  barges  and  flats,  55. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $148,057,235;  of  personal  property  (1882),  $106,195,- 
395  ;  State  taxation  (1883),  30  cents  on  $100,  $741,824  ;  county 
taxation,  $1,076,421  ;  city  and  town  taxation,  $1,055,488.  Prop- 
erty of  cotton  factories  and  iron  works  is  exempt  from  taxation. 
State  debt,  Oct.  1,  1882,  net,  $9,624,135  ;  county,  city  and  town 
indebtedness,  $9,730,403. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Atlanta.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $3,000.  The  other  State  officers  are  :  Secre- 
tary of  State,  two  years,  salary,  $2,000;  Treasurer,  two  years, 
$2,000 ;  Comptroller-General,  two  years,  $2,000 ;  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, two  years,  $2,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  two 
years,  $2,000;  Adjutant-General,  two  years;  Commissioner 
of  Agriculture,  four  years,  $2,500;  State  Librarian,  two  years, 
$1,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  44  Senators  and  175  Repre- 
sentatives, both  elected  for  two  years.  Salary,  $4  a  day  and 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Wednesday  in 
November.  Session  limited  to  40  days,  but  may  be  extended 
by  special  vote. 


298  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

State  elections  are  held  every  second  year  on  first  Wednesday 
in  October.  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held 
Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  asso- 
ciates, elected  for  four  years  by  the  Legislature.  Salary  of 
each,  $2,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  10;  Presidential  electors,  12. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Dem. 

1872  Governor 103,529 

1872  President 76,278 

1874  Congress 93,347 

1876  President 138,756 

1876  Governor 110,617 

1880  President 102,407 

1880  Governor 1 18,349 

1882  Governor 107,253 


Rep. 

Ind. 

Maj. 

46,643 

56,886  D. 

62,715 

4,000 

13,563  D. 

33>l6i 

60,186  D. 

50.538 

88,218  D. 

34,529 

76,088  D. 

54,086 

48,321  D. 

64,004 

54,345  D. 

44,896 

62,357  D. 

IDAHO  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — Perpetuates  that  of  an  Indian  tribe. 
ORGANIZATION.— Act  of  organization  dated  March  3, 1863. 
AREA. — Square  miles,  84,290;  acres,  53,945,600;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  0.39. 

POPULATIONS  rate  of  increase: 

1870 14,999         Per  cent-  of  increase. 

1880 32,610  117.4 

1880  by  Classes. 

Males 21,818        Native 22,636         White 29,013       Chinese 3,379 

Females.  .10,792        Foreign...   9,974         Black 53       Indians 165 

Dwellings 7, 700         Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.24 

Families 7,774  "         "     family 4.19 

Voters — Males  over  2 1 14,795         Natural  militia,  18-44 11,726 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.                          1880.  1870.         i860. 

Ada 4,674        2,675        

Alturas 1,693  689         

Bear  Lake 3,235         

Boise 3,214         3,834         

Cassia i,?,*2         

Idaho 2,031  849         

Kootenai 518         


Counties.                           1880.  1870. 

Lemhi 2,230  988 

Nez  Perce 3,965  1,607 

Oneida 6,964  1,922 

Owyhee 1,426  1,713 

Soshone 469  722 

Washington 879  .-.._.. 


EDUCATION.— -Public  schools,  128;  value  of  school  prop- 


RULING   BY   STATES.  299 

erty, $31,000;  teachers,  129;  teachers'  salaries,  $33,421 ;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $50,234;  expended  for  same,  $38,411; 
school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  9,650;  pupils 
enrolled  (188 1 ),  6,080;  average  attendance  (188 1),  4,127;  aver- 
age length  of  school  session  in  1881,  150  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  1,384,  being  5.5  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  443;  foreign  white,  341 ; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  994;  total,  1,778,  being  7.1  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  o;  others,  8.     Circulation,  5,000. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  3,858;  in 
professional  and  personal  service,  3,861  ;  in  trade  and  transpor- 
tation, 1,327;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  6,532. 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  1,885;  total  acres  in 
farms,  327,798;  improved  acres,  197,407;  average  size  of  farms, 
174  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $2,832,890;  value  of 
implements,  $363,930;  value  of  all  farm  products  sold,  con- 
sumed or  on  hand,  $1,515,314. 

Principal  Products. 
Quantity. 

Barley 274,750  bush. 

Butter 310,644  lbs. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $23,147 

Potatoes,  Irish I57>3°7  bush. 

Rye 4,341    " 

Tobacco 400  lbs. 

Wheat 540,589  bush. 

Wool 127,149  lbs. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 71,292 

Sheep 27,326 

Swine 14,178 


Cheese. 20,295 

Hay 40,053  tons. 

Indian  Corn 16,408  bush. 

Milk 15,627  gal. 

Oats 462,236  bush. 

Live- Stock. 
Number. 

Horses 24,300 

Mules  and  asses 610 

Working  oxen 737 

Milch  cows 12,838 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $2,246,800 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  162;  capi- 
tal invested,  $677,215;  hands  employed,  388;  wages  paid, 
$136,326;  value  of  material,  $844,874;  value  of  products,  $1,- 

27i,3i7- 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Flour  and  mill  products $520,986  |  Lumber  sawed #349,635 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  1,682  horse-power. 


300  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold • #1,479,653 

Silver 464,550 

Copper  ingots 150,000  lbs.  

Total  precious  minerals $1,944,203 

•  FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  property  (1883),  $13,567,525.  Territorial  taxation 
(1883),  25  cents  on  $100,  $101,900;  county  taxation,  $139,088; 
city  and  town,  $8,343  ;  Territorial  debt  (1883),  funded,  $69,248; 
county  and  town  indebtedness,  $146,938. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Boise  City.  The  Governor  is 
appointed  for  four  years  by  President  and  Senate  of  United 
States.  Salary,  $2,600.  The  other  officers  are  a  Secretary  (four 
years),  salary,  $1,800;  Treasurer  (two  years),  $1,000;  Auditor 
(two  years),  $1,800. 

The  Legislature  consists  of  12  Senators  and  24  Representa- 
tives, both  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4  per 
day  and  20  cents  mileage.  Sessions  biennial,  beginning  on  second 
Monday  in  December,  and  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  and  Delegate  elections  held  on  Tuesday  after  the 
first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Judiciary  is  composed  of  a  Chief  Justice,  and  two  Asso- 
ciates, each  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,  1  Delegate. 

POLITICS.— Vote  for  Delegate  : 

Dem.  Rep.         Maj. 

1878 3,645  2,294       1,351  D. 

1880 3,604  2,090      1,5140. 

1882 about  3,500  R. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


301 


ILLINOIS. 

NAME. — So  called  from  the  Illinois  River,  or  tribe,  and  that 
from  the  Indian,  illini,  men,  with  the  French  termination  ois, 
"  tribe  of  men,"  or  "  real  men."  Popular  names,  "  Sucker  State  " 
and  "  Prairie  State." 

ADMISSION. — Organized  as  a  Territory,  Feb.  3,  1809;  act 
of  admission  dated  Dec.  3,  181 8;  actual  admission,  same  date. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  $6,000;  acres,  35,840,000;  persons 
to  square  mile,  54.96. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1810 12,282 

1820 55,i62 

1830 157,445 

1840 476,183 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

349.1 
185.4 
202.4 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 851,470 

i860 ijii^1 

1870 2,539,891 

1880 3>°77,87i 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
78.8 

IOI.O 

48.3 

21. 1 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male 1,586,523     Native 2,494,295 

Female.  .  1,491,348     Foreign...    583,576 

Dwellings 538,221 

Families 59I,934 

Voters — Males  over  21 796,847 


White 3,031,151     Chinese. . .  .212 

Black 46,368     Indians.  ...  140 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.72 

"  "    family 5.20 

Natural  militia,  18-44 651,310 


By   Counties  for  three   Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adams 59,I35 

Alexander 14,808 

Bond 14,866 

Boone 11,508 

Brown 13,041 

Bureau 33,T72 

Calhoun 7,4°7 

Carroll 16,976 

Cass 14,493 

Champaign 40,863 

Christian 28,227 

Clark 21,894 

Clay 16,192 

Clinton 18,714 

Coles 27,042 

Cook 607,524 


1870. 
56,362 
10,564 
13,152 
12,942 
12,205 
32,415 

6,562 
16,705 
11,580 
32,737 
20,363 
18,719 
15,875 
16,285 
25,235 
349,966 


i860. 
41,323 

4,7°7 

9,8i5 
11,678 

9.938 
26,426 

5,144 
",733 
",325 
14,629 
10,492 
14,987 

9,336 
10,941 
14,203 
M4,954 


Counties.  i£ 

Crawford 16 

Cumberland 13 

DeKalb 26 

DeWitt 17 

Douglas 15 

Du  Page 19 

Edgar 25 

Edwards 8 

Effingham 18, 

Fayette 23 

Ford 15 

Franklin 16 

Fulton 41 

Gallatin 12 

Greene 23 

Grundy 16 


i97 
759 
768 
010 

% 

.499 
597 
920 
241 
099 
,129 
,240 
,861 
,010 
,732 


1870. 
13,889 
12,223 
23,265 
14,768 
13,484 
16,685 
21,450 

7,565 
15,653 
19,638 

9,i°3 
12,652 
38,291 
",i34 
20,277 
14,938 


i860. 
",55i 

8,311 
19,086 
10,820 

7,140 
14,701 
16,925 

5,454 

7,816 
11,189 

i>979 

9,393 
33,338 

8,055 
16,093 

io,379 


302 


BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


By   Counties  for  three   Censuses. — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Hamilton 16,712 

Hancock 35,337 

Hardin 6,024 

Henderson 10,722 

Henry 36,597 

Iroquois 35,45i 

Jackson 22,505 

Jasper 14,515 

Jefferson 20,686 

Jersey 15, 542 

Jo  Daviess 27,528 

Johnson 13,078 

Kane 44,939 

Kankakee 25,047 

Kendall 13,083 

Knox 38,344 

Lake 21,296 

La  Salle 70,403 

Lawrence 13,663 

Lee 27,491 

Livingston 38,450 

Logan 25,037 

McDonough 27,970 

McHenry 24,908 

McLean 60,100 

Macon 30,665 

Macoupin 37,692 

Madison 50,126 

Marion 23,686 

Marshall 15,055 

Mason 16,242 

Massac 10,443 

Menard 13,024 

Mercer 19,502 

Monroe 13,682 


1870. 
13,014 
35,935 

5,"3 
12,582 
35,5o6 
25,782 
19,634 
11,234 
1 7,864 
1 5. P54 
27,820 
11,248 

39,09! 
24,352 
12,399 
39,522 
21,014 
60,792 

12,533 
27,171 

3i,47i 
23,053 
26,509 
23,762 
53,988 
26,481 
32,726 

44, 131 
20,622 
16,956 
16,184 
9,58i 
n,735 
18,769 


i860. 
9,9*5 
29,061 

3,759 

9,5oi 

20,660 

12,325 

9,589 

8,364 

12,965 

12,051 

27,325 

9,342 

30,062 

15,412 

i3,o74 

28,663 

18,257 

48,332 

9,214 

17,651 

",637 

14,272 

20,069 

22,089 

28,772 

13,738 

24,602 

31,251- 

12,739 

13,437 

10,931 

6,213 

9,584 

15,042 

12,832 


Counties. 
Montgomery. 

Morgan 

Moultrie 

Ogk 


1880. 
..  28,078 
■•  31,514 
..  13,699 
••  29,937 

Peoria 55,355 

Perry 16,007 

Piatt 15,583 

P'ke 33,75i 

Pope 13,256 

Pulaski 9,507 

Putnam 5,554 

Randolph 25,690 

Richland 15, 545 

Rock  Island 38,302 

Saint  Clair 61,806 

Saline 15,940 

Sangamon 52,894 

Schuyler 1 6,249 

Scott 10,741 

Shelby 30,270 

Stark 11,207 

Stephenson 31-963 

Tazewell 29,666 

Union 18,102 

Vermillion 41,588 

Wabash 9,945 

Warren 22,933 

Washington 21,112 

Wayne 21,291 

White 23,087 

Whiteside 30,885 

Will 53,422 

Williamson 19,324 

Winnebago 30,505 

Woodford 21,620 


1870. 

25,3H 
28,463 
10,385 
27,492 
47,54o 
13,723 
10,953 
30,768 

ii,437 
8,752 
6,280 
20,859 
12,803 

29,783 
51,068 
12,714 
46,352 
17,419 
10,530 
25,476 
10,751 
30,608 
27,903 
16,518 
30,388 
8,841 
23,174 
17,599 
19,758 
16,846 
27,503 
43,oi3 
17,329 
29,301 
18,956 


i860. 

13,979 
22,112 

6,385 
22,888 
36,601 
9,552 
6,127 
27,249 
6,742 
3,943 
5,587 
17,205 
9,7" 
21,005 

37,694 

9,33i 
32,274 
14,684 

9,069 
14,613 

9,004 
25,112 
21,470 
11,181 
19,800 

7,313 
18,336 
13,731 
12,223 

12,403 
i8,737 
29,321 
12,205 

24,491 
13,282 


EDUCATION. —  Colleges,    28;    instructors,    306;    students, 

5.213- 

Public  schools,  15,203;  value  of  school  property,  $15,876,572; 
teachers,  15,912;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $4,985,770;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $9,850,011;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$8,567,675;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
1,037,567;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  713,431  ;  average  attendance 
(1882),  452,485  ;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  150 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  96,809,  being  4.3  per 
cent,  of  ail  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  88,519;  foreign  white, 
43,907;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  12,971;  total,  145,397, 
being  6.4  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  75  ;  others,  957;  total,  1,032.  Circulation,  2,445,- 
960. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  436,371; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  229,467  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


303 


portation",   128,372;    in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and   mining, 
205,570. 

A GRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  255,741;  total  acres 
in  farms,  31,673,645;  improved  acres,  26,115,154;  average  size 
of  farms,  124  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $1,009,594,- 
580;  value  of  implements,  $33,739,951  ;  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $203,980,137. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 1,229,523  bush. 

Buckwheat 178,859      " 

Butter 53>657,943  lbs. 

Cheese 1,035,069    " 

Hay 3,280,319  tons. 

Hops 7,788  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 325,792,481  bush. 

Milk 45,419,719  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 63,189,200  bush. 

Orchard  products $3,502,583 

Potatoes,  Irish 10,365,707  bush. 

"         sweet 249,407      " 

Rye 3,121,785      " 

Tobacco 3,935,825  lbs. 

Wheat 51,1 10,502  bush. 

Wool 6,093,066  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Horses 

Mules  and  asses.  .  , 
Working  oxen .... 

Milch  cows 

Total  value  of 


Number. 

1,023,082 

123,278 

3.346 

865,913 

live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $132,437,762 


Number. 

Other  cattle. 1,515,063 

Sheep 1,037,073 

Swine 5,1 70,266 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  14,549; 
capital  invested,  $140,652,066;  hands  employed,  144,727;  wages 
paid,  $57,429,085;  value  of  material,  $289,843,907;  value  of 
products,  $414,864,673. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Agricultural  implements.  .  .  .$13,498,575 

Carriages  and  wagons 5,°°3>°53 

Clothing,  men's 19,356,849 

Flour  and  mill  products.  .  .  .    47,471,558 

Machinery 13,515,791 

Furniture 7,644,638 


Iron  and  steel $20,545,289 

Lard,  refined 5,055,000 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  7,793,450 
Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  .  20,398,869 
Printing  and  publishing....  7,114,939 
Slaughtering  and  packing..  .   97,891,517 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  144,2^ 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Coal,  bituminous 6,089,514  tons 

Lead  ore 722    " 

Zinc  ore 3,000    " 

Minor  minerals 


horse-power. 


Total  mineral  products 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES. 


■Railroads   in 


Value. 

8,739,755 

30,200 

39,000 

102,324 

8,911,279 

1883,  10,656 


304  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  12,765  ;  cost,  $505,822*453;  total 
investment,  $560,594,778.  Length  of  canal  lines  in  operation, 
102  miles;  cost,  $6,557,681.  Steam  craft,  171  ;  tonnage,  22,- 
546;  value,  $1,226,800.  Sail  craft,  275  ;  tonnage,  66,528 ;  value, 
$1,663,200.     Canal  boats,  104;  barges  and  flats,  91. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  valuation  of  real 
estate,  1883,  $817,914,723;  of  personal  estate,  $180,442,970; 
State  taxation  (1882),  32  cents  on  $100,  $2,740,000  ;  county  taxa- 
tion, $6,000,000;  city  and  town,  etc.,  $18,500,000;  State  debt, 
none  ;  county,  city  and  town  debts,  $44,942,422.  All  municipal 
debts  now  limited  to  5  per  cent,  of  assessed  value  of  property. 

GO  VERNMENT.— Capital,  Springfield.  Governor  elected 
every  four  years.  Salary,  $6,000.  The  other  State  officers  are : 
Lieutenant-Governor  (four  years),  salary,  $1,000;  Secretary  of 
State  (four  years),  $3,500;  Treasurer  (two  years),  $3,500;  Audi- 
tor (four  years),  $3,500;  Attorney-General  (four  years),  $3,500; 
Adjutant-General  (appointed  by  Governor),  $2,000;  Superin- 
tendent Public  Instruction  (four  years),  $3,500 ;  three  Railroad 
Commissioners  (two  years),  each,  $3,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  51  Senators  and  153  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  Legislator,  $5  a  day,  $50  extra  and  mile- 
age. Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Wednesday  after  first 
Monday  in  January.     No  limit  to  session. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  six  Associates, 
elected  by  the  people  for  nine  years.     Salary  of  each,  $5,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  20 ;  Presidential  electors,  22. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep. 

1872  President 241,248 

1874  Sup.  Pub.  Inst 166,984 

1876  President 278,232 

1876  Governor 279,226 

1878  Treasurer 206,458 

1880  President ' 318,031 

1880  Governor 314,565 

1882  Treasurer 254,542 


Dem. 

Greenback. 

Maj. 

184,770 

56,478  R. 

197,490 

30,506  D. 

258,601 

19,631  R. 

272,432 

6,794  R. 

170,085 

68,689 

36,373  R- 

277,321 

26,358 

40,710  R. 

277,532 

26,663 

37,o33  R- 

249,067 

5,475  R. 

RULING   BY   STATES. 


305 


INDIANA. 

NAME. — Simply  perpetuates  the  word  "Indian."  Popular 
name,  "  The  Hoosier  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  May  7,  1800.  Act 
of  admission  and  actual  admission,  Dec.  II,  1816. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  35,910;  acres,  22,982,400;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  55.09. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census. 

1800* 

1810... 

1820... 

1830. 


Pop. 

5.641 

24,520 

147,178 
343,03 l 


1840 685,866 


Per  cent,  of 


334-6 

500.2 

!33-o 

99.9 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1850 988,416  44. 1 

i860 1,350,428  36.6 

1870 1,680,637  24.4 

1880 1,978,30!  17-7 


[880  by  Classes. 


Males 1,010,361      Native 1,834,123 

Females..     967,940      Foreign...     144,178 

Dwellings 375,225 

Families 39 1 ,203 

Voters — Males  over  21 498,437 


White.  .1,938,798      Chinese...     29 
Black  .  .       39,228      Indians  .  .  .   246 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.27 

"  "     family. 5.06 

Natural  militia,  18-44 407,650 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


<;20 
25,922 


Counties.  1880. 

Aclanis 15,385 

Allen 54,763 

Bartholomew 22,777 

Benton 11,108 

Blackford 

Boone 

Brown 10.264 

Carroll 18,345 

Ca:-s 27,611 

Clark 28,610 

Clay 25,854 

Clinton 23,472 

Crawford 12,356 

Daviess 21,552 

Dearborn 26,671 

Decatur 19, 779 

DeKalb 20,225 

20 


1870. 
11,382 
43,494 
21,133 
5,615 
6,272 

22,^93 
8 ,68 1 
16,152 
24,193 
24,770 
19,084 
i7,33o 
9,85i 
16,747 
24,116 

i9,053 
17,167 


1863. 

9,252 
29,328 
17,865 

2,809 

4,122 
16,753 

6,507 
13,489 
16,843 
20,502 
12,161 
14,505 

8,226 
*  3  323 
24,406 
17,294 
13,880 


Counties.  i! 

Delaware 22 

Dubois 15 

Elkhart 33, 

Fayette 11, 

Floyd 24, 

Fountain 20, 

Franklin 20, 

Fulton 14, 

Gibson 22 

Grant 23 

Greene '...  22 

Hamilton 24 

Hancock 17 

Harrison ax, 

Hendricks 22 

Henry 24, 

Howard 19 


,926 
,992 
454 
394 
1 59° 
,228 
,092 
,301 
,742 
,618 
,996 
,801 
,123 
326 
,981 
,016 
,584 


1870. 
19,030 

12,597 
26,026 
1  ,476 
23,300 
16,389 
20,223 
12,726 
I7,37i 
18,487 
19,514 
20,883 
15,123 

i9,9»3 
20,277 
22,986 
15,847 


i860. 
15,753 
io,394 
20,986 
10,225 
20,183 
15,566 

19,549 
9,422 
14,532 
15,797 
16,041 
i7,3io 
12,802 
18,521 

i6,953 
20,119 
12,524 


306 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Huntington 21,805 

Jackson 23,050 

Jasper 9,464 

Jay 19,282 

Jefferson 25,977 

Jennings 16,453 

Johnson 19,537 

Knox 26,324 

Kosciusko 26,494 

Lagrange 15,630 

Lake 15,091 

La  Porte 30,985 

Lawrence 18,543 

Madison 27,527 

Marion 102,782 

Marshall 23,414 

Martin 1 3,475 

Miami 24,083 

Monroe 15,875 

Montgomery 27,316 

Morgan 18,900 

Newton 8,167 

Noble 22,956 

Ohio 5,563 

Orange i4,363 

Owen i5,9°i 

Parke 19,460 

Perry 16,997 

Pike 16,383 


1870. 

i860. 

19,036 

14,867 

18,974 

16,286 

6,354 

4,291 

15,000 

",399 

29,74i 

25,o06 

16,218 

M,749 

18,366 

14,854 

21,562 

16,056 

23,53i 

17,418 

14,148 

11,366 

12,339 

9,M5 

27,062 

22,919 

14,628 

13,692 

22,770 

16,518 

71-939 

39,855 

20,211 

12,722 

11,103 

8,975 

21,052 

16,851 

14,168 

12,847 

23,765 

20,888 

17,528 

16,110 

5,«29 

2,360 

20,389 

I4,9I5 

5,837 

5,462 

13.497 

12,076 

16,137 

14,376 

18,166 

15,538 

14,801 

11,847 

13,779 

10,078 

Counties.  1880. 

Porter 17,227 

Posey 20,857 

Pulaski 9,851 

Putnam 22,501 

Randolph 26,435 

Ripley 21,627 

Rush 19,238 

Saint  Joseph 33,178 

Scott 8,343 

Shelby 25,257 

Spencer 22,122 

Starke 5,105 

Steuben 14,645 

Sullivan 20,336 

Switzerland 13,336 

Tippecanoe 35,966 

Tipton 14,407 

Union 7,673 

Vanderburgh 42,193 

Vermillion 12,025 

Vigo 45,658 

Wabash 25,241 

Warren ",497 

Warrick 20,162 

Washington 18,9^5 

Wayne 38,613 

Wells 18,442 

White 13,795 

Whitley 16,941 


1870. 

i860. 

13,942 

10,313 

19,185 

16,167 

7,801 

5,7" 

21,514 

20,681 

22,862 

i8,997 

20,977 

i9,054 

17,626 

16,193 

25,322 

i8,455 

7,873 

7,303 

21,892 

19,569 

17,998 

14,556 

3,888 

2,195 

12,854 

io,374 

18,453 

15,064 

12,134 

12,698 

33,5i5 

25,726 

n,953 

8,170 

6,34i 

7,109 

33,i45 

20,552 

1^,840 

9,422 

33,549 

22,517 

21,305 

17,547 

10,204 

10,057 

17,653 

13,261 

i8,495 

17,909 

34,048 

29,558 

13,585 

10,844 

io,554 

8,258 

H,399 

10,73° 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  15;  instructors,  183;  students,  2,- 
962. 

Public  schools,  11,623;  value  of  school  property,  $11,907,- 
541  ;  teachers,  11,906;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $3,143,529;  re- 
ceipts for  school  purposes,  $7,267,700;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$4,793,704;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
708,596;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  498,792;  average  attendance 
(1882),  305,513;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  133 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  70,008,  being  4.8 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  8y,y86  ;  foreign  white, 
12,612;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  10,363;  total,  110,761, 
being  7.5  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  40;  others,  438;  total,  478.  Circulation,  591,- 
284. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  331,240; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  137,281  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 56,432 ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
110,127. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,    194,013;   total  acres 


RULING   BY   STATES.  307 

in  farms,  20,420,983;  improved  acres,  13,933.738;  average  size 
of  farms,  105  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $635,236,- 
1 1 1  ;  value  of  implements,  $20,476,988  ;  total  value  of  all  farm 
products,  sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $114,707,082. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 382,835  bush. 

Buckwheat 89,707     " 

Butter 37,377,797  lbs. 

Cheese 367,561    " 

Hay 1,361,083  tons. 

Hops 21,236  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 115,482,300  bush. 

Milk 6,723,840  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats ^15,599,518  bush. 

Orchard  products 2>757>359 

Potatoes,  Irish 6,232,246  bush. 

"         sweet 244,930     " 

Rye 303,105     " 

Tobacco 8,872,842  lbs. 

Wheat 47,284,853  bush. 

Wool . 6,167,498  lbs. 


Live -Stock. 

Number.  I  Number. 

Horses 581,444    Other  cattle 864,846 

Mules  and  asses 51,780  |  Sheep 1, 100^511 

Working  oxen 3>97°    Swine 3,186,413 

Milch  cows 494,444  I 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $71,068,758 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  11,198; 
capital  invested,  $65,742,962;  hands  employed,  69,508;  wages 
paid,  $21,960,888;  value  of  material,  $100,262,917;  value  of 
products,  $148,006,411. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Iron  and  steel $4,551,403 

Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  .     4,987,866 

Lumber  sawed 14,260,830 

Slaughtering  and  packing. .  . .   15,209,204 
Woollen  goods 2,729,347 


Agricultural  implements.  .  .  .   $4,460,408 

Carriages  and  wagons 3,998,520 

Cars 4,960,500 

Cooperage 3,342,552 

Flour  and  mill  products. . . .    29,591,397 
Machinery 6,833,648 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  131,770  horse-power. 
^fflV7/V^.--Quantity : 

Value. 

Coal,  bituminous 1,449,496  tons  $2,143,093 

Minor  minerals 7>599     "  22,291 

Total  mineral  product $2,165,384 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  6,366 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  6,948 ;  cost,  $277,168,906;  total 
investment,  $295,052,158.  Steam  craft,  51;  tonnage,  7,745; 
value,  $399,000.     Barges,  14. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 


308  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

(1883),  $541,110,434;  personal  property,  $220,858,071;  State 
taxation  (1881)  30  cents  on  $100,  $2,764,851  ;  county,  $4,031,- 
029;  city,  town,  etc.,  $4,318,838.  State  debt,  Nov.  1,  1881, 
funded,   $4,876,608;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $13,- 

356,559- 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Indianapolis.     Governor  elected 

for  four  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers — term 
of  each  two  years,  except  Lieutenant-Governor,  which  is  four 
years,  are — Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $8  per  day ;  Secretary  of 
State,  $2,000;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Auditor,  $1,500;  Attorney- 
General,  $2,500;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $2,500; 
Secretary  Board  of  Agriculture,  $1,200;  State  Librarian,  $1,200. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  50  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator  $6  per  day  and  20  cents 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Thursday  after  first 
Monday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  five  Justices  elected  by  the 
people  for  a  term  of  six  years.     Salary  of  each,  $4,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  13;  Presidential  electors,  15. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Rep.  Dem.         Ind.  and  Gbk.        Maj. 

1872  Governor 188,276  189,422  189  1,146  D. 

1872  President 189,144  163,637  1,417  25,507  R. 

1874  Secretary  of  State. .....  164,902  182,154  16,233  17,252  D. 

1876  President 207,971  213,526  9,533  5,555  D. 

1876  Governor ..208,080  213,164  13,213  5,0840. 

1878  Secretary  of  State 180,657  194,770  39,4*5  14,1130. 

1880  Governor 231,405  224,452  14,881  6,953  R. 

1880  President 232,164  225,522  12,986  6,642  R. 

1882  Secretary  of  State. ....  .210,234  220,918  18,520  10,684  D. 


RULING   BY  STATES. 


309 


IOWA. 


NAME. — The  Sioux  Indians  called  the  u  Gray  Snow  **  tribe 
Pa/ioja,  the  "  drowsy "  or  "  sleepy  ones."  On  French  lips 
Pahoja  took  the  form  of  Iowa.  Popular  name,  "  The  Hawkeye 
State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  June  12,  1838; 
act  of  admission,  March  3,  1845  ;  actual  admission,  Dec.  28, 
1846. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  55,475;  acres,  35,504,000;  persons  to 
square  mile,  29.29. 

POPULATION 'and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 43>"2 

1850 192,214 

i860 674,913 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

345-8 
251. 1 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1870 1,194,020  76.9 

1880 1,624,615  36.0 


Male 848,136     Native 

Female.  .776,479     Foreign...  261,650 

Dwellings 301,507 

Families 310,894 

Voters — Males  over  2 1 416,658 


1880  by  Classes. 

1,362,965      White 1,614,600      Chinese 33 

Black  ....        9,516      Indians 466 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.39 

"%       "     family 5.23 

Natural  militia,  18-44 333.89Q 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adair 11,667 

Adams 11,888 

Allamakee 19,791 

Appanoose 16,636 

Audubon 7,448 

Benton 24,888 

Black  Hawk 23,913 

Boone 20,838 

Bremer 14,081 

Buchanan 18,546 

Buena  Vista 7,537 

Butler 14,293 

Calhoun 5,595 

Carroll 12,351 

Cass 16,943 

Cedar 18,936 

Cerro  Gordo 11,461 


1870. 

3.982 

4,614 

17,868 

16,456 

1,212 

22,454 

21,706 

M,584 

12,528 

17,034 

1.585 

9,951 

1,602 

2,451 

5,464 

I9.73I 

4,722 


i860. 
984 

1.533 
12,237 

",93i 

454 

8,496 

8,244 

4.232 

4,9i5 

7,906 

57 

3,724 

147 

281 

1,612 

12,949 

940 


Counties.  1880. 

Cherokee 8,240 

Chickasaw 14, 534 

Clarke 11,513 

Clay 4,248 

Clayton 28,829 

Clinton 36,763 

Crawford 12,413 

Dallas 18,746 

Davis 16,468 

Decatur 15,336 

Delaware 17,950 

Des  Moines 33,°99 

Dickinson 1,901 

Dubuque 42,996 

Emmett 1,550 

Fayette 22,258 

Floyd 14,677 


1870. 

i860. 

1,967 

5» 

10,180 

4,336 

8,735 

5,427 

1,523 

52 

27,771 

20,728 

35,357 

18,938 

2,530 

383 

12,019 

5,244 

15,565 

13,764 

12,018 

8,677 

17,432 

11,024 

27,2S6 

19,611 

1,389 

i8» 

38.969 

31,164 

1.392 

105 

16,973 

12,073 

10,768 . 

3,744 

310 


BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


By   Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Franklin 10,249 

Fremont ,.  17,652 

Greene 12,727 

Grundy 12,639 

Guthrie 14, 394 

Hamilton 11,252 

Hancock 3,453 

Hardin 17,807 

Harrison 16,649 

Henry 20,986 

Howard 10,837 

Humboldt 5>34i 

Ida 4,382 

Iowa 19,221 

Jackson 23,771 

Jasper 25,963 


Jefferson 
Johnson 

Jones 

Keokuk. 
Kossuth. 

Lee 

Linn 

Louisa 13,142 

Lucas 14,53° 


17,469 
25,429 
21,052 
21,258 
6,178 
34,859 
37,237 


Madison 17,224 

Mahaska 25,202 

Marion 25,111 

Marshall 23,752 

Mills i4,i37 

Mitchell 14,363 

Monona 9,055 


1870. 
4,738 
11,174 

4,627 

6,399 
7,001 
6,055 

13,684 
8,931 

21,463 
6,282 
2,596 

226 
16,644 
22,619 
22,116 

17,839 

24,898 
19,731 
19,434 
3,351 
37,210 

31,080 

12,877 
10,388 

221 

13,884 
22,508 
24,436 
17,576 
8,7l8 
9,582 
3,654 


i860. 
1,309 
5,074 

1,374 
793 

3,058 

1,699 
179 

5,44o 

3,621 
18,701 

3,168 

332 

43 

8,029 

i8,493 
9,883 
15,038 
17,573 
13,306 
13,271 
416 
29,232 
i8,947 
10,370 
5,766 


Counties. 

Monroe 

Montgomery. 


7,339 
14,816 
16,813 
6,015 
4,48i 
3,409 
832 


•  i3,7i9 

•  15,895 

Muscatine „ 23,170 

O'Brien 4,155 

Osceola 2,219 

Page 19,667 

Palo  Alto 4,131 

Plymouth 8,566 

Pocahontas 3,713 

Polk 42,395 

Pottawattamie 39,850 

Poweshiek 18,936 

Ringgold 12,085 

Sac 8,774 

Scott 41,266. 

Shelby 12,696 

Sioux 5,426 

Story 16,906 

Tama 21,585 

Taylor 15,635 

Union 14,980 

Van  Buren.... i7,°43 

Wapello 25,285 

Warren 19,578 

Washington 20,374 

Wayne 16,127 

Webster 15,951 

Winnebago 4.917 

Winneshiek 23,938 

Woodbury 14,996 

Worth 7,953 

Wright 5,062 


1870. 
12,724 

5,934 

21,688 

7i5 

9.975 

i,336 

2,199 

1,446 

27,857 

16,893 

i5,58i 

5,691 

1,411 

38,599 

2,540 

576 

11,651 

16,131 

6,989 

5,986 

17,672 

22,346 

17,980 

18,952 

11,287 

10,484 

1,562 

23,570 

6,172 

2,892 

2,392 


i860. 

8,612 

1,256 

16,444 


4,4i9 


103 

11,625 

4,968 

5,668 

2,923 

246 

25,959 


4,o5i 

5,285 

3,59° 

2,012 

17,081 

14,518 

10,281 

14,235 

6,409 

2,504 

168 

13,942 

1,119 

756 

653 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  19;  instructors,  108;  students, 
3,546. 

Public  schools,  12,638 ;  value  of  school  property,  $9,460,775  ; 
teachers,  12,794;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $3,075,870;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $6,288,167;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$5,525,449;  school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
604,739;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  406,947;  average  attendance 
(1882),  253,688;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  142 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  28,1 17,  being  2.4  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  23,660;  foreign  white,  20,677; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  2,272 ;  total,  46,609,  being  3.9 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  30;  others,  549;  total,  579.  Circulation,  555r 
408. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  303,557; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  103,932 ;  in  trade  and 
transportation,  50,872  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
69,941. 


RULING   BY   STATES 


311 


AGRICULTURE— -Number  of  farms,  185,351 ;  total  acres  in 
farms,  24,752,700;  improved  acres,  19,866,541  ;  average  size  of 
farms,  134  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $567,430,277 ; 
value  of  implements,  $29,371,884;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $136,103,473. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 4,022,588  bush. 

Buckwheat 166,895     " 

Butter 55,481,958  lbs. 

Cheese 1,075,988    " 

Hay 3,613,941  tons. 

Indian  Corn 275,014,247  bush. 

Milk 15,965,612  galls. 

Oats 50,610,591  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $1,494,365 

Potatoes,  Irish 9,962,537  bush. 

"         sweet 122,368     " 

Rye 1,518,605     " 

Tobacco . .      420,477  lbs. 

Wheat 31,154,205  bush. 

Wool 2,971,975  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 792,322 

Mules  and  asses 44,424 

Working  oxen 2,506 

Milch  cows 854,187 

Total  value  of  all  farm  products,  June 


Number. 

Other  cattle.. „ 1, 755.343 

Sheep 455.359 

Swine 6,034,316 


1880 $124,715,103 


MANUFACTURES—  Number  of  establishments,  6,921  ;  cap- 
ital invested,  $33,987,886;  hands  employed,  28,372;  wages 
paid,  $9,725,962;  value  of  material,  $48,704,311;  value  of 
products,  $71,045,926. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Agricultural  implements $1,271,872 

Carriages  and  wagons 2,212,197 

Cheese  and  butter 1,736,400 

Clothing  (men's) 1,508,398 

Flour  and  mill  products 19,089,401 

Machinery 1,594,349 

Furniture 1,293,504 


Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  ..$1,941,851 

Lumber,  sawed .. ..   6,185,628 

Printing  and  publishing 1,399,289 

Saddlery  and  harness 2,068,486 

Sash,  doors  and  blinds.  ..A.    1,286,072 
Slaughtering  and  packing. .  ..11,285,032 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  54,221  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Coal,  bituminous. 
Lead  ore 


',442,333  tons. 
384     " 


Value. 

#2,473>i55 
19,172 


Total  value  of  mineral  products $2,492,327 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,880 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,932;  cost,  $99,752,621;  total 
investment,  $105,352,918.  Total  number  of  steam  craft,  70;  ton- 
nage, 9,862  ;  value,  $387,350.     Barges  and  flats,  99. 


312  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $463,824,466;  personal  property,  $98,809,203.  State 
taxation  (1883),  20  cents  on  $100,  $1,228,216;  county  taxation, 
$4,280,091;  city,  town,  etc.,  $5,154,129.  State  debt  (1883), 
funded,  $245,435  ;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $7,592,- 
332. 

GO  VERNMENT.— Capital,  Des  Moines.  Governor  elected 
for  two  years.  Salary,  $3,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all 
elected  for  two  years,  except  the  Railroad  Commissioners,  whose 
term  is  three  years,  are,  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $1,100  ;v 
Secretary  of  State,  $2,200;  Treasurer,  $2,200;  Auditor,  $2,200; 
Attorney-General,  $1,500;  Adjutant-General,  by  Governor,  $1,- 
500;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  $2,200;  three  Rail- 
road Commissioners,  each,  $3,000;  State  Librarian,  by  Governor, 
$1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  50  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years  and  Repre- 
sentatives for  two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $550  a  year.  Legis- 
lature meets  biennially  on  second  Monday  in  January.  No  limit 
to  length  of  session. 

State  elections  are  held  annually  on  Tuesday  after  second 
Monday  in  October,  except  on  Presidential  years,  when  they  are 
held  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  as- 
sociates, elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  six  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $4,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  11 ;  Presidential  electors,  13. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Rep.  Dem.            Grbk 

1872  President 131,173  7M34 

1873  Governor 105,143  82,589 

1874  Secretary  of  State.  107,250  79,054 

1875  Governor 125,058  93,359 

1876  President 171,332  112,121 

1876  Secretary  of  State. 172,171  112,115 

1877  Governor 121,546  79,353 

1878  Secretary  of  State. 134,544  1,302         123,57 


Maj. 
60,039  R- 
22,554  R. 
28,196  R. 
31,699  R. 
59,211  R. 
60,056  R. 
42,193  R. 
[0,967  R. 


[879  Governor    I57»57I  85,056  45,429  72,515  R. 

1880  President 183,927  105,845  32,701  78,082  R. 

1881  Governor 133,326  73,397  28,146  59,929  R. 

1882  Secretary  of  State.  149,05 1  112, 180  30,817  36,871  R. 

1883  Governor 164,182  139,093  23,089  25,089  R. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


313 


KANSAS. 


NAME. — From  Kansas  river  or  tribe.  The  tribal  name  is 
written  many  ways,  as  Kansas,  Kansaw,  Kows.  It  evidently  took 
its  name  from  the  river  Kansas,  which  means  "  smoky  water ;  " 
according  to  some,  "  good  potato." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  May  30,  1854; 
act  of  admission  and  date  of  admission  Jan.  29,  1 861. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  81,700;  acres,  53,288,000;  persons  to 
square  mile,  12.19. 

POPULATION  vnA  rate  of  increase: 

Census.                                                               Pop.  Per  cent,  of 

i860 107,206  increase. 

'870 364,399  239.9 

1880 996,096  173.3 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male 536,667       Native 886,010        White 952,155       Chinese 19 

Female..  .459,429       Foreign.  .  ..1 1 0,086  Black....   43,107       Indians  ...  .815 

Dwellings ...  189,432        Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.26 

Families   197,679  "  "    family 5.04 

Voters — Males  over  21 265,714        Natural  militia,  18-44 223,338 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Allen 1I,3°3 

Anderson 9>°57 

Arapahoe 3 

Atchison 26,668 

Barbour 2,661 

Barton 10,318 

Bourbon !9,59* 

Breckenridge 

Brown 12,817 

Buffalo 191 

Butler 18,586 

Chase 6,081 

Chautauqua 11,072 

Cherokee 21,905 

Cheyenne 37 

Clark 163 

Clay 12,320 

£'°"d 15.343 

Coney ",438 


1870. 
7,022 
5,220 


i860. 
3,682 
2,400 


15,507 

7,729 

a 
15,076 

6,823 

6,101 

3,i97 
2,607 

3,°35 
i,975 

437 
808 

11,038 

2,942 

2,323 
6,201 

'"163 

2,842 

Counties.  1880. 

Comanche 372 

Cowley 21,538 

Crawford 16,851 

Davis 6,994 

Decatur 4, 180 

Dickinson 15,251 

Doniphan 14,257 

Dorn 

Douglas 21,700 

Edwards 2,409 

Elk 10,623 

Ellis 6,179 

Ellsworth 8,494 

Foote 411 

Ford 3,122 

Franklin , 16,797 

Godfrey 

Gove 1,196 

Graham 4,258 


1870. 


1,175 

8,160 

5,526 

1,163 

3,o43 
13,969 

378 
8,083 

20,592 

8,637 

i,336 
1,185 

427 
10,385 

3,°3° 

^9 

314 


BUILDING   AND  RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Grant 9 

Greeley 3 

Greenwood 10,548 

Hamilton 168 

Harper 4,133 

Harvey u.451 

Hodgeman 1»7°4 

Howard 

Hunter 

Jackson 10,718 

Jefferson 15,563 

Jewell 17,475 

Johnson 16,853 

Kansas 9 

Kearney 159 

Kingman 3,713 

Labette 22,735 

Lane 6di 

Leavenworth 32,355 

Lincoln 8,582 

Linn 15,298 

Lykins 

Lyon ' 17,326 

McGhee 

McPherson *7,M3 

Madison 

Marion *  2,453 

Marshall 16,136 

Meade 296 

Miami 17,802 

Mitchell 14,911 

Montgomery 18,213 

Morris 9,265 

Nemaha 12,462 

Neosho 15,121 

Ness 3,722 

Norton 6,998 

Osage 19,642 


1870. 

i860. 

3,484 

759 

2,794 

6,053 

12,526 

207 

13,684 

"158 

i,936 
4,459 

4,364 

9.973 

32,444 

5i6 

12,174 

8,014 

12,606 

6,336 
4,980 

"738 

'"768 
6,901 

1,501 

"036 
74 

2,280 

",725 

485 

7,564 

2,225 

7,339 
10,206 

770 
2,436 

2 

7,648 


Counties.  1 

Osborne 12 

Otoe 

Ottawa 10 

Pawnee 5 

Phillips 12 

Pottawatomie 16 

Pratt 1 

Rawlins 1 

Reno 12 

Republic 14 

Rice 9 

Riley 10 

Rooks 8 

Rush 5 

Russell 7, 

Saline...... 13 

Scott 

Sedgwick 18 

Sequoyah 

Seward 

Shawnee 29 

Sheridan 1 

Sherman 

Smith 13 

Stafford 4 

Stanton 

Stevens 

Sumner 20 

Thomas 

Trego 2 

Wabaunsee 8 

Wallace 

Washington 14 

Wichita 

Wilson 13 

Woodson 6 

Wyandotte 19 


307 

.396 
,014 
.350 
800 
623 
826 

.913 
292 
430 
112 
490 
35i 
808 

43 
753 
568 
5 
093 
567 

'3 
883 

755 
5 
12 

812 
161 
535 
750 
636 
910 
14 
775 
535 
143 


1870. 

i860. 

33 

238 

2,127 

179 

7,848 

1,529 

1,281 

5 

5,io5 

1,224 

"T56 

4,246 

1,095 

3,121 

3,5i3 

""66 

22 

166 

3,362 

1,023 

538 

4,081 

383 

6,694 

3,827 

10,015 


27 
1,488 

2,609 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  8;  instructors,  8;  students,  1,343. 

Public  schools,  6,148  ;  value  of  school  property,  $4,723,043  ; 
teachers,  6,619;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $1,296,256;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $2,163,161  ;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$2,194,175;  school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
357,920;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  269,945;  average  attendance 
(1882),  162,017;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  114  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  25,503,  being  3.6  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  17,825;  foreign  white,  7,063; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  14,588;  total,  39,476,  being  5.6 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  21  ;  others,  328;  total,  349.  Circulation,  290,- 
064. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  206,080; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  53,507  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 


RULING   BY   STATES.  315 

portation,    26,379;    in    manufacturing,  mechanics  and    mining, 

36,3I9- 

AGRICULTURE.-*- -Number  of  farms,  138,561  ;  total  acres  in 
farms,  21,417,468;  improved  acres,  10,739,566;  average  size  of 
farms,  155  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $235,178,936; 
value  of  implements,  $15,652,848*,  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $52,240,361. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 300,273  bush. 

Buckwheat 24,421     " 

Butter 21,671,762  lbs. 

Cheese 483.987    " 

Hay 1,589,987  tons. 

Hops 500  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 105,729,325  bush. 

Milk 1,360,235  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 8,180,385  bush. 

Orchard  products #358,860 

Potatoes,  Irish.. . . ...     2,894,198  bush. 

"        sweet......         195,225     " 

Rye 413,181     " 

Tobacco 191,609  lbs. 

Wheat 17,324,141  bush. 

Wool 2,855,832  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 1,015,935 

Sheep 499,67 1 

Swine 1,787,969 


Number. 

Horses 43°,9°7 

Mules  and  asses 64,869 

Working  oxen 16,789 

Milch  cows 4*8,333 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $60,907,149 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  2,803;  capi- 
tal invested,  $11,192,315  ;  hands  employed,  12,062;  wages  paid, 
$3,995,010;  value  of  material,  $21,453,141 ;  value  of  products, 
#30,843,777. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Carriages  and  wagons #745,800 

Flour  and  mill  products 11,858,022 

Iron  and  steel 1,004,100 


Slaughtering  and  packing..  .  .#5,618,714 

Machinery 889,294 

Saddlery  and  harness 835,934 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  21,079  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Coal,  bituminous 763,597  tons        #1,498,168 

Lead  ore 10,681    "  460,980 

Zinc  ore 7,248    "  477,693 

Total  mineral  products #2,436,841 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  3,801 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  3,761;  cost,  $104,476,667;  total 
investment,  $153,967,714. 


316  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $127,863,782  ;  of  personal  property,  $75,320,717.  State 
debt  (1883)  funded,  $1,120,175;  county  indebtedness,  $7,950,- 
921  ;  city,  town  and  township  indebtedness,  $6,967,232.  State 
taxation,  1883,43  cents  on  $100,  $1,512,668;  county,  $2,060,- 
878;  city,  town  and  local,  $1,470,804. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Topeka.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.     Salary,  $3,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  40  Senators  and  125  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator  $3  a  day  and  15  cents  mile- 
age. Sessions  every  second  year,  beginning  on  second  Tuesday 
in  January.     Limit  of  session  50  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  As- 
sociates, elected  by  the  people  for  six  years.  Salary  of  each, 
$3,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  7 ;  Presidential  electors,  9. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep. 

1872  President 67,048 

1874  Governor 48,594 

1876  Governor 69,073 

1876  President 78,322 

1878  Governor 74,020 

1880  President 121,549 

1880  Governor 115,104 

1882  Governor 75,155 


Dem. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

32,97o 

34,078  R 

35,301 

13,293  R 

46,204 

22,869  R 

37,902 

40,420  R, 

37,208 

27,057 

36,412  R, 

59,789 

19,851 

61,570  R, 

63,557 

19,477 

51,647  R. 

83,107 

20,935 

7,952  L> 

RULING   BY   STATES. 


317 


KENTUCKY. 

NAME. — So  called  from  a  Shawnee  Indian  word,  Kantuckee, 
meaning  "  the  head  of  a  river,"  or  the  "  long  river."  Popular 
name,  "  State  of  the  Dark  and  Bloody  Ground." 

ADMISSION.— Act  of  admission,  Feb.  4,  1791;  admitted, 
June  i,  1792. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  40,000;  acres,  25,600,000;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  41.22. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase  : 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 73.677 

1800 220,955 

1810 406,511 

1820 564,i35 

1830 687,917 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

199.8 
83.9 
38.7 
21.9 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 779,828 

1850 982,405 

i860 1,155,684 

1870 1,321,011 

1880 1,648,690 


Per  cent,  of 

increase. 

13-3 

25-9 

17.6 

H-3 

24.8 


1880  by  Classes. 


Males. .  ..832,590      Native 1,589,173 

Females.  .816,100      Foreign....      59,517 

Dwellings 286,600 

Families 302,63 1 

Voters — Males  over  21 376,221 


White  . .  .  .1,377,179      Chinese. ...  10 
Black....    271,451       Indians.  ..  .50 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.75 

"         "    family 5.45 

Natural  militia,  18-44 313,136 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  iS 

Adair 13 

Allen 12, 

Anderson 9 

Ballard 14 

Barren 22 

Bath 11, 

Be* 6 

Boone n, 

Bourbon 15 

Boyd 

Boyle 

Brachen 13 

Breathitt 7, 

Breckinridge 17 

Bullitt 


,078 
,089 
,361 
,378 
,321 
982 
-055 
,996 
,956 
,165 
.93o 
509 
,742 
,486 
,521 


1870. 
11,065 
10,296 

5,449 
12,576 
17,780 
io,i45 

3,73i 
10,696 
14,863 

8,573 

9,515 
11,409 

5,672 
i3.44o 

7,781 


i860. 
9,5o9 
9,187 
7,404 
8,692 
16,665 
12,113 


11,196 
14,860 
6,044 

9.304 
11,021 

4,980 
13,236 

7,289 


Counties.  1 1 

Butler 12 

Caldwell 11, 

Calloway 13, 

Campbell 37, 

Carroll 8, 

Carter 12, 

Casey 10, 

Christian. 31 

Clark 12; 

Clay 10, 

Clinton 7, 

Crittenden 11, 

Cumberland 8, 

Daviess 27, 


Edmonson. 


_.7 


1870. 
9-404 

10,826 
9,410 

27,406 
6,189 
7,509 
8,884 

23,227 

10,882 
8,297 
6,497 
9.38i 
7,690 

20,714 
4,459 


i860. 
7.927 
9,3i8 
9.9*5 
20,909 

6,578 
8,^6 
6,466 
21,627 
11,484 
6,652 
5,78i 
8,796 
7,34o 
15,549 
4,645 


318 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.                   1880.  1870. 

Elliott , 6,567  4,433 

Estill 9,860  9,198 

Fayette 29,023  26,656 

Fleming 15,221  13,398 

Floyd 10,176  7.877 

Franklin 18,699  15,300 

Fulton 7,977  6,161 

Gallatin 4,832  5,074 

Garrard ",704  10,376 

Grant 13.083  9,529 

Graves 24,138  19,398 

Grayson 15,784  11,580 

Green 11,871  9.379 

Greenup 13,37I  ".463 

Hancock 8,563  6,591 

Hardin 22,564  15,705 

Harlan 5,278  4,415 

Harrison 16,504  12,993 

Hart 17,133  13.687 

Henderson 24,515  18,457 

Henry 14,492  11,066 

Hickman 10,651  8,453 

Hopkins 19,122  13,827 

Jackson 6,678  4,547 

Jefferson 146,010  118,953 

Jessamine 10,864  8,638 

Johnson; 9,155  7,494 

Kenton 43,983  36,096 

Knox 10,587  8,294 

La  Rue 9,793  8,235 

Laurel 9,131  6,016 

Lawrence 13,262  8,497 

Lee 4,254  3,055 

Leslie 3,74°  

Letcher 6,601  4,608 

Lewis 13^54  9, "5 

Lincoln 15,080  10,947 

Livingston 9,165  8,200 

Logan 24,358  20,429 

Lyon 6,768  6,233 

McCracken 16,262  13,988 

McLean 9,293  7.614 

Madison 22,052  19, 543 

Magoffin 6,944  4,684 


i860. 

6,886 

22,599 

12,489 

6,388 

12,694 

5,317 

5,056 

10,531 

8,356 

16,233 

7,982 

8,806 

8,760 

6,213 

15,189 

5,494 

13,779 

10,348 

14,262 

",949 
7,008 

",875 
3,087 

89,404 
9,465 
5,3o6 

25,467 
7,707 
6,891 
5,488 
7,601 


3,904 
8,361 
10,647 

7.213 
19,021 

5.807 
10,360 

6,144 
17,207 

3,485 


Counties.  iS8o. 

Marion !4,693 

Marshall 9,647 

Martin 3,057 

Mason 20,469 

Meade 10,323 

Menifee 3,755 

Mercer 14,142 

Metcalfe 9, 423 

Monroe 10,741 

Montgomery 10,566 

Morgan 8,455 

Muhlenbergh 15,098 

Nelson ^16,609 

Nicholas 11,869 

Ohio 19,669 

Oldham 7,667 

Owen 17,4°! 

Owsley 4,942 

Pendleton 16,702 

Perry 5,607 

Pike 13,001 

Powell 3,639 

Pulaski 21,318 

Robertson 5,814 

Rockcastle 9,670 

Rowan 4,420 

Russell 7,59! 

Scott 14,965 

Shelby 16,813 

Simpson 10,641 

Spencer 7,040 

Taylor 9,259 

Todd 15,994 

Trigg 14,489 

Trimble 7,171 


1870. 
12,838 
9,455 


i860. 

12,593 
6,982 


Union. 

Warren 

Washington. 

Wayne 

Webster 

Whitley 

Wolfe 5,638 

Woodford 11,800 


i7,8c9 
27,53i 
14,419 
12,512 
14,246 
12,000 


18,126 
9,485 
1,986 

i3,M4 
7,934 
9,23i 
7,557 
5,975 

12,638 

14,804 
9,129 

15,561 
9,027 

14,309 
3,889 

14,030 
4,274 
9.562 

2,599 
17,670 

5,399 
7,x45 
2,991 
5,809 
11,607 
15,733 
9,573 
5,956 
8,226 
12,612 
13,686 

5,577 
13,640 
21,742 
12,464 
10,602 

io,937 
8,278 
3,603 
8,240 


13,701 

6,745 

8,55i 

7,859 

9,237 

10,725 

15,799 

11,030 

12,209 

7,283 

12,719 

5,335 

io,443 

3,95o 

7,384 

2,257 

17,201 


5,343 

2,282 

6,024 

14,417 

16,433 

8,146 

6,188 

7,48i 

n,575 

11,051 

5,88o 

12,791 

17,320 

",575 

10,259 

7,533 

7,762 


11,219 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  15;  instructors,  142;  students, 
1,750. 

Public  schools,  7,392 ;  value  of  school  property,  $2,143,013  ; 
teachers,  7,706 ;  teachers'  salaries,  $1,025,659 ;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $2,163,261;  expended  for  same  (1881),  $1,248,524; 
school  age,  6-20;  school  population  (1881),  553,638;  pupils 
enrolled  (1881),  238,440;  average  attendance,  192,331;  average 
length  of  school  session  in  1880,  102  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  258,186,  being  22.2 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  208,796 ;  foreign 
white,  5,701;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  133,895;  total, 
348,392,  being  29.9  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of 
age. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


319 


Daily  papers,  n  ;  others,  202;  total,  213.  Circulation,  402,- 
070. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  320,571  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  104,239;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 33,563 ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
61,481. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  166,453  ;  total  acres  in 
farms,  21,495,240;  improved  acres,  10,731,683;  average  size  of 
farms,  129  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $299,298,631  ; 
value  of  implements,  $9,734,634  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $63,850,155. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 486,326  bush. 

Buckwheat 9.942     " 

Butter 18,21 1,904  lbs. 

Cheese 58,468    " 

Cotton 1,367  bales. 

Hay 218,739  tons. 

Indian  Corn 72,852,263  bush. 

Milk 2,5 13,209  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 4,580,738  bush. 

Orchard  products #1,377,670 

Potatoes,  Irish 2,269,890 bush. 

"  sweet 1,017,854     " 

Rye 668,050     " 

Tobacco 171,120,784  lbs. 

Wheat 11,356,113  bush. 

Wool 4>592>576  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 372,648 

Mules  and  asses 116,153 

Working  oxen 36,166 

Milch  cows 301,882 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $49,670,567 


Number. 

Other  cattle 505,746 

Sheep l  ,000,269 

Swine 2,225,225 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  5,328; 
capital  invested,  $45,313,039;  hands  employed,  37,491  ;  wages 
paid,  $11,657,844;  value  of  material,  $47,461,890;  value  of 
products,  $75483.377- 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 


Agricultural  implements $1,647,116 

Carriages  and  wagons 1,474,475 

Clothing,  men's 1,506,668 

Cooperage 1 ,243,930 

Flour  and  mill  products 9,604,147 

Machinery 3>OI3>°79 

Iron  and  steel 5,090,029 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried..  3,199,843 


Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  .$10,772,677 

Lumber,  sawed  and  planed. .  5,014,999 

Printing  and  publishing 1,289,316 

Saddlery  and  harness I>37°>885 

Slaughtering  and  packing. ..  4,538,888 

Tobacco  and  cigars 3>734>835 

Woollen  goods 1 ,264,988 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  54,929  horse-power. 


320  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Coal,  bituminous 935,857  tons  $1,123,046 

Iron  ore 33>522    "  88,930 

Total  value  of  mineral  products $  1 , 211, 976 

Add  petroleum  5,376  barrels  of  42  galls.  @  2^  cts.  per  gal.  5,080 

Grand  total  of  all  mineral  products $1,217,056 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES,— Railroads  in  1883,  2,499 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  2,603;  cost,  #129,110,231; 
total  investment,  #150,744,624.  Steam  craft,  91  ;  tonnage, 
23,257;  value,  #1,300,500.     Barges  and  flats,  252;  value,  #126,- 

375- 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 

(1883),  #278,134,467  ;  of  personal  property,  #96,420,512.  State 
taxation  (1883),  47^  cents  on  #100,  #2,482,696;  county,  #i,~ 
623,118;  city,  town  and  local,  #1,982,832.  State  debt  (1883), 
funded,  #180,394;  unfunded,  #400,000;  county,  city  and  local 
indebtedness,  #13,888,025. 

GO  VERNMENT.— Capital,  Frankfort.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  #5,000.  The  other  State  officers  are  :  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, four  years,  salary  #10  per  day;  Secretary  of 
State,  four  years,  #1,500;  Treasurer,  two  years,  #2,400;  Auditor, 
four  years,  #2,500;  Quartermaster  and  Adjutant-General,  four 
years,  #2,000;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  four  years, 
#2,500  ;  Attorney-General,  four  years,  #500  and  fees  ;  Register  of 
Lands,  four  years,  #2,000;  Commissioner  of  Agriculture,  two 
years,  #2,000 ;  Insurance  Commissioner,  four  years,  #4,000  ;  three 
Railroad  Commissioners,  two  years,  each,  #2,000 ;  State  Librarian, 
two  years,  #1,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  38  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years  and  Representa- 
tives for  two  years.  Their  salary  is  #5  a  day  and  15  cents  mile- 
age. Sessions  are  held  biennially,  beginning  on  last  day  of 
December.  Length  of  session  limited  to  60  days,  but  may  be 
extended  by  consent  of  both  Houses. 

State  elections  are  held  on  first  Monday  in  August.  Congres- 
sional and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tuesday  after  first 
Monday  in  November. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


321 


The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  three  As- 
sociates, elected  for  eight  years.     Salary  of  each,  $5,000. 
Representatives  in  Congress,   1 1  ;  Presidential  electors,  1 3. 
POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 


Dem. 

1872  President 100,212 

1875  Governor 126,976 

1876  President 160,445 

1877  Treasurer 96,557 

1879  Governor 125,799 

1880  President H7,999 

1883  Governor 133,615 


Rep.  Ind.      Maj. 

88,816  2,374  11,396  D. 

90,795    36,181  D. 

98,415    62,030  D. 

20,451    76,106  D. 

81,882  18,954  43,9170. 

104,550  11,498  43,449  D. 

89,181     ,    44,434  D. 


LOUISIANA. 


NAME. — So  called  in  honor  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France.  All 
the  French  territory  about  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  and 
west  of  that  river  was  called  Louisiana.  Popular  name,  "  The 
Creole  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  March  3,  1805; 
act  of  admission  dated  April  8,  1 8 12  ;  admitted,  April  30, 
1812. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  45,420;  acres,  29,068,800;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  20.69. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: . 


Census.  Pop. 

1810 76,556 

1820 152,923 

1830 215,739 

1840 352.411 


Per  cent  of 
increase. 

99-7 
41.0 

633 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 517,762 

i860 708,002 

1870 726,915 

1880 939,946 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
46.9 

36-7 
2.6 

29-3 


21 


322 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


1880  by  Cla 

Male 468,754      Native 885,800 

Female.    .471,192      P'oreign....  54,146 

Dwellings 1 74,867 

Families 192,833 

Voters — Males  over  21 216,787 


White.  .  .  .454,954  Chinese. 
Blnck  .  .  .  .483,655  Indians, 
Persons  to  a  dwelling.  .  .    . . . 

"         "     family 

Natural  militia,  18-44 


By   Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Ascension 16,895 

Assumption 17,010 

Avoyelles 16,747 

Bienville 10,442 

Bossier 16,042 

Caddo 26,296 

Calcasieu 12,484 

Caldwell 5,767 

Cameron 2,416 

Carroll 

Catahoula 10,277 

Claiborne 18,837 

Concordia 14,914 

De  Soto 15,603 

East  Baton  Rouge...   19,966 

East  Carroll 12,134 

East  Feliciana 15,132 

Franklin 6,495 

Grant 6,188 

Iberia 16,676 

Iberville 17, 544 

Jackson 5,328 

Jefferson 12,166 

La  Fayette 13,235 

La  Fouiche 19, "3 

Lincoln 11,075 

Livingston 5,258 

Madison 13,906 

Morehouse 14,206 

Natchitoches 19,707 


1870. 
",577 
13,234 
12,926 
10,636 
12,675 
21,714 

6,733 
4,820 

i,59i 
10,110 

8,475 
20,240 

9,977 
14,962 
17,816 

13,499 
5,c78 
4,5i7 
9,042 

12,347 
7,646 
17,767 
10,388 
14,719 

4,026 
8,600 
9,387 
18,265 


i860. 
11,484 
15,379 

11,000 
",348 
12,140 
5,928 
4,833 

18,052 
11,651 
16,848 
13,805 
13,298 
16,046 

14,697 
6,162 


14,661  j 
9,465 

15,372 
9,003  j 

14,044 

4,43i  I 

14,133 ; 
10,357  ! 

16,699  ! 


Counties.  1880. 

Orleans 216,090 

Ouachita 14,685 

Plaquemines ",575 

Point  Coupee 17,785 

Rapides 23,563 

Red  River 8,573 

Richland 8,440 

Sabine 7,344 

Saint   Bernard 4,405 

Saint  Charles 7, 161 

Saint  Helena 7,5°4 

Saint  James 14,714 

Saint  John  Baptist...  9,686 

Saint  Landry 40,004 

Saint  Martin 12,663 

Saint  Mary 19,891 

Saint  Tammany 6,887 

Tangipahoa 9,638 

Tensas 17,815 

Terrebonne i7-9=;7 

Union 13,526 

Vermillion 8,728 

Vernon 5, 160 

Washington 5,190 

Webster 10,005 

West  Baton  Rouge...  7,667 

West  Carroll 2,776 

West  Feliciana 12,809 

Winn 5,846 


1870. 
191,418 
11,582 
10,552 
12,981 
18,015 

5,"o 

6,456 

3,553 

4,867 

5,423 

10,152 

6,762 

25,553 

9,37° 

13,860 

5,586 

7,928 

12,419 

12,451 

11,685 

4,528 

3,330 

5, "4 

10,-499 
4,954 


...489 
. . .848 
..5.38 
..4.87 
73,731 


i860. 

174,49* 

4,727 

8,494 

17,718 

25,360 


5,828 

4,076 

5,297 

7,130 

",499 

7,93o 

23,104 

ft, 674 

16,816 

5,406 

16,078 
12,091 
10,389 
4,324 

"J*.** 


7»3» 


,1,671 
6;876 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  9;  instructors,  84;  students,  1,156. 

Public  schools,  1,669;  value  of  school  property,  $752,903; 
teachers,  1,713;  teachers' salaries  (188 1),  $374,127  ;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $498,409  ;.  expended  for  same  (1881),  $441,484 ; 
school  age,  6-18  years;  school  population  (1881),  271,414; 
pupils  enrolled  (188 1),  62,370;  average  attendance  (1881),  45,- 
626;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1881,  100  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  297,312,  being  45.8 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  53,261 ;  foreign  white, 
5,690;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  259,429;  total,  318,380, 
being  49.1  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  13  ;  others,  99  ;  total,  1 12.    Circulation,  134,830. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  205,306; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  98,1 1 1  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 29,130;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
30,681. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  323 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  48,292;  total  acres  in 
farms,  8,273,506;  improved  acres,  2,739,972;  average  size  of 
farms,  171  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $58,989,117; 
value  of  implements,  $5,435,525;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $42,883,522. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Butter 916,089  lbs. 

Cheese 7,618   " 

Cotton 508,569  bales. 

Hay 37,029  tons. 

Indian  Corn 9,889,689  bush. 

Milk 256,241  galls. 

Oats 229,840  bush. 

Orchard  products $188,604 

Potatoes,  Irish 180,115  bush. 


Quantity. 

Potatoes,  sweet 1,318,110  bush. 

Rice 23,188,311  lbs. 

Rye 1,013  bush. 

Sugar 171,706  hhds. 

Molasses  ...    1 1,696,248  galls. 

Tobacco 55,954  lbs- 

Wheat 5,034  bush. 

Wool 406,678  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number.  1  Number. 

Other  cattle 282,418 

Sheep I35>63i 

Swine 633,489 


Horses 104,428 

Mules  and  asses 76,674 

Working  oxen 41 ,729 

Milch  cows 146,454 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $12,345,905 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  1,553;  cap- 
ital invested,  $11,462,468;  hands  employed,  12,167;  wages 
paid,  $4,360,371  ;  value  of  material,  $14,442,506;  value  of  pro- 
ducts, $24,205,183. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Clothing,  men's $1,079,559 

Machinery 1,554,485 

Lumber,  sawed  arid  planed...     2,035,120 
Cotton  seed  oil  and  cake.  . . .     3,739,466 


Rice  cleaning 1,573,281 

Slaughtering  and  packing. . .      1,500,000 
Sugar  and  molasses  refining.     1,483,000 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  1 1 ,346  horse-power. 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,249 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,231  ;  cost,  $70,242,976 ;  total  in- 
vestment, $70,550,578.  Length  of  canal  and  slack-water  line, 
28  miles;  cost  of  same,  $2,030,000.  Steam  craft,  195  ;  tonnage, 
53,672;  value,  $4,385,700-  Sail  craft,  447;  tonnage,  31,958; 
value,  $798,950.     Barges  and  flats,  102;  value,  $25,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $122,889,315  ;  of  personal  property  (1882),  $58,570,646. 
State  taxation  (1883),  rate  60  cents  on  $100,  $1,714,984;  parish 


324  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

taxation,  $710,573;  city,  town  and  village,  #1,914,219.  State 
debt  (1882),  funded,  #13,195,933;  unfunded,  $3,959,000;  parish, 
city  and  local  indebtedness,  $19,428,312. 

GO  VERNMENT.— Capital,  Baton  Rouge.  Governor  elected 
for  a  term  of  four  years.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State 
officers,  their  terms  being  for  four  years,  are :  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, salary,  $8  per  day,  Secretary  of  State,  $  1 ,800 ;  Treasurer, 
$2,000;  Auditor,  $2,500;  Attorney-General,  $3,000;  Adjutant- 
General,  $2,000;  Superintendent  of  Public  Education,  $2,000; 
Register  of  Lands,  $1,500;  Commissioner  of  Agriculture, 
$2,000 ;  State  Librarian,  $900. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  36  Senators  and  98  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  four  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4 
per  day  and  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  second 
Monday  in  May.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

State  elections  are  held  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
April.  Presidential  election  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four 
associates,  appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Senate  for  a  term  of 
twelve  years.     Salary  of  each,  $5,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  6 ;  Presidential  electors.  8. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1872  Governor 55,249  72,890  17,641  R. 

1874  Treasurer 68,586  69,544  (Disputed)       958  R. 

1876  President 70,508  75,315  "        •     4,807  R. 

1876  Governor 71,198  74,624  "             3,426  R. 

1878  Treasurer 77,212  34,064  43,1480. 

1879  Governor 73,988  43,185  30,803  D. 

1880  President 65,310  31,891  33,4190. 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


325 


MAINE. 

NAME. — Said  to  be  so  called  from  Maine  in  France,  in  honor 
of  Henrietta  Maria,  of  England,  who  was  proprietor  of  that 
province.  But  the  name  appears  in  the  charter  to  Gorges  and 
Mason,  Aug.  10,  1622,  two  years  at  least  before  Henrietta  Maria 
was  thought  of  as  a  wife  for  Prince  Charles.  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  the  title  in  the  charter  was  the  name  by  which  the 
coast  was  known  at  the  time,  either  "  the  Main  "  or  "the  mayne- 
land  of  New  England."  Popular  name,  "  Lumber  or  Pine  Tree 
State." 

ADMISSION.— Act  of  admission  dated  March  3,  1820; 
admission  Marcji  15,  1820. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  29,895  ;  acres,  19,132,800;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  21.71. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

179° 96>540 

1800 151,719 

1810 228,705 

1820 298,269 

1830 399.455 


Per  cent,  of  \  Per  cent,  of 

increase.      j  Census.  Pop.  increase. 

.-•  !  1840 501,793  25.6 

57.1:1850 583,169  16.2 

50.7  j  i860 628,279  7.7 

30.4    1870 626,915  0.2  dec. 

33-9  i  l88° 648,936  3.5 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male 324,058      Native 590,053 

Female.  ..324,878      Foreign 58,883 

Dwellings .1 24,959 

Families 141,843 

Voters — Males  over  21 187,323 


White 646,852      Chinese 8 

Black 1,451       Indians.  ...  625 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5. 19 

"         "     family 4.58 

Natural  militia,  18-44 I27>975 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Androscoggin 45,042 

Aroostook 41,700 

Cumberland 86,359 


1870. 
35.866 
29,609 
82.021 


i860. 
29,726 
22,479 
75,591 


Counties.  1880. 

Franklin 18,180 

Hancock 38,129 

Kennebec 53,058 


1870.  i860. 

18,807  20,403 

36,495  37,757 

53.2°3  55,655 


326  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Knox 32,863 

Lincoln 24,821 

Oxford 32,627 

Penobscot 70,476 

Piscataquis x4>872 


1870. 

i860. 

30,823 

32,716 

25,597 

27,860 

33,488 

36,698 

75,x5o 

72,73i 

14,403 

15,032 

Counties.  1880. 

Sagadahoc 19.272 

Somerset 32,333 

Waldo 32,463 

Washington f  44,484 

York 62,257 


1870. 

i860. 

18,803 

21,790 

34,611 

36,753 

34,522 

38,447 

43.343 

42,534 

60,174 

62,107 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  3;  instructors,  33;  students,  377. 

Public  schools,  4,736 ;  value  of  school  property,  $3,027,602 ; 
teachers,  4,797;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $952,394;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $1,074,554;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $1,- 
081,834;  school  age,  4-21  ;  school  population  (1882),  213,007 ; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  147,988;  average  attendance  (1882), 
1 1 1,188  ;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  1 17  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  18,181,  being  3.5  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  8,775  \  foreign  white,  12,- 
983 ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  412  ;  total,  22,170,  being  4.3 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  12;  others,  112  ;  total,  124.    Circulation,  1,215,- 

572. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  82,130; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  47,41 1  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 29,790;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
72,662. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  64,309;  total  acres  in 
farms,  6,552,578;  improved  acres,  3,484,908;  average  size  of 
farms,  102  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $102,357,615 ; 
value  of  implements,  $4,948,048  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $21,945,489. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 242,185  bush. 

Buckwheat 382,701     " 

Butter 14,103,966  lbs. 

Cheese 1,167,730     " 

Hay 1,107,788  tons. 

Hops 48,214  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 960,633  bush. 

Milk 3,720,783  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 2,265,575  bush. 

Orchard  products $1,112,026 

Potatoes,  Irish 7,999,625  bush. 

Rye 26,398     " 

Tobacco 250  lbs. 

Wheat 665,714  bush. 

Wool 2,776,407  lbs. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  327 

Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 140,527 

Sheep 565r9i8 

Swine 74.369 


Number. 

Horses 87,848 

Mules  and  asses 298 

Working  oxen 43,049 

Milch  cows 1 50,845 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 #16,499,376 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  4,48 1  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $49,988,171  ;  hands  employed,  52,954;  wages  paid, 
$13,623,318;  value  of  material,  $51,120,708;  value  of  products, 
$79,829,793. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Boots  and  shoes $5,823,541  |  Lumber  sawed  and  planed..  #8,445,667 

Clothing,  men's 1,130,381  I  Mixed  textiles I,9°9»937 

Cotton  goods I3»3I9>363  I  Paper 2,170,321 

Dyeing  and  finishing 1,107,616  j  Printing  and  publishing 1,606,098 


Flour  and  mill  products. .  . .     3,966,023 

Machinery 2,232,675 

Canned  goods 1,402,100 


Shipbuilding 2,909,846 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  ..     1,093,687 
Sugar  refining 1,499,512 


Leather  curried  and  tanned;.     9,713,371    Woollen  goods 6,686,073 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  100,476  horse-power. 
MIMING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold #2,999 

Silver 7,200 

Iron  ore 6,000  tons  9,000 

Copper  ingots 102,500  lbs.  18,040 

Minor  minerals 2,000 

Total  precious  minerals,  #10,199.     Non-precious.  .  .  .  29,040 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,123 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,004;  cost»  $39,162,141;  total 
investment,  $39,820,687.  Steam  craft,  112;  tonnage,  16,992; 
value,  $1,135,700.  Sail  craft,  2,559;  tonnage,  491,348;  value, 
$12,283,700.     Barges  and  flats,  155  ;  value  $132,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  property  (1883),  $265,978,716.  State  taxation,  rate  40 
cents  on  $100,  $1,063,510;  county  and  town  taxation,  $4,118,- 
625.  State  debt  (1883)  funded,  $5,749,000;  county,  city  and 
town  indebtedness,  $17,724,100. 

GOVERNMENT— -Capital,  Augusta.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $2,000.  The  other  State  officers  are :  Secre- 
tary of  State  (two  years),  salary,  $1,200;  Treasurer  (two  years), 


328  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

$1,600;  Attorney-General  (two  years),  $1,000;  Adjutant-General 
(two  years),  $900;  Superintendent  Common  Schools  (three  years), 
$1,000;  Land  Agent  (four  years),  $900;  Insurance  Commis- 
sioner (three  years),  $900 ;  three  Railroad  Commissioners  (three 
years),  fees ;  Secretary  Board  Agriculture  (four  years),  $600 ; 
State  Librarian  (three  years),  $600. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  31  Senators  and  151  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  each  $150  and 
20  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Wednes- 
day in  January.     No  limit  to  length  of  session. 

State  elections  held  every  second  year  on  second  Monday  in 
September. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  seven  associates, 
appointed  by  the  Governor  for  a  term  of  seven  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $3,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  4;  Presidential  Electors,  6. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.  Dem.  Others.  Maj. 

1872  President 61,422  29,087               32,335  R. 

1873  Governor 45,674  32,816  2,090  12,858  R. 

1874  Governor 53,131  41,734  275  11,397  R. 

1875  Governor 57»°8S  53.213               3.872  R- 

1876  Governor 75>7io  60,215  529  15,459  R. 

1876  President 66,300  49,283  663  16,477  R- 

1877  Governor 53,631  42,114  6,076  11,517  R. 

1878  Governor 56,519  27,872  41,404  15,115  R. 

1880  Governor 73,597  73,7^6  463  189  D. 

1880  President 74,052  65,211  4,640  8,841  R. 

1882  Governor 72,724  63,852  1,967  8,872  R. 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


329 


MARYLAND. 

NAME. — So  called  in  honor  of  Henrietta  Maria,  wife  of 
Charles  I.,  in  his  patent  to  Lord  Baltimore. 

ADMISSION— Ratified  the  Constitution,  April  28,  1788. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  9,860;  acres,  6,310,400;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  94.82. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Per  cent,  of  I 


Census.         Pop. 

I790 3I9.728 

1800 341,548 

1810 —  : 380,546 

1820 407,35° 

1830 447,040 


:ase.   !  Census.         Pop. 

;  1840 470,019 

6.8  ■   1850 583,034 

1 1.4  i860 • 687,049 

7.0  !  1870 780,894 

9-7  I  1880 934,943 

[880  by  Classes. 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

5-1 

24.0 
17.8 
13.6 
19.7 


Male 462,187     Native 852,137 

Female...   472,756     Foreign....     82,806 

Dwellings 155,070 

Families 175,318 

Voters — Males  over  21 232, 106 


White 724,693     Chinese....     5 

Black 210,230     Indians....    15 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 6.03 

"   family 5-33 

Natural  militia,  18-44 182,609 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Allegany 38,012 

Anne  Arundel 28,526 

Baltimore 83,336 

Baltimore  City 332,3I3 

Calvert 10,538 

Caroline 13,766 

Carroll 3C,992 

Cecil 27,108 

Charles 18,548 

Dorchester 23,110 

Frederick. 50,482 

Garrett 12,175 


1870. 
38,536 
*4,457 
63.387 
267,354 
0,865 
12,101 
28,619 
25,874 
15,738 
19.458 
47,572 


i860. 
28,348 
23,900 
54,135 
512,418 
10,447 
11,129 

24,533 
23,862 

16,517 
20,461 

46.591 


I       Counties.  1880. 

i  Harford 28,042 

J  Howard 16,140 

;  Kent 17,605 

!  Montgomery 24,759 

J  Prince  George's 26,541 

Queer.  Anno 19,257 

j  Saint  Mary's 16,934 

j  Somerset 21,668 

i  Talbot 19,065 

'  Washington 38,561 

!  Wicomico 18,016 

I  Worcester x9,539 


1870. 
22,605 
14,150 
17,102 
20.563 
21,138 
16,171 

14,944 
18,190 
!6,i37 
34,712 
15,802 
16,419 


i860. 
23,415 
13,338 
13,267 
18,322 
23,327 
15,961 
15,213 
24,992 

M,795 
3i,4i7 

20,661 


EDUCATION. —  Colleges,  n;  instructors,  162;  students, 
1,658. 

Public  schools,  2,551  ;  value  of  school  property,  $2,083,013; 
teachers,  3,038;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  #1,146,558;    receipts 


330  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

for  school  purposes,  #1,452,557  ;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
#1,651,908;  school  age,  5-20  years;  school  population  (1882), 
319,201;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  159,945;  average  attendance 
(1882),  83,189;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  199 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  1 1 1,387,  being  16  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  36,027 ;  foreign  white, 
8,289;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  90,172;  total,  134,488, 
being  19.3  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  15;   others,  129;  total,  144.     Circulation,  387,- 

594- 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  90,927  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  98,934 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 49,234;    in    manufacturing,    mechanics   and   mining, 

85,337. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  40,517;  total  acres 
in  farms,  5,119,831;  improved  acres,  3,342,700;  average  size 
of  farms,  126  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  #165,503,341  ; 
value  of  implements,  #5,788,197  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  #28,839,281. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 6,097  bush. 

Buckwheat . .  136,667      " 

Butter , 7,485,871  lbs. 

Cheese 17,416   " 

Hay 264,468  tons. 

Indian  Corn 1 5,968,533  bush. 

Milk 4,722,944  galls. 

Oats 1,794,872  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $1,563,188 

Potatoes,  Irish 1,497,017  bush. 

"         sweet 329,590      M 

Rye 288,067      " 

Tobacco 26,082,147  lbs. 

Wheat 8,004,864  bush. 

Wool 850,084  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 

Number.  1  Number. 

Horses 1 1 7,796  |  Other  cattle 1 1 7,387 

Mules  and  asses 12,561  j  Sheep 171,184 

Working  oxen 22,246    Swine 335,4°8 

Milch  cows 122,907  I 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $15,865,728 

MANUFACTURES.— Number     of    establishments,    6,y8y; 
capital  invested,  #58,742,3*84;  hands  employed,  74,945;  wages 


RULING   BY   STATES.  331 

paid,   $18,904,965;   value  of   material,   $66,937,846;   value   of 
products,  $106,780,563. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Boots  and  shoes $2,212,963 

Bakery  products 2,275,227 

Clothing,  men's 9,579,066 

Confectionery 1,164,755 

Cotton  goods 4,688,714 

Fertilizers 5,770,198 

Flour  and  mill  products 7,954,004 

Machinery 4,454,3 1 7 

Canned  goods 6,245,297 

Iron  and  steel 4,470,050 


Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  .$1,977,049 

Liquors,  malt  and  distilled..  ..  3,022,696 

Lumber,  sawed 1,813,332 

Paper 1,028,591 

Printing  and  publishing 1,477,164 

Ship-building.  .  .    1,788,630 

Slaughtering  and  packing..  .  .  3,377,605 

Tin  and  copper  ware x  3,564,994 

Tobacco  and  cigars 3,262,028 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  51,259  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Coal,  bituminous 2,227,884  tons  $2,584,455 

Iron  ore 57,940    "  118,050 

Zinc  ore 672    H  7,200 

Copper  ingots 30,910  lbs.  

Minor  minerals 159»3°3 

Total  mineral  products $2,869,008 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,153 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,198;  cost,  $92,435,610;  total 
investment,  $88,475,123.  Canal  and  slack-water  lines,  199.5 
miles;  cost,  $11,290,327.  Steam  craft,  169;  tonnage,  45,967; 
value,  $3,886,750.  Sail  craft,  1,645;  tonnage,  81,856;  value, 
$2,046,375.     Canal  boats  and  barges,  471 ;  value,  $376,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— -Value  of  real  and  personal 
estate  (1883),  $466,089,380.  State  taxation,  rate  18.75  cents  on 
$100  (1883),  $2,097,377  ;  county,  city  and  town  taxation,  $4,576,- 
485.  State  debt  (1883),  funded,  $11,269,820";  county,  city  and 
town  debt,  $3,268,338. 

GO  VERNMENT. — Capital,  Annapolis.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $4,500.  The  other  State  officers  are :  Sec- 
retary of  State,  four  years,  salary,  $2,000;  Treasurer,  two  years, 
$2,500;  Comptroller,  two  years,  $2,500;  Attorney-General,  four 
years,  $3,000;  Adjutant-General,  four  years,  $1,500;  Secretary 
Board  of  Education,  two  years,  $1,000;  Commissioner  of  Lands, 
four  years,  $2,000;  Insurance  Commissioner,  four  years,  $2,500; 
State  Librarian,  four  years,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  26  Senators  and  91   Repre- 


332  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

sentatives.  Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $5  a  day  and  mileage.  Legislature 
meets  biennially  on  first  Wednesday  in  January.  Session  limited 
to  90  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  the  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  seven  as- 
sociates, elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  fifteen  years.  Salary 
of  each,  $3,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  6 ;  Presidential  electors,  8. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1872  President 67,685  66,760  925  D. 

1875  Governor 85,451  72,530  12,921  D. 

1876  President 91,780  71,981  19,7990. 

1879  Governor.  ...... .90,771  68,609  22,162  D. 

1880  President 89,950  73.789  16,161  D. 

1883  Governor 92,698  80,648  1 1 ,950  D. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


NAME. — From  the  Indian  equivalent,  applied  to  both  the 
bay  and  tribe.  Its  meaning  is  "about,  or  near,  the  great,  or 
blue,  hills."  "  I  have  learned,"  says  Roger  Williams,  "  that  the 
Massachusetts  were  so  called  from  the  Blue  Hills."  Popular 
name,  "  The  Bay  State." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  February  6,  1788. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  8,040;  acres,  5,145,600;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  221.78. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


333 


POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase  : 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 378j87 

1800 422,845 

1810 472,040 

1820.... 523, 159 

1830 610,408 


Natn 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

11.6 
11.6 

10.8 
16.6 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 737,699 

1850 994,5H 

i860 1,231,066 

1870 1,457,351 

1880 1,783,085 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
20.8 
34-8 
23-7 
18.3 
22.3 


Male 858,440 

Female .  .  .924,645       Foreign .  .  .  .443,49 

Dwellings 281,188 

Families 379>7!o 

Voters — Males  over  21 502,648 


by  Classes. 
339>594 


White. ...  1 ,763,782      Chinese 237 

Black 18,697       Indians 369 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 6.34 

"  "    family 4.70 

Natural  militia,  18-44 373,284 


Counties.  1880. 

Barnstable 3I>897 

Berkshire 69,032 

Bristol 139,040 

Dukes 4,300 

Essex 244,535 

Franklin 36,001 

Hampden 104,142 


By  Counties  for  three   Censuses. 
Counties. 


1870. 

32,774 
64,827 
102,886 

3,787 
200,843 

32,635 
78,409 


i860. 

35,99<> 
55,i2o 

93,794 
4,403 
165,611 
3i,434 
57,366 


Hampshire 47,232 

Middlesex 317,830 

Nantucket 3,727 

Norfolk 96,507 

Plymouth 74,oi8 

Suffolk 387,927 

Worcester 226,897 


1870. 

44,388 

274,353 

4,123 

89,443 

65,365 

270,802 

192,716 


i860. 

37,823 

216,354 

6,094 

109,950 

64,768 
192,700 
159,659 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  7;  instructors,  157;  students,  2,- 
101. 

Public  schools,  6,604;  value  of  school  property,  $21,660,392  ; 
teachers,  7,336;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $4,144,722;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $4,696,612;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $5,- 
881,124;  school  age,  5-15  years;  school  population  (1882), 
321,377;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  330,421;  average  attendance, 
(1882),  235,739;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  178 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  75,635,  being  5.3  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  6,933  ;  foreign  white, 
83,725  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  2,322  ;  total,  92,980,  being 
6.5  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  39;  others,  393;  total,  432.  Circulation,  ir 
938,818. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  64,973; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  170,160;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 115,376;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
370,265. 


334 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  38,406;  total  acres  in 
farms,  3,359,079;  improved  acres,  2,128,311;  average  size  of 
farms,  87  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $146,197,415; 
value  of  implements,  $5,134,537  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $24,160,881. 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 80,128  bush. 

Buckwheat 67,117     " 

Butter ' 9,655,587  lbs. 

Cheese 829,528    " 

Hay 684,679  tons. 

Hops 9,895  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 1,797,768  bush. 

Milk 29,662,953  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 645,159  bush. 

Orchard  products $1,005,303 

Potatoes,  Irish. 3,070,389  bush. 

"  sweet 450     " 

Rye 213,716     " 

Tobacco 5,369,436  lbs. 

Wheat 15,768  bush. 

Wool 299,089  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 59,629 

Mules  and  asses 243 

Working  oxen '4*57 l 

Miich  cows 150,435 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June 


Number. 

Other  cattle 96,045 

Sheep 67,979 

Swine 80,123 


1880.. $12,957,004 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  14,352; 
capital  invested,  $303,806,185  ;  hands  employed,  352,255  ;  wages 
paid,  $128,315,362;  value  of  material,  $386,972,655;  value  of 
products,  $631,135,284. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 


Agricultural  implements.  .  .  .  $1,670,242 

Bookbinding  and  blanks..  .  .  1,360,577 

Boots  and  shoes  (all) 101,162,009 

Bakery  products 4.942,769 

Carpets 6,337,629 

Carriages  and  wagons 4,048,141 

Clothing,  men's 17,902,662 

Confectionery '  2,281,850 

Cordage 2,995,395 

Cotton  goods 74,780,835 

Cutlery 2,133,654 

Dyeing  and  finishing 9,482,939 

Flour  and  mill  products      .  .  8,774,049 

Machinery 23,935,604 

Furniture 6,041,618 

Nails  and  spikes 3,1 26,275 

Iron  and  steel 10,288,921 


Jewelry $4,265,525 

Leather,  all  kinds 38,771,113 

Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  .     6,216,618 
Lumber  sawed  and  planed.  .     4,31 7>555 

Mixed  textiles 13,043,829 

Paper 15,188,196 

Printing  and  publishing.  .  .  .      7,757,260 

Rubber  elastics 4,206,465 

Silk  goods 3,764,260 

Slaughtering  and  packing. .  . .  22,951,782 

Soap  and  candles 4,489,555 

.Straw  goods 6,898,628 

Sugar  and  molasses  refined. .  22,880,439 

Wire 4,539,399 

Woollen  goods 45,099,203 

Worsted  goods 10,466,016 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  309,759  horse-power. 


RULING   BY    STATES.  335 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Iron  ore 62,637  tons  $226,130 

Minor  minerals 101,970 

Total  mineral  product $328,100 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.—  Railroads  in  1883,  2,263 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  2,493  ;  cost,  $153,970,932 ;  total 
investment,  $191,241,132.  Steam  craft,  180;  tonnage,  48,918; 
value,  $3,266,400.  Sail  craft,  2,136;  tonnage,  378,333;  value, 
$9,458,325.     Barges  and  flats,  55;  value,  $64,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate, 
$1,262,698,224;  of  personal  property,  $515,682,475.  State  taxa- 
tion (1882),  rate  3.5  cents  on  $100,  $2,902,546  ;  county  taxation, 
$1,125,901;  city,  town  and  local,  $21,699,794.  State  debt  (1883) 
funded,  $32,511,681  ;  amount  in  sinking  fund,  $16,944,263;  net 
State  debt,  $15,567,418;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness, 
$71,124,435. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Boston.  Governor  elected  for 
one  year.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State  officers — chosen 
for  one  year,  except  Insurance  and  Railroad  Commissioners 
whose  terms  are  three  years — are  :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary, 
$2,000;  Secretary  of  State,  $2,500;  Treasurer,  $4,000;  Auditor, 
$2,500;  Attorney-General,  $4,000;  Adjutant-General,  $2,500; 
Secretary  Board  Education,  $2,000 ;  Secretary  Board  Agri- 
culture, $2,500;  Insurance  Commissioner,  $3,000;  three  Rail- 
road Commissioners,  one  at  $4,000  and  two  at  $3,500;  State 
Librarian,  $2,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  40  Senators  and  240  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  one  year.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $500 
a  year.  Legislature  meets  annually  on  first  Wednesday  in  Janu- 
ary.    No  limit  to  length  of  session. 

State  elections  held  annually  on  same  date  as  Congressional 
and  Presidential  elections,  viz.,  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  six  asso- 
ciates, appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  for  life  or  during 
good  behavior.  Salary  of  Chief  Justice,  $6,500;  of  associates, 
$6,000  each. 


336 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Representatives  in  Congress,  12;  Presidential  electors,  14. 
POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Rep.  Dem. 

1872  President I33,472  59>26° 

1873  Governor 72,183  59,360 

1874  "          89,345  96,376 

1875  "          83,639  78,333 

1876  President 150,063  108,777 

1876  Governor 137,605  106,850 

1877  "         91,255  73,185 

1878  "         '. 134,725  10,162 

1879  "         122,751  9,989 

1880  President 164,205  111,960 

1880  Governor 164,825  111,410 

1881  "          96,609  54,586 

1882  "         H9,997  133,946 

1883  *         160,092  150,228 


Lab. 


3i6 


16,354 

109,435 
109,149 

4,548 
4,864 
4,889 


Tem. 


9,124 

779 
12,274 

3,552 

1,913 

1,645 

682 

1,059 


2,335 
1,881 


Maj. 
74,212  R. 
12,823  R. 

7,031  D. 

5,306  R. 
41,286  R. 

30,755  R- 
18,070  R. 
25,290  R. 
13,602  R. 
52,245  R. 

53,415  R. 

42,023  R. 

13,949  D. 

9,864  R. 


MICHIGAN. 


NAME. — So  called  from  the  lake,  and  that  from  the  Indian 
word  meaning  "  a  weir  of  fish."  By  others  it  is  coupled  with 
Mitcha-gan,  Chippewa  for  "great  lake."  Popular  name,  "The 
Wolverine  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  Jan.  II,  1805.  Act 
of  admission  and  actual  admission,  Jan.  26,  1837. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  57,430;  acres,  36,755,200;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  28.50. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1810 4,762 

1820 8,765 

1830 31,639 

1840 212,267 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

84.0 
260.9 
570.9 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 397,654 

i860 749,U3 

1870 1,184,059 

1880 1,636,937 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

87.3 
88.3 
58.0 
38.2 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


337 


1880  by  Classes. 


Males 862,355      Native 1,248,429 

Females.  .774,582      Foreign...    388,508 

Dwellings 321,514 

Families 336>973 


White.  .-1,614,560     Chinese 28 

Black...       15,100     Indians..  .  .7,249 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.09 

family 4.86 


Voters — Males  over  21 467,687      Natural  militia,  18-44. 


,371,140 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Aicona 3>™7 

Allegan 37, 815 

Alpena 8,789 

Antrim 5>237 

Baraga 1,804 

Barry 25,317 

Bay 38,081 

Benzie 3,433 

Berrien 36,785 

Branch 27,941 

Brown (Now 

Calhoun 38,452 

Cass 22,009 

Charlevoix 5,115 

Cheboygan 6,524 

Chippewa 5,248 

Clare 4**87 

Clinton 28,100 

Crawford i,*59 

Delta 6,812 

Eaton 31,225 

Emmett 6,639 

Genesee 39,220 

Gladwin 1,127 

Grand  Traverse 8,422 

Gratiot 21,936 

Hillsdale 32,723 

Houghton 22,473 

Huron 20,089 

Ingham 33,676 

Ionia 33,872 

Iosco 6,873 

Iowa (Now 

Isabella 12,159 

Isle  Royale 55 

iackson 42,031 
Lalamazoo 34,342 

Kalkaska 2,937 

Kent 73,253 

Keweenaw 4,270 

Lake 3,233 


1870. 

696 

32,105 

2,756 
1,985 


i860. 

185 

[6,087 

290 

179 


'3,858 
3,164 


22,199 
15,900 
2,184 
35,104 
26,226 
in  Wisconsin.) 
36,569        29,564 


22,378 


21,094 

1,724 

2,196 

1,689 

366 

22,845 

2,542 

25,171 

1,211 

33,900 


17,721 


5i7 
1,603 


1,172 
16,476 


4,443 

1,286 

11,810 

4,042 

31,684 

25,675 

13,879 

9,234 

9,049 

3.165 

25,268 

17,435 

27,e8i 

16,682 

•    ,3,Vl63 

175 

in  Wisconsin.) 

4,"3 

i,443 

36,047 
32,054 
424 
50,403 
4,205 

548 


26,671 
24,646 


30,716 


Counties.  1880. 

Lapeer 30,138 

Leelanaw 6,253 

Lenawee 48,343 

Livingston 22,251 

Mackinac 2,902 

Macomb 31,627 

Manistee 12,532 

Manitou i,334 

Marquette 25,394 

Mason 10,065 

Mecosta 13,973 

Menominee ",987 

Midland 6,893 

Missaukee i,553 

Monroe 33,624 

Montcalm 33,r48 

Montmorency 

Muskegon 26,586 

Newaygo 14,688 

Oakland 4*,537 

Oceana ",699 

Ogemaw I,9I4 

Ontonagon 2,565 

Osceola IO,777 

Oscoda 467 

Otsego i,974 

Ottawa 33,126 

Presque  Isle 3, "3 

Roscommon i,459 

Sa:nt  Clair 46,197 

Saint  Joseph 26,626 

Snginaw 59,095 

Sanilac 26,341 

Schoolcraft i,575 

Shiawassee 27,059 

Tuscola 25,738 

Van   Buren 30,807 

Washtenaw 41,848 

Wayne 166,444 

Wexford 6,815 


1870. 

i860. 

21,345 

14,754 

4,576 

2,158 

45,595 

38,112 

19,336 

16,851 

1,716 

x,938 

27,616 

22,843 

6,074 

975 

891 

1,042 

15,033 

3,821 

3,263 

831 

5,642 

970 

i,79i 
3,285 

787 

130 

27,483 

21,59: 

13,629 
(To  Alpena 

3,96& 

) 

14,894 

3,947 

7,294 

2,760 

40,867 

38,261 

7,222 

1,816 

2,845 

2,093 

70 

26,651 

355 


4,568 
27 


13,215 
26 


36,661 
26,275 

39>°97 
14,562 

26,604 
21,262 
12,693 

M$ 

12,349 
4,886 
15,224 
35,686 
75,547 

20,858 
13,714 
28,829 

4i,434 

119,038 

650 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  9;  instructors,  141;  students,  2,- 
701. 

Public  schools,  8,608;  value  of  school  property,  $8,982,- 
344;  teachers,  8,608;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $2,193,267;  re- 
ceipts for  school  purposes,  $3,792,740;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$3,789,291;  school  age,  5-20  years;  school  population  (1882), 
538,356;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  385,504;  average  attendance 
(1880),  263,775  J  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  148 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  47,112,  being  ^.8 
22 


338 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  19,981;  foreign  white, 
38,951;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  4,791;  total,  63,723, 
being  5.2  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  33  ;  others,  436;  total,  469.     Circulation,  602,- 

749- 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  240,319; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  143,249;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,  54,723 ;    in    manufacturing,   mechanics   and    mining, 

130,913- 
AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,    154,008;    total  acres 

in  farms,  13,807,240;  improved  acres,  8,296,862;  average  size 
of  farms,  90  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $499,103,- 
181  ;  value  of  implements,  $19,419,360;  total  value  of  all  farm 
products,  sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $91,159,858. 


Principal  Products 

Quantity. 

Barley 1,204.316  bush 

Buckwheat 413,062     " 

Butter 38,821,890  lbs. 

Cheese 440,540   " 

Hay 1,393,888  tons. 

Hops 266,010  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 32,461,452  bush. 

Milk 7,898,273  galls 


Quantity. 

Oats 18,190,793  bush. 

Orchard  products.  .  . .   $2,760,677 

Potatoes,  Irish 10,924,111  bush. 

"         sweet 4,904     " 

Rye 294,918     " 

Tobacco 83,969  lbs. 

Wheat 35,532,543  bush. 

Wool 11,858,497  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 378,778 

Mules  and  asses 5,°83 

Working  oxen 40,393 

Milch  cows 384,578 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $55,720,113 


Number. 

Other  cattle 466,660 

Sheep 2,189,389 

Swine 964,07 1 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  8,873  \  capi- 
tal invested,  $92,930,959;  hands  employed,  77,591  ;  wages  paid, 
$25,313,682;  value  of  material,  $92,900,269;  value  of  products, 
$150,715,025. 

The  principal  products  are : 

Agricultural  implements $3,102,638 

Carriages  and  wagons 2,741,143 

Cars 1 ,466,256 

Clothing,  men's 3,029,478 

Cooperage 1,584,469 


Flour  and  mill  products.. .  .$23,546,875 

Machinery 5,271,142 

Furniture 3,514,176 

Iron  and  steel 4,591,613 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  .   3,026,585 


RULING   BY   STATES.  339 


Liquors,  malt $2,184,392 

Lumber,  planed  and  sawed.  .53,525,977 

Salt .  ..   2,271,913 

Sashes  and  doors 2,240,402 


Shipbuilding $2,034,636 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  . . .   2,065,634 
Tobacco  and  cigars 3,666,235 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  164,747  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Silver  $25,858 

Coal,  bituminous 100,800  tons  224,500 

Iron  ore 1,837,712     "  6,034,648 

Copper  ingots 45,830,262  lbs.  7,979,232 

Minor  minerals 4!,c>57 

Total  value  of  mineral  products $14,305,295 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  4,341 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  3,767;  cost,  $170,042,764;  total 
investment,  $170,412,717.  Length  of  canal  lines,  3.14  miles; 
cost,  $7,425,300.  Steam  craft,  422  ;  tonnage,  67,093  ;  value, 
$4,550,725.  Sail  craft,  470;  tonnage,  62,105  \  value,  $1,552,625. 
Barges  and  flats,  206  ;  value,  $136,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  property,  1883,  $810,000,000.  State  taxation  (1883), 
rate  \2]/2  cents  on  $100,  $1,021,091  ;  county  taxation,  $1,804,- 
512;  city,  town  and  township,  $5,139,877.  State  debt  (1883), 
all  funded,  $309, 1 50 ;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $8,803,- 
144. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Lansing.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $1,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all  elected 
or  selected  for  two  years,  are :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $3 
a  day;  Secretary  of  State,  $800;  Treasurer,  $1,000;  Auditor- 
General,  $2,000;  Attorney-General,  $800;  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  $1,000;  Adjutant-General  (appointed),  $1,000 ; 
Secretary  Board  of  Agriculture  (appointed),  $1,500;  Commis- 
sioner of  Lands,  $800;  Insurance  Commissioner  (appointed), 
$2,000;  Railroad  Commissioner  (appointed),  $2,500;  Immigra- 
tion Commissioner  (appointed),  $2,000 ;  State  Librarian  (ap- 
pointed), $1,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  32  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $3 
a  day  and  ten  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on 
first  Wednesday  in  January.     No  limit  to  length  of  session. 


340  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  three  as- 
sociates, elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  eight  years.  Salary 
of  each,  $4,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  11 ;  Presidential  electors,  13. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.  Dem.  Tern.  Grbk.  Maj. 

1872  President 136,202  79,088  1,271            55,843  R. 

1874  Governor 111,519  105,550  3,937  ••••  2,032  R. 

1876         "         165,926  142,492  870  8,297  23,434  R. 

1876  President 166,534  141,095  ....             25,439  R. 

1878  Governor 126,399  79,682  ....  74,333  46,717  R. 

1880        "         177.954  137,691  ....  35,032  40,263  R. 

1880  President 185,341  131, 597  942  34,895  53,744  R. 

1882  Governor 149,581  154,404  6,349  ....  4,8230. 


MINNESOTA. 


NAME. — From  the  river,  meaning  "cloudy,  or  colored, 
water,"  in  the  Indian  language. 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  March  3,  1849; 
act  of  admission  dated  May  4,  1858;  actual  admission,  May 
11,  1858. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  79,205;  acres,  50,691,200;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  9.86. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Per  cent  or 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1850 6,077 

i860 172,023  2,730.7 


Per  cent  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1870 439,7o6  155-6 

1880 78o,773  77-5 


RULING   BY  STATES. 


341 


1880  by   Classes. 


Male 4I9<I49      Native 513,097 

Fei/.ale.  .361,624      Foreign...    267,676 

Dwellings 136,458 

Families 143.374 

Voters — Males  over  21 213,485 


White 776,884      Chinese 25 

Black 1,564      Indians 2,300 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.72 

"         "   family 5.45 

Natural  militia,  18-44 174,681 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Aitken 366 

Anoka 7,108 

Becker. 5,218 

Beltrami 10 

Benton 3,012 

Big  Stone 3,688 

Blue  Earth 22,889 

Breckenridge 

Brown . 12,018 

Buchanan 

Carleton 1,230 

Carver 14,140 

Cass 486 

Chippewa x 5,408 

Chisago 7.982 

Clay 5,887 

Cook  65 

Cottonwoo  1 5,533 

Crow  Wmg 2,319 

Dakota , 17.391 

Dodge 11,344 

Douglas 9,13o 

Favibault 13,016 

Fillmore 28,162 

Freeborn 16,069 

Goodhue 29,651 

Grant 3,°o4 

Hennepin. 67,013 

Houston  16,332 

Isanti 5,063 

Itasca 124 

iackson 4,806 
Lannabec 505 

Kandiyohi  10,159 

Kittson 935 

Lac-qui-parle 4,891 

Lake 106 

Le  Sueur 16,103 

Lincoln 2,945 

Lyon 6,257 

McLeod 12,342 

Mankahta 

Manomin 


1870. 

178 

3,940 

308 

80 

i,558 

24 

17,302 


6,396 

"286 

11,586 

380 

1,467 

4,358 

92 


i860. 

2 

2,106 

386 


4,803 
79 

2,339 
26 

5i 

5,106 

150 

1,743 


534 

T2 

200 

269 

16,312 

9,°93 

8,598 

3,797 

4,239 

»9S 

9,94o 

24,887 

i,335 

13,542 

10,578 

3,367 

22,618 

8,977 

340 

3^566 

12,849 

14,936 

6,645 

2,035 

284 

96 

5i 

1,825 

181 

93 

30 

1,760 

76 

64 

1,612 

145 

135 

248 

11,607 

5,3i8 

1880. 

992 

5,249 

",739 
1,501 


5,643 


1,286 
'"136 


Counties. 

Marshall 

Martin 

Meeker 

Mille  Lacs 

Monogalia 

Morrison 5,875 

Mower 16,799 

Murray 3,604 

Nicolkt   12,3-3 

Nobles 4,435 

Olmsted 21,543 

Otter  Tail 18,675 

Pierce 

Pi-e 1,365 

Pipe  Stone 2,092 

Polk 11,433 

Pope 5,874 

Ramsey 45,890 

Redwood 5,375 

Renville 10,791 

Rice 22,481 

Rock 3,669 

Saint  Louis 4,504 

Scott 13,516 

Sherburne 3,855 

Sibley 10,637 

Stearns 21,956 

Steele 12,460 

Stevens 3,9 11 

Swift 7,473 

Todd 6,133 

Traverse 1, 507 

Wabasha 18,206 

Wadena 2,080 

Wahuata 

Waseca 12,385 

Washington 19,563 

Watonwan 5,104 

Wilkin  1,906 

I  Winona 27,!97 

!  Wright 18,104 

j  Yellow  Medicine 5,884 


1870. 


i860. 


3,867 

I5» 

6,090 

928 

1,109 

73 

3,i6i 

350 

1,681 

618 

10,447 

3,2i7 

209 

29 

8,362 

3,773 

117 

35 

19,793 

9,524 

1,968 

240 

11 

648 

9^ 

23 

240 

2,691 

23/  85 

12,150 

1,829 

3,219 

245 

16,083 

7,543 

138 

4,56i 

406 

1 1 ,042 

4,595 

2,050 

723 

6,725 

3,609 

14,206 

4,5o5 

8,271 

2,863 

174 

2,036 

13 
15,859 

6 


430 
7,228 


7.854 

1 1 ,809 
2,426 

2,60? 
6,123 

295 
22,319 

40 
9,208 

9,457 

3,729 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  5;  instructors,  75;  students,  981. 

Public  schools,  4,784;  value  of  school  property,  $3,460,458; 
teachers,  5,100;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $1,054,523;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $2,012,987;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$2,159,435;  school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
315,948;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  196,238;  average  winter  at- 
tendance (1882),  97,532  ;  average  length  of  winter  term  in  1882, 
98  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  20,551,  being  3.7  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.    Persons  over  ten  years 


342 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


who  cannot  write:  native  white,  5,671;  foreign  white,  27,835; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  1,040;  total,  34,546,  being  6.2 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  10;  others,  214;  total,  224.  Circulation,  221,- 
674. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  131,535  ; 
111  professional  and  personal  services,  59,452 ;  in  trade  and 
transportation,  24,349 ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 

39^89. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  92,386;  total  acres  in 
farms,  13,403,019;  improved  acres,  7,246,693  ;  average  size  of 
farms,  145  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $193,724,260; 
value  of  implements,  $13,089,783;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold  consumed  or  on  hand,  $49,468,951. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 2,972,965  bush. 

Buckwheat 41,756     " 

Butler 19,161,385  lbs. 

Cheese 523,138    " 

Hay 1 ,636,9 1 2  tons. 

Hops 10,928  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 14.83 1 ,741  bush. 

Milk 1,504,407  gal. 


Quantity. 

Oats 23,382,158  bush. 

Orchard  products $  1 2 1 ,648 

Potatoes,  Irish 5,18.4,676  bush. 

Rye 215.245  bush. 

Tobacco 69,922  lbs. 

Wheat 34,601,030  bush. 

Wool 1,352,124  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 257,282 

Mules  and  asses 9,019 

Working  oxen 36,344 

Milch  cows 275,545 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 .$31,904,82 


Number. 

Other  cattle   347,161 

Sheep 267,598 

Swine 381,415 


MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  3,493  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $31,004,811  ;  hands  employed,  21,247;  wages  paid, 
$8,613,094;  value  of  materials,  $55,660,681;  value  of  products, 
$76,065,198. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Agricultural  implements.  .  . .  $2,340,288 

Clothing,  men's 1,662,855 

Cooperage 1 ,007,643 

Flour  mill  products 41,519,004 

Machinery 1,606,518 


Liquors,  malt $1,153,122 

Lumber  sawed  and  planed.  .  8,023,415 

Printing  and  publishing  ....  1,043,664 

Sashes  and  doors 1,344,618 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  53,880  horse-power. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  343 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  4,528 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  3,734;  cost,  $237,607,308;  total 
investment,  $258,949,909.  Steam  craft,  61  ;  tonnage,  5,119; 
value,  $273,270.     Barges,  32;  value,  $12,800. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $244,043,847;  of  personal  property,  $67,159,588.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  18.5  cents  on  $100,  $781,762  ;  county  taxa- 
tion, $1,251,888  ;  city  and  town,  $1,735,420.  State  debt  (1883) 
all  funded,  $4,506,000;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $5,911,064. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  St.  Paul.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $3,800.  The  other  State  officers — all  of 
whose  terms  are  two  years,  except  Auditor,  three  years — are, 
Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $600;  Secretary  of  State,  $1,800; 
Treasurer,  $3,500;  Auditor,  $3,000 ;  Attorney-General,  $2,000; 
Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $2,500;  Adjutant-General, 
$1,500;  Public  Examiner,  $3,000;  Insurance  Commissioner,  $2- 
000 ;  Commissioner  Statistics,  $2,000 ;  Railroad  Commissioner, 
$3,000;  State  Librarian,  $2,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  47  Senators  and  103  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years  ;  Representatives 
for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $5  a  day  and  1 5  cents 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  first 
Monday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary  $4,500 ; 
and  four  Associate  Justices,  salary  of  each,  $4,000  ;  all  elected 
by  the  people  for  a  term  of  seven  years. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  5  ;  Presidential  electors,  7. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 


Rep. 

Dem. 

Tem. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

1872  President 

••   55,709 

35,2" 

20,498  R. 

1873  Governor.. . 

..  40,781 

35,26° 

1,050 

5,52i  R. 

1875          "         ... 

••  47,053 

35,i68 

1,484 

11,885  R- 

1876  President.. . 

. .  72,962 

48,779 

2,389 

24,163  R. 

1877  Governor..  . 

..   57,644 

40,215 

17,429  R 

1879         "         ... 

..  56,918 

41,583 

2,867 

4,264 

15,335  R. 

1880  President..  . 

••  93,903 

53,315 

286 

3,267 

40,588  R. 

1 88 1  Governor..  . 

•  •   65,025 

37,i68 

708 

2,676 

27,857  R. 

1883         «         ... 

..   72,404 

57,859 

14,545  R 

344 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC 


MISSISSIPPI. 

NAME. — From  the  river  Mississippi,  commonly  called  the 
"  Father  of  Waters."  But  the  Indian  thought  was,  according  to 
some,  "the  great  and  long  water;"  according  to  others,  "the 
whole  river;"  that  is,  a  river  formed  by  a  union  of  many,  the 
drainage  river  of  a  system.     Popular  name  u  The  Bayou  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  April  7,  1798. 
Act  of  admission,  April  10,  1 8 17.    Actual  admission,  same  date. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  46,340;  acres,  29,657,600 ;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  24.42. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1800 8,850 

1810 40>352 

1820 75,448 

1830 136,621 

1840 375,651 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

355-9 
86.9 
81.0 

174.9 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 606,526 

i860 79I>3°5 

1870 827,922 

1880 i,i3i»597 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
61,4 

30-4 

4-6 

36.6 


1880  by  Classes. 


Male 567,177     Native.  .1,122,388 

Female. ..  564,420     Foreign...     9,209 

Dwellings 208,297 

Families 215,055 

Voters — Males  over  21 238,532 


White. .  .479,398      Chinese. .  .  51 

Black..  .650,291       Indians 1,857 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.43 

"         "     family 5.26 

Natural  militia,  18-44 203,080 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adams 22,649 

Alcorn 14,272 

Amite 14,004 

Attala 19,988 

Baldwin 

Benton 11,023 

Bolivar 18,652 

Calhoun 13,492 

Carroll 1 7,795 

Chickasaw fjjgof, 

Choctaw 9,036 

Claiborne 16,768 

Clarke 15,021 


1870. 
19,084 
10,431 
10,973 
M,776 


i860. 
20,165 


12,336 
14,169 


9.732 
10,561 
21,047 
19,899 
16,988 
13,386 

7,505 


10,471 
9.5i8 
22,035 
16,426 
15,722 
15,679 
10,771 


Counties.  1880. 

Clay 17,367 

Coahoma 13.568 

Copiah 27,552 

Covington 5.993 

De  Soto 22,924 

Franklin 9,729 

Greene 3,!94 

Grenada 12,071 

Hancock 6,439 

Harrison 7,895 

Hinds 43,958 

Holmes 27,164 

Issaquena 10,004 


1870. 

7.M4 
20,608 

4.753 
32,021 

7.498 
2,038 
10,571 
4,239 
5,795 
30,488 
i9.37o 
6,887 


i860. 

6,606 
15,398 

4,408 
23,3^6 

8,265 

2,232 


3,i39 
4,819 
3T»339 
i7,79i 
7,831 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


345 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties, 
Itawamba  . 
Jackson  .... 
Jasper 

Jefferson  ... 
Jones 


1880.  1870. 

10,663  7,812 

7,607  4,362 

12,126         10,884 

17.314         13,848 

iuii^ 3,828  3,313 

Kemper 15,719         12,920 

La  Fayette 21,671         18,802 

Lauderdale 21,501         13,462 

Lawrence 9,420  6,720 

Leake 13,146 

Lee 20,470 

Le  Flore 10,246 

Lincoln 13.547 

Lowndes 28,244 

Madison 25,866 

Marion 6,901 

Marshall 29,33° 

Monroe 28,553 

Montgomery 13,348 

Neshoba 8,741  7,439 

Newton 13,436         10,067 

Noxubee 29,874         20,905 

Oktibbeha J5-978         14,891 

Panola 28,352         20,754 

Perry 3,427  2,694 


i860. 
17,695 
4,122 

11,007 
15,349 
3,323 
11,682 
16,125 

13,313 

9,2I3 


8,496 

9»324 

15,955 

10,184 

3°.502 

23,625 

20.948 

23,^82 

4,211 

4,686 

29,416 

28,823 

22,631 

21,283 

S.343 

9,661 

20,667 

12,977 

I3,794 
2,606 


Counties.  1880. 

Pike 16,688 

Pontotoc 13,858 

Prentiss 12,158 

Quitman 1,407 

Rankin 16,752 

Scott 10,845 

Sharkey 6,306 

Simpson 8,008 

Smith 8,088 

Sumner 9,534 

Sunflower 4,661 

Tallahatchie 10,926 

Tate.... 18,721 

Tippah 12,867 

Tishomingo 8,774 

Tunica 8,461 

Union 10,030 

Warren 31,238 

Washington 25,367 

Wayne 8,741 

Wilkinson 17,815 

Winston 10,087 

Yalobusha 15,649 

Yazoo 33,845 


1870. 

i860. 

",303 

",i35 

12,525 
9,348 

22,113 

12,977 

7,«47 

13,635 
8,139 

5,7'8 
7,126 

6,080 
7,638 

5,oi5 
7,852 

5,oi9 
7,890 

20,727 

22,550 

7,35o 
5,358 

24,H9 
4,366 

26,769 
14,569 
4/206 

20,696 
15,679 
3,691 

12,705 
8,984 

15933 
9,811 

13,25 

16,952 

17,2 

22..373 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  3  ;  instructors,  25  ;  students,  724. 

Public  schools,  5,166;  value  of  school  property,  $553,610; 
teachers,  5,473;  teachers'  salaries  (1881),  $644,352;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $742,765;  expended  for  same  (1881). 
$757,758;  school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1881), 
444,131;  pupils  enrolled  (1881),  237,288;  average  attendance 
(1881),  136,315  ;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1881,  75.5 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  315,612,  being  41.9 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  52,910;  foreign  white, 
538;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  319,753;  total,  373,201, 
being  49.5  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  5;  others,  118;  total,  123.    Circulation,  87,904. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  339,938; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  49,448 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,   12,975  ;  in    manufacturing,    mechanics   and   mining, 

13,145- 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  101,772;  total  acres  in 
farms,  15,855,462;  improved  acres,  5,216,937;  average  size  of 
farms,  156  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $92,844,915; 
value  of  implements,  $4,885,636;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $63,701,844. 


346  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 348  bush. 

Butter 7,454,657  lbs. 

Cheese.. 4,239    " 

Cotton 963,1 1 1  bales. 

May 8,894  tons. 

Indian  Corn 21,340,800  bush. 

Milk 427,492  galls. 

Oats 1,959,620  bush. 

Orchard  products #378,145 


Quantity. 

Potatoes,  Irish 303,821  bush. 

"         sweet 3,610,660     " 

Rice 1,718,951  lbs. 

Rye 5,134  bush. 

Sue.  &  mol.,  18  hhds. .      536,625  galls. 

Tobacco 414,663  lbs. 

Wheat 218,890  bush. 

Wool 734,643  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 387,452 

Sheep 287,694 

Swine 1,151,818 


Number. 

Horses 1 1 2,309 

Mules  and  asses 129,778 

Working  oxen 61,705 

Milch  cows 268,178 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $24,285,717 

MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  1,479;  cap- 
ital invested,  $4,727,600;  hands  employed,  5,827 ;  wages  paid, 
$1,192,645;  value  of  material,  $4,667,183;  value  of  products, 
$7,518,302. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Cotton  goods $691,415  I  Oil  and  oil  cake $560,363 

Flour  and  mill  products 1 ,762,523    Woollen  goods 299,605 

Lumber,  sawed 1,920,335  j 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  18,450  horse-power. 

COMMERCIAL  FA C/LIT/LS.— Railroads  in  1883,  491 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  413;  cost,  $17,670,929;  total 
investment,  $17,674,544.  Steam  craft,  40;  tonnage,  3,657  ;  value, 
$204,450.  Sail  craft,  119;  tonnage,  2,970;  value,  $74,225. 
Barges  and  flats,  42 ;  value,  $8,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $87,596,173;  of  personal  property,  $39-I58>754-  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  22  cents  on  $100,  $348,869;  county  taxa- 
tion, $1,595,444;  city  and  town,  $235,661.  State  debt  (1882), 
net  funded,  $867,722;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $1,633,705. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Jackson.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all  elected 
for  four  years,  except  Commissioner  of  Lands  and  Librarian, 
whose  term  is  two  years,  are,  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary, 
$800;  Secretary  of  State,  $2,500;  Treasurer,  $2,500 ;  Auditor, 


RULING   BY    STATES.  347 

$2,500;  Attorney-General,  $2,500;  Superintendent  Public  Educa- 
tion, $2,000;  Commissioner  Agriculture,  $1,000;  Commissioner 
Lands,  $1,000;  Adjutant-General,  $500.;  State  Librarian,  $800. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  37  Senators  and  120  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $400  a  year.  Legislature 
meets  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  January.  No 
limit  to  length  of  session. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  are  held  on 
Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  asso- 
ciates, appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Senate  for  a  term  of  nine 
years.    Salary  of  each,  $3,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  7;   Presidential  electors,  9. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj, 

1872  President.  .  = 47,191  81,916  34,725  R. 

1873  Governor 52,904  74,307  21,403  R. 

1876  President 109,173  51,605  57,5680. 

1877  Governor 96,454  1,168  95,286  D. 

1880  President 75.750  34.854  40,8960. 

1881  Governor. 76,365  51,364  25,001  D. 


MISSOURI. 


NAME. — So  called  from  the  river,  which  means,  in  Indian, 
"  muddy  water." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  June  4,  181 2  ; 
act  of  admission,  March  2,  1821;  actual  admission,  Aug.  10, 
1821. 


348 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 


AREA. — Square  miles,  68,735  J  acres,  43,990,400;  persons  to 
square  mile,  31.55. 

POPULA  TION  and  rate  of  increase : 


Census.  Pop. 

1810 20,845 

1820 66,557 

1830 140,455 

1840 383J02 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

219.2 

III.O 

I73-I 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 682,044 

i860 1,182,012 

1870 1,721,295 

1880 2,168,380 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
77-7 
73-3 
45-6 
25-9 


1880  by  Classes. 


Male 1,127,187     Native 1,956,802 

Female.  .1,041,193     Foreign...     211,578 

Dwellings 369,180 

Families   403,186 

Voters — Males  over  21 541,207 


White 2,022,826     Chinese 91 

Black 145,350     Indians 113 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.87 

"  "    family 5.38 

Natural  militia,  18-44 459>2°9 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adair 15,190 

Andrew 16,318 

Atchison 14,556 

Audrain I9,732 

Barry 14,405 

Barton 10,332 

Bates 25,381 

Benton 12,396 

Bollinger 11,130 

Boone 25,422 

Buchanan 49792 

Butl  r 6,011 

Caldwell 13,646 

Callaway 23,670 

Camden 7,266 

Cape  Girardeau 20,998 

Carroll 23,274 

Carter 2,168 

Cass 22,431 

Cedar 10,741 

Chariton 25,224 

Christian 9,628 

Clark 15,031 

Clay 15,572 

Clinton 16,073 

Colet 15,515 

Cooper 21,596 

Crawford 10,756 

Dade 12,557 

Dallas 9,263 

Daviess 19,145 

De  Kalb 13, 334 

Dent 10,646 

Dodge 

Douglas 7,753 

Dunklin 9,604 

Franklin 26,534 

Gasconade ",153 

Gentry 17,176 

Greene 28,801 

Grundy 15,185 

Harrison 20,304 

Henry 23,906 

Hickory 7,387 

Holt 15,5^9 

Howard 18,428 

Howell 8,814 


1870. 
11,448 

15,137 

8,440 

12,307 

io,373 

5,087 

15,960 

11,322 

8,162 

20,765 

35,io9 

4,298 
",39o 
19,202 

6,108 
17,558 
17,446 

i,455 
19,296 

9.474 
19.136 

6,707 
1 3,667 
15,564 
14,063 
10,292 
20,692 

7,982 

8,683 

8,383 
14,410 
9.858 
6,357 

3.9*5 
5,982 
30,098 
10,093 
11,607 

2i,549 
10,567 
14,635 
17,401 

6,452 
11,652 
17,233 

4,218 


i860. 
8,531 
11,850 
4.649 
8,075 
7.995 
1,817 
7,215 
9,072 

7,37i 

19,486 

23,861 

2,891 

5,o34 

17,449 

4,975 

15,547 

9.763 

1,235 

t'24 

6,637 

12,562 

5,491 

11,684 

13,023 

7,848 

9.697 

17,356 

5,823 

7,072 

5,892 

9,606 
5.224 
5,654 


2,414 
5,026 

18,085 
8,727 

11,980 

13,186 
7,887 

10,626 
9,866 
4,705 
6,550 

15,946 
3.169 


Counties. 

Iron 

Jackson 

Jasper 

Jefferson 

Johnson  

Knox 

Lackde 

La  Fayette.... 

L.iwrence 

Lewis 

Lincoln 

Linn 

Livingston 

McDonald 

M:tcon 

Madison 

Maries 

Marion 

Mercer , 

MilLr 

Mississippi.... 

Moniteau 

Monroe 

Montgomery ., 

Morgan 

New  Madrid.. 

Newton 

Nodaway 

Oregon 

Osage 

Ozark 

Pemiscot 

Perry 

Pettis 

Phelps 

Pike 

Platte 

Polk 

Pulaski 

Putnam 

Ralls 

Randolph 

Ray    

Reynolds 

Ripley 

Saint  Charles. 
Saint  Clair 


1880. 

8,183 
82,325 
32,019 
18,736 
28,172 
13,047 
11,524 
25.710 
17,383 
i5,925 
17,426 
20,016 
20,196 

7,8i6 
26,222 

8,876 

7,304 
24,837 
14,673 

9,805 

9,270 
14,346 
19,071 
16,249 
10,132 

7,694 
'8,947 
29,544 

5,791 
11,824 

5,618 

4,299 
n.895 
27,271 
12,568 
26,715 
17,366 
15.734 

7.250 
13,5^5 
11,838 
22,751 
20,190 

5,722 

5,377 
23,065 
14,125 


1870. 

6,278 
55,o4i 
14,928 
15,380 
24,648 
io,974 

9,}8o 
22,623 
13,067 
15,114 
15  960 
15,900 
16,730 

5,226 
23,230 

5,849 

5,9i6 
23,780 
",557 

6,616 

4.982 
",375 
17.149 
10,405 

8,434 

6.357 

12,821 

14,751 

3,2«7 

10,793 

3,363 

2,059 

9,877 

18,706 

10,506 

23,076 

17,352 

12,445 

4,714 

11.217 

10,510 

15,908 

18,700 

3,756 

3,175 

21,304 

6,742 


i860. 
5,842 

22,013 
6,883 

lo,344 

14,644 
8,727 
5,182 

20,098 
8,846 

12,286 

14,210 
9,112 
7,417 
4,038 

14,346 
5.664 
4.901 

18,838 
9,300 
6,812 

4,859 
10,124 

14,785 
9,718 
8,202 
5,654 
9.319 
5,252 
3,009 
7,879 
2,447 
2,962 
9,128 
9.392 
5,714 
18,417 
18,350 
9.995 
3,835 
9,207 
8,592 
11,407 
14.092 
3,173 
3.747 
16,523 
6,812 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


349 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Sa:nt  Francois 13,822 

Saint  Genevieve 10,390 

Saint  Louis 31,888 

Saint  Louis  City 350,518 

Saline 29,911 

Schuyler 10,470 

Scotland 12,508 

Scott 8,587 

Shannon 3,44* 

Shelby 14,024 

Stoddard 13,431 

Stone 4,404 


1870. 

i860. 

9,742 

8,384 

351,189 

7.249 

8,029 

190,524 

21,672 

8,820 

10,670 

7,317 

2,339 
10,119 

8,535 
3,253 


Counties.  1880. 

Sullivan 16,569 

Taney 5,599 

Texas 12,206 

Van  Buren 

14,699  I  Vernon 19,369 

6,697     Warren io,8c6 

8,873  J  Washington 12,896 

5,247  \  Wayne 9,096 

2,284  i  Webster I2,i75 

7,301  J  Worth 8,203 

7,877  I  Wright 9,712 

2,400  I 


1870. 

11,907 
4,407 
9,618 


i860. 
9,198 
3,576 
6,067 


11,249 

4,8=0 

9,673 

8,839 

11,719 

9-723 

6,068 

5,629 

10,434 

7,099 

5,004 

5,684 

4,5o8 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,    17;    instructors,    233;    students, 

3>239- 

Public  schools,  10,329;  value  of  school  property,  $7,810,924; 
teachers,  10,802;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $2,226,610;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $3,930,003;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$3,753,224;  school  age,  6^-20  years;  school  population  (1882), 
741,622;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  488,091;  average  attendance 
(1880),  260,540;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  Sy 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  138,818,  being  8.9 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  137,949;  foreign 
white,  14,561  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  56,244;  total, 
208,754,  being  13.4  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of 
age. 

Daily  papers,  43  ;  others,  488 ;  total,  531.  Circulation,  1,031,- 
360. 

OCCUPATION'S. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  355,297; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  148,588;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 79,300;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
109,774. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  215,575  ;  total  acres  in 
farms,  27,879,276;  improved  acres,  16,745,031;  average  size  of 
farms,  129  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $375,633,307; 
value  of  implements,  $18,103,074  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $95,912,660. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 123,031  bush. 

Buckwheat 57,640     " 


Quantity. 

Butter 28,572,124  lbs. 

Cheese 283,484   " 


350 


BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


Principal  Products — Continued. 


Quantity. 

Cotton 20,3 1 8  bales. 

Hay 1,077,458  tons. 

Indian  Corn 202,414,413  bush. 

Milk 3#I73/>«7  galls. 

Oats 20,670,958  bush. 

Orchard  products #1,812,873 


Quantity. 

Potatoes,  Irish 4,189,694  bush. 

"          sweet 431,484     " 

Rye 535.426    « 

Tobacco 12,015,657  lbs. 

Wheat 24,966,627  bush. 

Wool 7,313,924  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 667,776 

Mules  and  asses 192,027 

Working  oxen 9,020 

Milch  cows 661,405 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms 


Number. 

Other  cattle 1,410,507 

Sheep 1 ,41 1 ,298 

Swine 4,553,I23 

June  1,  1880 #95,785,282 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  8,592; 
capital  invested,  $72,507,844  ;  hands"  employed,  63,995  ;  wages 
paid,  $24,309,716;  value  of  material,  $110,798,392;  value  of 
products,  $165,386,205. 

The  principal  manufactures  are 


Agricultural  implements.  \  . .  .#1,141,822 

Bags  of  flax  and  hemp 1,730,000 

Boots  and  shoes 1,982,993 

Bakery  products 3,250,192 

Brick  and  tile. 1 ,602,5 22 

Carriages  and  wagons 2,483,738 

Cars 1,93 1 ,609 

Clothing,  men's 3,822,477 

Flour  and  mill  products 32,438,831 

Machinery 6,798,832 


Furniture 

Iron  and  steel 

Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  . 
Lumber,  sawed  and  planed. , 

Paints 

Printing  and  publishing 

Saddlery  and  harness 

Slaughtering  and  packing. .  . 
Sugar  and  molasses,  refined. 
Tobacco  and  cigars 


#2,380,563 
4,660,530 
5,575,607 

6,533,253 
2,825,860 
4,452,962 

3,976,175 

14,628,630 

4,475,740 

6,810,719 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  80,749  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Coal,  bituminous #543,990  tons. 

Iron  ore 386,197     " 

Lead  ore 28,315     " 

Zinc  ore , 34,344     " 

Copper  ingots 230,717  lbs. 

Minor  minerals 


Value. 
#1,037,100 
1,674,875 
1,478,571 
599,373 
25,730 
^,196 
Total  value  of  mineral  products #4,828,845 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  6,029 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  4,922  ;  cost,  $293,442,271;  total 
investment,  $349,823,650.  Steam  craft,  167;  tonnage,  60,873 ; 
value,  $2,098,000.  Barges  and  flats,  277 ;  tonnage,  183,988 ;  value, 
$1,049,800. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  351 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $478,454,266;  personal  property,  $170,813,976.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  40  cents  on  $100,  $2,839,523  ;  county  tax- 
ation, $2,885,503  ;  city,  town  and  district,  $5,258,955.  State  debt, 
1883,  all  funded,  $13,979,000;  county,  city  and  town  indebted- 
ness, $40,748,384. 

GO  VERNMENT.— Capital,  Jefferson  City.  Governor  elected 
for  four  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers — all 
for  four  years,  except  Railroad  Commissioners,  for  six  years — 
are :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary  $5  per  day ;  Secretary  of  State, 
$3,000;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Auditor,  $3,000;  Attorney-General, 
$3,000;  Adjutant-General  (Governor's  will),  $2,000;  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Schools,  $3,000;  Land  Register,  $3,000 ;  3 
Railroad  Commissioners,  $3,000;  Superintendent  of  Insurance, 
$4,000 ;  State  Librarian,  $4,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  34  Senators  and  141  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years  ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $5  a  day,  $30  extra  and  mileage. 
Legislature  meets  biennially  on  Wednesday  after  January  1st. 
Sessions  limited  to  70  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  the  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  as- 
sociates, elected  by  the  people  for  ten  years,  one  being  elected 
every  two  years.     Salary  of  each,  $4,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  14;  Presidential  electors,  16. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem. 

1872  President 151,433 

1874  Governor 149,556 

1876        "  I99,58o 

1876  President 203,077 

1880        "  208,609 

1880  Governor 207,670 

1882  Judge  Supreme  Court.  193,620 


Rep. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

119,196 

32,237  D. 

112,104 

37,452  D. 

147,694 

51,886  D. 

145,029 

58,048  D. 

I53»567 

35.045 

55,042  D. 

153.636 

36,338 

54,034  D. 

128,239 

33,407 

65,381  D- 

352  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

MONTANA    TERRITORY. 

NAME. — A  name  descriptive  of  its  topography — the  moun- 
tainous Territory. 

ORGANIZATION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  May  26,  1864. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  145,310;  acres,  92,998,400;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  0.27. 

POPULA  TION  and  rate  of  increase : 

Census.  Pop.  Per  cent  of 

1 370 20,595  increase. 

1880 39,159  901 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male.  ..  .28,177         Native 27,638        White 35,385        Chinese 1,765 

Female.  .  10,982         Foreign  ..  .11,521  Black....         346        Indians.  ...  1,663 

Dwellings 9,205         Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.25 

Families 9,931  "  "     family 3.94 

Voters — Males  over  21 21,544        Natural  militia,  18-44 18,147 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 

Counties.                      1880.  1870.          i 

Beaver  Head 2,712  722 

Choteau 3,058  517 

Custer 2,510  38 

Dawson 180  177 

Deer  Lodge 8,876  4,367 

Gallatin 3,643  1,578 

EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  159;  value  of  school  prop- 
erty, $132,507;  teachers,  167;  teachers'  salaries,  $53,785;  re- 
ceipts for  school  purposes,  $76,302  ;  expended  for  same,  $68,- 
002;  school  age,  4-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  10,482; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  6,054;  average  attendance  (1882),  3,558 ; 
average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  125  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  1,530,  being  4.8  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  272;  foreign  white,  359;  col- 
ored, Chinese  and  Indians,  1,076;  total,  1,707,  being  5.3  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  4 ;  others,  14;  total,  18.     Circulation,  21,227. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  4,513  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  6,954;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 2,766;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  8,- 
022. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  1,519;  total  acres  in 


Counties.  1880.  1870.  i860. 

Jefferson 2,464  1,531  

Lewis  and  Clarke 6,521  5,040  

Madison 3,915  2,684  

Meagher 2,743  1,387  

Missoula 2,537  2,554  


RULING   BY   STATES.  353 

farms,  405,683  ;  improved  acres,  262,61 1  ;  average  size  of  farms, 
267  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $3,234,504;  value  of 
implements,  $401,185  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products,  sold, 
consumed  or  on  hand,  $2,024,923. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 39,97°  bush. 

Buckwheat 437    " 

Butter 403,738  lbs. 

Cheese 55»57°   " 

Hay 63,947  tons. 

Indian  Corn 5,649  hush. 

Milk 41,165  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 900,9 1 5  bush  . 

Orchard  products $1,530 

Potatoes,  Irish 228,702  bush. 

Rye 430    " 

Wheat    ..    469,688     " 

Wool 995,484  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 


Number. 


Other  cattle 160,143 

Sheep 184,277 

Swine 10,278 


Horses 35,1 14 

Mules  and  asses 858 

Working  oxen 936 

Milch  cows 1 1,308 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $5, 151, 554 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  196;  capital 
invested,  $899,390;  hands  employed,  578;  wages  paid,  $318,759; 
value  of  material,  $1,006,442  ;  value  of  products,  $1,835,867. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flour  and  mill  products $475,467  |  Lumber,  sawed $527,695 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  1,498  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold #1,805,767 

Silver 2,905,068 

Coal,  bituminous 224  tons  800 

Copper  ingots* 1,21 2,500  lbs.  

Total  mineral  products $4,7 1 1 ,635 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  valuation  of  real 
estate  (1882),  $8,639,736;  of  personal  property,  $24,582,583. 
Territorial  taxation  (1883),  rate  10  cents  on  $100,  $90,272; 
county,  $317,337;  city  and  town,  $10,781.  Territorial  debt 
(1884),  $45,000;  county  and  town  debt,  $695,248. 

GO  VERNMENT.—Q^\\Ay  Helena.  Governor  appointed  by 
the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years.     Salary,  $2,600.     The' 

*  The  copper  ingots  of  the  precious  mineral  areas  have  their  values  credited  to 
the  sections  in  which  they  are  refined. 
23 


354  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

other  Territorial  officers  are  a  Secretary,  term  four  years,  salary, 
$1,800;  a  Treasurer  and  Auditor,  term  two  years  each,  salary 
of  each,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Repre- 
sentatives, all  chosen  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4  a 
day  and  20  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on 
second  Monday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  elections  held  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  as- 
sociates, appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,  1  Delegate. 


Rep.  Maj. 

6,371  1,428  D. 

10,914  1*484  D. 


POLITICS.- 

—Vote  for  Delegate : 

1880  .... 
1882.... 

Dem. 

7,799 

12,398 

NEBRASKA. 


l*-HlNt 


NAME. — So  called  from  the  Nebraska  River.  The  word  is 
Indian,  meaning  "  water  valley,"  or  "  shallow  river." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  May  30,  1854; 
act  of  admission,  February  9,  1867;  actual  admission,  March  1, 
1867. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  76,185  ;  acres,  48,758,400;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  5.94. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Census.                                                                  Pop.  Per  cent  of 

i860 28,841  increase. 

1870 122,993  326-4 

1880 452>402  267.8 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


355 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male 249,241      Native 354,988 

Female.    .203,161       Foreign....  97,414 

Dwellings 85,848 

Families 89,135 

Voters — Males  over  21 129,042 


White. .  ..449,764      Chinese 18 

Black....      2,385       Indians. ..  .235 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.27 

"         "     family 5.08 

Natural  militia,  18-44 112,884 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adams i°>235 

Antelope 3,953 

Blackbird 109 

Boone 4,170 

Buffalo 7,53i 

Burt 6,937 

Butler 9,I94 

Calhoun 

Cass 16,683 

Cedar 2,899 

Chase 70 

Cheyenne 1,558 

Clay 11,294 

Colfax 6,588 

Cuming 5,569 

Custer 2,2ii 

Dakota 3, 213 

Dawson 2,909 

Dixon 4,177 

Dodge 11,263 

Douglass ...  37,645 

Dandy 37 

Fillimore 10,204 

Fort  Randall 

Franklin 5,465 

Frontier 934 

Furnas 6,407 

Gage i3,l64 

Gosper J,673 

Grant 

Greeley 1,461 

Green 

Hall 8,572 

Hamilton 8,267 

Harian 6,086 

Harrison 

Hayes 119 

Hitchcock 1,012 

Holt 3,287 

Howard 4,39* 

Jackson 


1870. 

*9 

i860. 

31 

193 
2,847 

1,290 

114 

388 

27 

41 

3»369 

246 

8,151 

1,032 

190 

54 

1,424 

2,964 

'"165 
67 

2,040 

103 

1,345 
4,212 
19.982 

819 

16 

247 

309 

4,328 

238 
26 

353 

3.359 

421 

484 

16 

*>°57 
130 

116 

631 

9 

Counties.  1880. 

Jefferson 8,096 

Johnson 7,595 

Jones 

Kearney 4>°72 

Keith 194 

Knox 3,666 

Lancaster 28,090 

Lincoln 3,632 

Lyon 

Madison 5,589 

Merrick 5, 341 

Monroe 

Nance 1,212 

Nemaha 10,451 

Nuckolls 4,235 

Otoe 15,727 

Pawnee 6,920 

Phelps 2,447 

Pierce 1,202 

Platte 9,511 

Polk 6,846 

Red  Willow 3»o44 

Richardson 15,031 

Saline 14,491 

Sarpy 4,481 

Saunders 15,810 

Seward ",147 

Sherman 2,061 

Shorter 

Sioux 699 

Stanton 1,813 

Taylor 

Thayer 6,113 

Valley 2,324 

Washington 8,631 

Wayne 813 

Webster 7,io4 

Wheeler 644 

York ",170 

Unorganized  Ter'y..     2,913 


1870. 
2,440 
3,429, 

5*8 

261 

7>°74 

17 

78 

i,i33 
557 
235 

44 

7,593 

8 

12,345 

4.171 

152 

1,899 

136 

9,780 
3,ic6 

2,9*3 
4.547 

2,953 


636 
97 


4,452 

182 

16 

604 
235 


i860. 

'"528 
122 
474 

152 

153 


109 


3,i39 

22 

4,211 


782 
*9 


2,835 
39 


117 


1,249 


,765 


EDUCATION— Colleges,  5;  instructors,  49 ;  students,  538. 

Public  schools,  3,286;  value  of  school  property,  $2,061,059; 
teachers,  3,418;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $702,127 ;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $1,252,898  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $1,358,- 
346;  school  age,  5— 21  years;  school  population  (1882),  165,- 
511;  pupils  enrolled,  115,546;  average  attendance  (1882), 
66,027;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  in  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  7,830,  being  2.5  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:    native  white,  5,102;    foreign  white, 


356  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

5,824;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  602;  total,  11,528,  being 
3.6  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  15;  others,  174;  total,  189.    Circulation,  160,158. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  90,507; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  28,746 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 15,106;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
18,255. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  63,387;  total  acres  in 
farms,  9,944,826;  improved  acres,  5,504,702 ;  average  size  in 
farms,  157  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $105,932,541; 
value  of  implements,  $7,820,917;  total  value  of  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $31,708,914. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 1,744,686  bush. 

Buckwheat 17,562     " 

Butter 9,725,198  lbs. 

Cheese 230,819    " 

Hay 785,433  tons. 

Indian  Corn 65,450,135  bush. 

Milk 625,783  galls. 

Oats 6,555,875  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $72,244 

Potatoes,  Irish 2,150,896  bush. 

"         sweet 13,628     M 

Rye 424,348    " 

Tobacco 57,979  lbs. 

Wheat 13,847,007  bush. 

Wool 1,282,656  lbs. 


Live -Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 590,129 

Sheep 199,453 

Swine 1,241,724 


Number. 

Horses 204,864 

Mules  and  asses I9,999 

Working  oxen 7,234 

Milch  cows 161,187 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $33,440,265 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  1,403; 
capital  invested,  $4,881,150;  hands  employed,  4,793  ;  wages  paid, 
$1,742,311;  value  of  materials,  $8,208,478;  value  of  products, 
$12,627,336. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Brick  and  tile $349,478 

Flour  mill  products 4,193,086 

Lumber  sawed 265,062 

Paints 350,000 


Printing  and  publishing $419,461 

Saddlery  and  harness 477,364 

Slaughtering  and  packing 1,359,397 

Liquors,  malt    393,870 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  8,494  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 
Coal,  bituminous 200  tons.  $750 


RULING  BY   STATES.  357 

COMMERCIAL  FA CILIT1ES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,408 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  2,102;  cost,  $166,962,120; 
total  investment,  $202,539,049.  Steam  craft,  14;  tonnage, 
1,193;  value,  $64,300. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $61,700,259;  of  personal  property,  $48,843,385.  State 
taxation  for  two  years  (1881-82),  rate  74  cents  on  $100,  $982,- 
OI2  ;  county  taxation,  $1,522,229;  city,  town  and  district,  $914,- 
786;  State  debt  (1883),  all  funded,  $375,582;  county,  city  and 
town  debt,  $7,050,175. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Lincoln.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $2,500.  The  other  State  officers — selected 
for  two  years,  except  Secretary  Board  Agriculture  one  year, 
and  Librarian  four  years — are :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $6 
a  day;  Secretary  of  State,  $2,000;  Treasurer,  $2,500;  Auditor, 
$2,500;  Attorney-General,  $2,000;  Superintendent  Public  In- 
struction, $2,000;  Adjutant-General,  $500;  Secretary  Board 
Agriculture,  $1,000;  Commissioner  Public  Lands,  $2,000; 
Librarian,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  33  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $3 
a  day  and  10  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  oh 
first  Tuesday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  40  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two 
Associate  Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  six  years.  Salary 
of  each  Judge,  $2,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  3  ;  Presidential  electors,  5. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Rep. 

1872  President 18,245 

1874  Governor 20,874 

1876  President 31,916 

1876  Governor 3r,947 

1878        "         29,469 

1880  President 54,979 

1880  Governor 55, 237 

*882       "         43,495 


Dew. 

Ind. 

Tem. 

Maj. 

7,705 

10,540  R. 

8,471 

3,987 

1,257 

7,I59R- 

17,554 

2,336 

4,964 

14,362  R. 

17,219 

3,022 

30 

14,728  R. 

13,473 

9,475 

15,996  R. 

28,523 

3,95<> 



26,456  R. 

28,167 

3,898 

27,027  R. 

28,562 

16,991 

14.933  R 

358 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC 


NEVADA. 


NAME. — From  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains,  which  in  turn 
duplicate  the  Sierra  Nevadas  of  Spain.  Nevada,  or  nevado, 
means,  in  Spanish,  "  white  with  snow."  Popular  name,  "  The 
Silver  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory  March  2,  1861. 
Act  of  admission  dated  March  21,  1864;  actual  admission, 
Oct.  31,  1864. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  109,740;  acres,  70,233,600;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  0.57. 

POPULATION <md  rate  of  increase: 

Census.  Pop.  Per  cent,  of 

i860 6,857  increase. 

1870 42,491  5I9-6 

1880 62,266  46.5 


1880  by  Classes 

Male 42,019        Native.  . . .  36,613 

Female.  ..20,247        Foreign..  ..  25,653 

Dwellings *4,557 

Families 15,158 

Voters — Males  over  21 3I>255 


White 53,556        Chinese 5,419 

Black 488        Indians 2,803 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.28 

"         "     family.    4. n 

Natural  militia,  18-44 25,967 


Counties.  1880. 

Carson 

Churchill 479 

Douglas 1,581 

Elko 5,716 

Esmeralda 3,220 

Eureka 7,086 

Humboldt 3,480 

Lander 3,624 

Lincoln 2,637 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses 
1870, 


196 
1,215 

3,447 
1,553 

1,916 
2,815 
2,985 


i860. 
6,712 


Counties.  1880. 

Lyon 2,409 

Nye 1,875 

Ormsby 5,4*2 

Roop 286 

Saint  Mary's 

Storey I6,ii5 

Washoe 5,664 

White  Pine 2,682 


1870. 

i860. 

1,837 

1,087 

3,668 

133 

105 

i,359 

3,091 
7,189 

EDUCATION — Colleges,   I  ;  instructors,  I  ;  students,  40. 

Public  schools,  185;  value  of  school  property,  $282,870; 
teachers,  195;  teachers'  salaries,  $131,019;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $275,967 ;  expended  for  same,  $212,164;  school  age, 


RULING   BY   STATES.  359 

6-18  years;  school  population  (1882)  10,483;  pupils  enrolled 
(1882),  8,158;  average  attendance  (1882),  5,286;  average  length 
of  school  year  in  1882,  146  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  3,703,  being  7.3  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  240;  foreign  white, 
1,675  >  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  2,154;  total,  4,069,  being  8 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  14;  others,  23;  total,  37.     Circulation,  28,395. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  4,180; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  10,373  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 4,449 ;    in   manufacturing,    mechanics    and    mining, 

13,231- 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  1,404;  total  acres  in 
farms,  530,862;  improved  acres,  344,423;  average  size  of  farms, 
378  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $5,408,325  ;  value  of 
implements,  $378,788 ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products,  sold, 
consumed  or  on  hand,  $2,855,449. 

Principal  Products. 
Quantity.        1  Quantity. 


Barley 513,470  bush. 

Butter 335, J88  lbs. 

Cheese 17,420    " 

Hay 95>853  tons- 
Indian  Corn 12,891  bush. 

Milk 149,889  galls. 


Oats 186,860  bush. 

Orchard  products $3,619 

Potatoes,  Irish 302,143  bush. 

Tobacco 1,500  lbs. 

Wheat 69,298  bush. 

Wool 655,012  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 158,137 

Sheep I33.695 

Swine 9,080 


Number. 

Horses 32,087 

Mules  and  asses 1,258 

Working  oxen 765 

Milch  cows J3,319 

Value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $3,399,749 

MANUFACTURES.— dumber  of  establishments,  184;  cap- 
ital invested,  $1,323,300;  hands  employed,  577;  wages  paid, 
$461,807;  value  of  material,  $1,049,794;  value  of  products, 
$2,179,626. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Flour  and  mill  products $405,089  |  Foundry  and  machine-shop. . .  .$320,955 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  716  horse-power. 


360  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $4,888,242 

Silver 12,430,667 

Copper  ingots 734,73°  1DS- 

Total  value  of  precious  minerals $17,318,909 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  509 
miles  of  line ;  miles  operated,  447;  cost,  $22,788,998;  total  in- 
vestment, $25,714,003. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $19,152,542;  of  personal  property,  $8,216,714.  State 
taxation  (1883),  90  cents  on  $100,  $246,324;  county  taxation, 
$619,169 ;  city  and  town,  $91,403.  State  debt  (1883),  all  funded, 
$555,000;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $1,024,523. 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Carson  City.  Governor  chosen 
for  four  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all 
chosen  for  four  years,  are:  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $3,000; 
Secretary  of  State,  $3,000;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Comptroller,  $3,- 
000;  Attorney-General,  $3,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruc- 
tion, $2,400;  Surveyor-General,  $3,000.  The  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor acts  as  Adjutant-General  and  Librarian. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  20  Senators  and  40  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives 
for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $8  per  day  and  40  cents 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Monday  in  Jan- 
uary.    Session  limited  to  60  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  as- 
sociates, chosen  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  six  years.  Salary 
of  each  Judge,  $6,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,   1 ;  Presidential  electors,  3. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Dem. 

Rep. 

Maj. 

1872  President. .  .  . 

. .     6,236 

8,413 

2,177  R. 

1874  Governor.  .  . . 

•  •    io,339 

7,755 

2,584  D. 

1876  President.  . .  . 

.  •     9,3°8 

10,383 

1,075  R- 

1878  Governor 

•  •     9J5I 

9,678 

527  R. 

1880  President 

..     9,611 

8,732 

879  D. 

1882  Governor. .  . . 

•  •     7.770 

6,535 

1,235  D- 

RULING    BY   STATES. 


361 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

NAME. — Named  by  Mason,  grantee  of  the  Plymouth  Com- 
pany, New  Hampshire,  after  Hampshire  county,  England.  Pop- 
ular name,  "  The  Granite  State."  * 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  June  21,  1788. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  9,005  ;  acres,  5,763,200;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  38.53. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 141,885 

1800 183,858 

1810 214,460 

1820 244,022 

1830 269,328 


Per  cent,  of 


increase. 


29-5 
16.6 

13-7 
10.3 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 284,574 

1850 3I7>976 

i860 326,073 

1870 318,300 

1880 346,99! 


Per  eent.  of 
increase. 

5-6 
11.7 

2-5 

2.3  dec. 
9.0 


1880  by  Classes. 


Male.  . .  .  170,526     Native.  . . .  300,697 

Female.  .  176,465     Foreign.  .  .  46,294 

Dwellings 68,381 

Families 80,286 

Voters — Males  over  21 105,138 


White..    .    346,229      Chinese....    14 

Black *       685       Indians 63 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.07 

"  "     family 4-32 

Natural  militia,  18-44 7°,4iO 


By   Counties  for  three   Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Belknap , 17,948 

Carroll 18,224 

Cheshire 28,734 

Coos 18,580 

Grafton 38,788 


1870. 
17,681 
17.332 
27,265 

M,932 
39,io3 


i860. 
18,549 
20.465 
27,434 
13,161 
42,260 


Counties.  1880. 

Hillsborough 75,634 

Merrimack 46,300 

Rockingham 49,064 

Strafford 35,558 

Sullivan 18,161 


1870. 
64,238 
42,151 

i860. 

62,140 

41,408 

47,297 

50,122 

30.243 
18,058 

3M93 
19,041 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,   i;  instructors,   18;  students,  235. 

Public  schools,  2,552;  value  of  school  property,  $2,328,796; 
teachers,  2,620;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  417,016;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $559,133  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $578,702  ; 
school  age,  5-15  years;  school  population  (1882),  60,899;  pupils 


362  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

enrolled  (1882),  64,349;  average  attendance  (1882),  43,996; 
average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  96.27  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  11,982,  being  4.2  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  2,710;  foreign  white,  II,- 
498;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  94;  total,  14,302,  being  5  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  10;  others,  79;  total,  89.  Circulation,  197,268. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  44,490; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  28,206 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,   11,735;    in    manufacturing,    mechanics  and    mining, 

58,037- 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  32,181;  total  acres 
in  farms,  3,721,173;  improved  acres,  2,308,112;  average  size  of 
farms,  116  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $75,834,389; 
value  of  implements,  $3,069,240  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $13,474,330. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity.  Quantity. 

Barley 77,877  bush,  j  Oats 1,017,620  bush. 

Buckwheat 94,090      "       |  Orchard  products.  ..  .  $972,291 

Butter 7,247,272  lbs.      ]  Potatoes,  Irish 3,358,828  bush. 

Cheese 807,076    "           Rye 34,638 


Hay 583,069  tons. 

Hops 23,955  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 1,350,248  bush. 

Milk 5,739,128  galls. 


Tobacco 1 70,843  lbs. 

Wheat 169,316  bush. 

Wool 1,060,589  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 


Number. 


Horses 46,773 

Mules  and  asses 87 

Working  oxen 29,152 

Milch  cows 90,564 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $9,812,064 


Other  cattle 112,689 

Sheep 211,825 

Swine 53A37 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  3,181  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $51,112,263  ;  hands  employed,  48,831  ;  wages  paid, 
$14,814,793;  value  of  material,  $43,552,462;  value  of  products, 
$73,978,028. 

The  principal  products  are  : 

Boots  and  shoes #7,230,804  I  Dyeing  and  finishing #1,568,100 

Cotton  goods 18,226,573  I  Flour  and  mill  products. . . .     2,542,784 


RULING   BY    STATES.  363 


Mixed  textiles #2,703,281 

Paper 1,731,170 

Woollen  goods 8,113,839 

Worsted  goods 2,694,232 


Machinery #2,024,656 

Hosiery 2,362,779 

Leather  curried  and  tanned..  4,477,350 

Liquors,  malt 1,265,477 

Lumber,  sawed 3,842,012 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  87,750  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold #10,999 

Silver 1 6,000 

Copper  ingots 34,050  lbs.  5,993 

Minor  minerals 1 1 2,550 

Total  precious  minerals,  $26,999.     Non-precious.  . . .    118,543 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  890 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  638;  cost,  $25,176,984;  total 
investment,  $27,281,758.  Steam  craft,  25;  tonnage,  2,000; 
value,  $122,900.  Sail  craft,  69;  tonnage,  9,482;  value,  $2^yr 
050. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $112,911,992  ;  of  personal  property,  $100,085,140.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  19  cents  on  $100,  $398,692 ;  county,  $483,- 
978;  city  and  town,  $1,818,290.  State  debt  (1883)  funded,  $3,- 
306,000;  unfunded,  $100;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $7,162,980. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Concord.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $1,000.  The  other  State  officers  are  :  Secre- 
tary of  State  (two  years),  salary,  $800 ;  Treasurer  (two  years), 
$1,800;  Attorney-General  (five  years),  $2,200;  Superintendent 
Public  Instruction  (two  years),  $2,000;  Commissioner  of  Insur- 
ance (three  years),  fees ;  three  Railroad  Commissioners  (one,  two 
and  three  years),  $2,500,  $2,200  and  $2,000;  Adjutant-General 
(two  years),  $1,000;  Secretary  Board  Agriculture  (two  years), 
$1,000;  State  Librarian  (two  years),  $800. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  24  Senators  and  321  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $3 
a  day  and  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Wednes- 
day in  June.     No  limit  to  the  session. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary,  $2,900,  and 
six  Associate  Justices,  salary  of  each,  $2,700.     They  are  all  ap- 


364  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

pointed  by  the  Governor  and  Council  until  such  time  as  they 
shall  reach  seventy  years  of  age. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  2;  Presidential  Electors,  4. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.               Dem.  Tem.               Maj. 

1872  President 37,l68             3*. 425  200               5,743  R. 

1875  Governor 39,293             39.121  792                  172  R. 

1876  President 41,539             38,509  82               3,030  R. 

1877  Governor 40,755             36,72i  338              4.034  R. 

1878  "          38,175             31,135  6,507               7,040  R. 

1880  President 44,855             40,798  708               4,057  R. 

1880  Governor 44,435             40,866  892               3,569  R. 

1882        "  38,399  36,879  1,520  R. 


NEW  JERSEY. 


NAME. — So  called  in  honor  of  Sir  George  Carteret,  one  of 
its  original  proprietors,  an  inhabitant  of  the  Island  of  Jersey,  in 
the  British  Channel,  who  bravely  defended  the  island  against  the 
Long  Parliament  during  the  civil  war. 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  Dec.  18,  1787. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  7,455;  acres,  4,771,200;  persons  to; 
a  square  mile,  151.73. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

*79° 184,139 

1800 211,149 

1810 245,562 

1820 ...  277,426 

1830 320,823 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

14.6 
16.2 
12.9 
15.6 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 373,3o6 

1850 489,555 

i860 672,035 

1870 906,096 

1880 1,131,116 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
16.3 
3ii 
37-2 
34.8 
24-8 


RULING   BY   STATES 


365 


1880  by  Classes. 

Male.  .  ..559,922      Native 909,416     White. ..  .1,092,017      Chinese 172 

Female.  .571,194      Foreign 221,700     Black 38,853      Indians....   74 

Dwellings 190,403     Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.94 

Families 232,309  "         "    family 4.87 

Voters — Males  over  21 300,635     Natural  militia,  18-44 230,054 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Atlantic 18,704 

Bergen 36,786 

Burlington 55,402 

Camden 62,942 

Cape  May 9,765 

Cumberland 37,687 

Essex 189,929 

Gloucester 25,886 

Hudson 187,944 

Hunterdon 38,570 

Mercer 58,061 


1870. 
14,093 
30,122 

53,6.39 
46,193 
8,349 
34,665 

143,839 
21,562 

129,067 
36,963 
46,386 


i860.   J        Counties.  1880. 

11,786     Middlesex 52,286 

21,618  !  Monmouth 55,538 

49,730  !  Morris 50,861 

34,457  !  Ocean 14,455 

7,130  !  Passaic 68,860 


22,605 
98,877 
18,444 
62,717 
33,654 
37,4i9 


Salem ; 24,579 

Somerset 27,162 

Sussex 23,539 

Union 55, 571 

Warren 36080 


1870. 

i860. 

45,029 

34,8i2 

46,195 

39,346 

43.J37 

34,677 

13,628 

11,176 

46,416 

29,013 
22,458 

23,943 

23,510 

22,057 

23,168 

23,846 

41,859 

27,780 

34,336 

28,433 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  4;  instructors,  75;  students,  727. 

Public  schools,  3,241  ;  value  of  school  property,  $6,298,500; 
teachers,  3,422;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $1,776,052;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $1,881,103  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $2,- 
142,385;  school  age,  5-18  years;  school  population  (1882), 
343,897;  pupils  enrolled,  209,526;  average  attendance  (1882), 
1 13,532 ;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  192  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  39,136,  being 
4.5  per  cent,  of  all  those  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  20,093  ;  foreign  white, 
23»956 ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  9,200;  total,  53,249, 
being  6.2  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  27  ;  others,  190;  total,  217.  Circulation,  256,- 
040. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  59,214; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  1 10,722  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 66,382 ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
160,561. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  34,307;  total  acres 
in  farms,  2,929,773 ;  improved  acres,  2,096,297 ;  average  size 
of  farms,  85  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $190,895,- 
833;  value  of  implements,  $6,921,085;  total  value  of  all  farm 
products,  sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $29,650,756. 


366 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 4,091  bush. 

Buckwheat 466,414     " 

Butter 9,513,835  lbs. 

Cheese 66,518   " 

Hay 518,990  tons. 

Indian  Corn 11,150,705  bush. 

Milk 15,472,783  galls. 

Oats 3>7io,573  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products. .  . .  $860,090 

Potatoes,  Irish 3,563,793  bush. 

"         sweet 2,086,731     " 

Rye 949,064     " 

Tobacco 1 72,3 1 5  lbs. 

Wheat I,90I,739  bush. 

Wool 441,110  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 86,940 

Mules  and  asses 9,267 

Working  oxen 2,022 

Milch  cows 152,078 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June 


Number. 

Other  cattle 69,786 

Sheep 1 1 7,020 

Swine 219,069 


1880 $14,861,412 

MANUFA  CTURES. —N\imhzr  of  establishments,  7,128;  capi- 
tal invested,  $106,226,593;  hands  employed,  126,038;  wages 
paid,  $46,083,045;  value  of  material,  $165,285,779;  value  of 
products,  $254,380,236. 

The  principal  products  are : 


Boots  and  shoes $7,055,751 

Bakery  products 2,798,311 

Brick  and  tile 1,672,533 

Carriages  and  wagons 1,808,593 

Celluloid  goods 1,251,540 

Clothing,  men's 4,737, 525 

Cotton  goods 5,039,519 

Drugs  and  chemicals 4,993<9°5 

Dyeing  and  finishing 3,365,700 

Fertilizers 2,423,805 

Flour  and  mill  products 8,459,944 

Machinery 1 1,282,748 

Canned  goods 1,417,085 

Glass 2,810,170 


Hats  and  caps $6,152,447 

Iron  and  steel 10,341,896 

Jewelry 4,079,677 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  .15,475,222 

Liquors,  malt 4,532,733 

Paper 2,015,569 

Sewing  machines 4,640,852 

Silk  and  silk  goods 17,1 22,230 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  .  .  .20,719,640 

Smelting  and  refining 8,370,100 

Stone  and  earthenware 2,598,757 

Sugar  and  molasses  refined.  .22,841,258 

Tobacco  and  cigars 6,572,759 

Woollen  goods 4,984,007 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  99,858  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Iron  ore 754,872  tons 

Zinc  ore 39,381    " 

Minor  minerals 33,828    " 


Value. 
$2,900,442 
451,070 
40,270 


Total  value  of  mineral  products. . , $3,391, 782 

COMMERCIAL  FA CILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,863 
miles  of  line ;  miles  operated,  1,823;  cost,  $197,833,199;  total 
investment,  $240,992,895.  Length  of  canal  lines,  171  miles; 
cost,  $10,776,353.     Steam  craft,    175;  tonnage,  43,688;  value, 


RULING    BY    STATES.  36 


£2,461,150.  Sail  craft,  906;  tonnage,  58,123 ;  value,  $i,453>°5°- 
Canal  boats  and  barges,  621  ;  tonnage,  62,293  ;  value,  $570,350. 
FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $452,062,356;  of  personal  property,  $125,922,571.  State 
taxation  (1882),  rate  25  cents  on  $100,  $1,200,906;  county  taxa- 
tion, $1,938,318;  city,  town  and  district,  $5,736,036.  State  debt 
(1882),  all  funded,  $1,796,300;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $48,- 

733427- 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Trenton.  Governor  elected  for 
three  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers  are: 
Secretary  of  State  (five  years),  salary,  $6,000 ;  Treasurer  (three 
years),  $4,000;  Comptroller  (three  years),  $4,000;  Attorney- 
General  (five  years),  $7,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction 
(three  years),  $3,000;  Adjutant-General  (five  years),  $1,200; 
Secretary  Board  Agriculture  (appointed),  fees ;  State  Librarian 
(five  years),  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  21  Senators  and  60  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  three  years ;  Representa- 
tives for  one  year.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $500.  Legislature 
meets  annually  on  second  Tuesday  in  January.  No  limit  to 
sessions. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Judiciary  consists  of  a  Chancellor  chosen  for  seven  years, 
salary,  $10,000;  and  a  Supreme  Court  composed  of  a  Chief 
Justice  and  eight  Associate  Justices.  The  Judges  are  appointed 
by  the  Governor  and  Senate  for  the  term  of  seven  years.  Salary 
of  Chief  Justice,  $7,500;  of  Associate  Justices,  $7,000  each. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  7 ;  Presidential  electors,  9. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Maj. 

1872  President 76,801  91,611  14,810  R. 

1874  Governor 97,283  84,050  13,2330. 

1876  President.. "5,956  103,511  12,445  D. 

1877  Governor 97,840  85,094  12,746  D. 

1880         "         121,666  121,015  651  D. 

1880  President 122,565  120,555  2,010  D. 

1883  Governor 103,856  97,047  6,809  D- 


368  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

NEW  MEXICO  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — An  acquisition  from  Mexico.     Hence  the  name. 
ORGANIZATION.— Act  of  Sept.  9,  1850. 
AREA. — Square  miles,   122,460;  acres,  78,374,400;  popula- 
tion to  a  square  mile,  0.98. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Per  cent,  of  I  Per  cent,  of 

Census.                   Pop.               increase.      Census.                   Pop.  increase. 

1850 61,547                                1870 91,874  1.7  dec. 

i860 93,516                     51.9  I  1880 119,565  30.1 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male 64,496       Native 111,514  White 108,721        Chinese....     57 

Female.  .55,069        Foreign....     8,051  Black....      1,015        Indians.  ..  .9,772 

Dwellings 26,311  Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.54 

Families 28,255  Persons  to  a  family 4.23 

Voters — Males  over  21 34,076  Natural  militia,  18-44 28,452 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880.  1870.  1.860. 

Arizona 6,482 

Bernalillo 17,225  7,591  8,769 

Colfax 3,398  1>992         

Donna  Ana 7,612  5,864  6,239 

Grant 4,539  1.143         

Lincoln 2,513  1,803         

Mora 9,75i  8,056  5,566 


Counties.  1880. 

Rio  Arriba 11,023 

San  Miguel 20,638 

Santa  Ana w 

Santa  Fe 10,867 

Socorro 7,875 

Taos 11,029 

Valencia 13,095 


J  870. 

i860. 

9,294 

9-849 

16,058 

i3,7i4 

2,599 

3,572 

9,699 

8,114 

6,683 

5,787 

12,079 

14,103 

9,o93 

1 1 ,3-  • 

EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  162;  value  of  school  prop- 
erty, $13,500;  teachers,  164;  teachers'  salaries,  $28,002  ;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $32,171;  expended  for  same,  $28,973; 
school  age,  7-18  years;  school  population,  20,255;  pupils  en- 
rolled, 4,755  ;  average  attendance,  3,150. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  52,994,  or  60.2  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  46,329;  foreign  white, 
3,268;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  7,559;  total,  57,156,  or 
65  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  3;  others,  15;  total,  18.     Circulation,  8,855. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  14,139; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  19,042 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 3,264  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  4,377. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  5,053;  total  acres  in 
farms,  63 1 , 1 3 1  ;  improved  acres,  237,392;  average  size  of  farms, 


RULING   BY    STATES.  369 

125  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $5,514,399 ;  value  of 
implements,  $255,162  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products,  sold,  con- 
sumed or  on  hand  $1,897,974. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity.  Quantity. 

Barley 50,053  bush.     Potatoes,  Irish 21,883  bush. 

Butter 44,827  lbs.  "  sweet 3,217     " 


Cheese 10,501 

Hay 7,650  tons. 

Indian  Corn 633,786  bush 

Oats 156,527      " 

Orchard  products #26,706 

Live- Stock 


Number. 


Rye 240     * 

Tobacco 890  lbs. 

Wheat 706,641  bush. 

Wool 4,019,188  lbs. 


Number. 


Other  cattle 137,314 

Sheep 2,088,831 

Swine 7,857 


Horses 14,547 

Mules  and  asses 9,063 

Working  oxen 16,432 

Miich  cows I2»955 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 #5,010,800 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  144;  capi- 
tal invested,  $463,275  ;  hands  employed,  557  ;  wages  paid,  $218,- 
731;  value  of  material,  $871,352;  value  of  products,  $1,284,- 
846. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Grist-mill  products $529,171  |  All  others $755,675 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  1,359  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value.  - 

Gold $49,354 

•Silver 392,337 

Copper 4,o55  lbs. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  valuation  of  real 
estate  and  personal  property  (1883),  $27,137,903.  Territorial 
taxation  (1882),  $94,352;  county  taxation,  $70,719.  Territory 
has  no  debt ;  county  indebtedness,  $84,872. 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Santa  Fe.  Governor  appointed 
by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  Senate, 
for  four  years.     Salary,  $2,600. 

Legislature  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Representatives. 
Term  of  both,  two  years.    Legislature  sits  biennially,  meeting  on 
first  Monday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days.     Salary 
of  a  Legislator,  $4  per  day  and  20  cents  mileage. 
24 


370 


BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 


Territorial  elections  held  every  two  years  on  Tuesday  after  first 
Monday  in  November.  Delegate  and  Presidential  elections  on 
same  date. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  asso- 
ciates, appointed  by  the  President  for  four  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $3,000. 

POLITICS.— -Vote  for  Delegate: 


1880 
1882, 


Rep. 

[0,835 
[5,062 


Dem. 

9>562 

13,378 


Maj. 
1,273  R- 
1,684  R- 


NEW   YORK. 


NAME  (originally  New  Netherlands). — So  called  in  honor  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  original  English  grantee,  and  afterwards 
King  James  II.  Popular  names,  "  Empire  State  "  and  "  Excel- 
sior State." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  July  26,  1788. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  47,620;  acres,  30,476,800;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  106.74. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

179° 340,120 

1800 589,051 

1810 959,049 

1820 1,372,111 

1830 1,918,608 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 


73-1 
62.8 

43° 
39-8 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
26.5 


1,211,379 


Male.  ..  .2,505,322     Native. 
Female.  .2,577,549     Foreign 

Dwellings 772,512 

Families    1,078,905 

Voters — Males  over  21 1,408,751 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 2,428,921 

1850 3,°97,394 

i860 3,880,735 

1870 .4,382,759 

1880 5,082,871 

1880  by  Classes. 

..3,871,492     White 5,016,022     Chinese 

Black  ....      65,104     Indians  , 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 6.58 

"  "    family 5.46 

Natural  militia,  18-44 xi°      775 


27-5 
25.2 
12.9 
15-9 


,926 
"19 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


371 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Albany 154,890 

Allegany 41,810 

Broome 49,783 

Cattaraugus 55,8o6 

Cayuga 65,081 

Chautauqua 65,342 

Chemung 43,°6s 

Chenango 39,981 

Clinton 50,897 

Columbia 47,928 

Cortland 25,825 

Delaware. «. 42,721 

Duchess 79,184 

Erie 219,884 

Essex 34,5i5 

Franklin 32,390 

Fulton 30,985 

Genesee 32,806 

Greene 32,695 

Hamilton 3,923 

Herkimer 42,669 

Jefferson 66,103 

Kings 599.495 

Lewis 31,416 

Livingston 39,562 

Madison 44, 112 

Monroe 144,903 

Montgomery 38,315 

New  York 1,206,299 

Niagara 54, 173 


1870. 

133.052 
40,814 
44,103 
43,909 
59,55o 
59.327 
35,28i 
40,564 
47,947 
47,o44 
25,i73 
42,972 
74,o4i 

178,699 
29,042 
30,271 
27,064 
31,606 
31,832 
2,960 
39.929 
65,415 

419,921 
28,699 
38,309 
43,522 

117,868 
34,457 

942,292 

5o,437 


i860. 
113.917 
41,881 
35,9°6 
43,886 
55,767 
58,422 
26,917 
4o,934 
45,735 
47^72 
26,294 
42,465 
64,941 

Ui,97i 
28,214 

30,837 
24,162 
32,189 
3i,93o 
3,024 
40,561 
69,825 

279,122 
28,580 
39,546 
43,545 

100,648 
30,866 

813,669 
5o,399 


Counties. 

Oneida 

Onondaga 

Ontario 

Orange 

Orleans 

Oswego 

Otsego 

Putnam 

Queens 

Rensselaer 

Richmond 

Rockland 

Saint  Lawrence. 

Saratoga 

Schenectady 

Schoharie 

Schuyler 

Seneca 

Steuben 

Suffolk 

Sullivan , 

Tioga 

Tompkins 

Ulster 

Warren 

Washington 

Wayne 

Westchester 

Wyoming 

Yates 


"5,475 
"7,893 
49,54i 
88,220 
30,128 
77,9" 
5i,397 
15,181 
9°>574 
115,328 

38,991 
27,690 

85,997 
55,156 
23,538 
32,910 
18,842 
29,278 
77,586 
53,888 
32.491 
32,673 
34,445 
85,838 
25,179 
47,87i 
5',7°o 
108,988 
3°,9°7 
21,087 


1870. 
110,008 
104,183 
45,io8 
80,902 
27,689 
77,94i 
48,967 
15,420 
73.8o3 
99.549 
33.029 
25,213 
84,826 
51,529 
21,347 
33,340 
18,989 
27,823 
67,717 
46,924 
34,55o 
30,572 
33,t78 
84,075 
22,^92 
49.568 
47,7io 
131,348 
29,164 
I9.59S 


i860. 
105,202 
90,686 
44,563 
63,812 
28,717 
75  958 
50,157 
14,002 

57,39* 
86,328 

25,492 
22,492 
83,689 

51,729 
20,002 

34,469 
18,840 
28,138 
66,690 
43.275 
32,385 
28,748 
31,409 
76,381 
21,434 
45.9°4 
47,762 
99.497 
31.968 
20,290 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  28;  instructors,  535;  students, 
6,646. 

Public  schools,  18,615  ;  value  of  school  property,  $31,235,401  ; 
teachers,  20,738 ;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $7,986,261  ;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $11,035,511;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$11,422,593;  school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
1,681,161;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  1,041,068;  average  attend- 
ance (1882),  569,471  ;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882, 
176  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  166,625,  being  4.2 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  59,516;  foreign  white, 
148,659;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  11,425;  total,  219,600, 
being  5.5  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  116  ;  others,  1,296;  total,  1,412.  Circulation,  9,- 
398,495- 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  377,460; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  537,897;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 339,419;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
629,869. 


372 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  241,058;  total  acres  in 
farms,  23,780,754;  improved  acres,  17,717,862;  average  size  of 
farms,  99  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $1,056,176,741; 
value  of  implements,  $42,592,741  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $178,025,695. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity. 

Barley. .., 7,792,062  bush. 

Buckwheat 4,461,200     M 

Butter 1 1 1,922,423  lbs. 

Cheese 8,362,590     " 

Hay 5,240,563  tons. 

Hops 21,628,931  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 25,690,156  bush. 

Milk 231 ,965,533  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 37. 575. 506  bush. 

Orchard  products $8,409,794 

Potatoes,  Irish 33,644,807  bush. 

"         sweet 6,833     " 

Rye 2,634,690     " 

Tobacco 6,481,431  lbs. 

Wheat 11,587,766  bush. 

Wool 8,827,195  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 862,233 

Sheep 1,715,180 

Swine 751 ,907 


Number. 

Horses 610,358 

Mules  and  asses 5>°72 

Working  oxen 37*633 

Milch  cows I.437.855 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $117,868,28; 

MANUFACTURES.— -Number  of  establishments,  42,739; 
capital  invested,  $514,246,575  ;  hands  employed,  531,533  ;  wages 
paid,  $198,634,029;  value  of  material,  $679,612,545;  value  of 
products,  $1,080,696,598. 

The  principal  manufactures  are: 

Agricultural  implements $10,717,766 

Blank  books 5,296,691 

Boots  and  shoes 18,979,259 

Bakery  products I9-937>953 

Carpets 8,419,254 

Carnages  and  wagons 8,888,479 

Cheese  and  butter 12,295,353 

Clothing,  men's 81,133,611 

"         women's 20,314,307 

Confectionery 6,686,389 

Cooperage 6,765,7 19 

Cordage 5,207,135 

Cotton  goods 9,723,527 

Drugs 9,991,259 

Flour  and  mill  products....  49,331,984 

Machinery 44,714,915 

Furniture 15,210,879 

Gloves 5,718,529 

Grease  and  tallow 7,322,970 

Hats  and  caps 6,464,058 

Hosiery 9,899,540 


Iron  and  steel $22,219,219 

Jewelry 5,340,806 

Lard 14,758,718 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  32,939,670 

Liquors,  malt 35,392,677 

Lumber,  sawed  and  planed.  .   22,430,676 

Malt 9,874,098 

Marble-work 10,189,267 

Mixed  textiles 13,376,380 

Musical  instruments 8,084,154 

Paints 9.455.900 

Paper 8,524,279 

Printing  and  publishing.  .  . .    27,885,376 

Shirts 1 1,014,820 

Shipbuilding 7,985,044 

Silk  and  satin  goods. 10,170,140 

Slaughtering  and  packing. .  ..  43,096,138 
Sugar  and  molasses  refined..  71,237,051 

Tin  and  copper  ware 9,858,768 

Tobacco  and  cigars 33,675,241 

Woollen  goods 9,874,973 


RULING    BY   STATES.  373 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  454,143  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Iron  ore 1,239,759  tons  $3A99^3^ 

Minor  minerals 1,623,011 

Total  value  of  mineral  products #5,122,143 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  6,723 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  6,437;  cost>  $670,307,286 ;  total 
investment,  #740,271,251.  Length  of  canal  lines,  608  miles; 
cost,  #68,229,416.  Steam  craft,  1,230;  tonnage,  358,445; 
value,  #25,708,650.  Sail  craft,  2,984 ;  tonnage,  623,681  ;  value, 
#15,592,000.  Canal  boats,  barges  and  flats,  5,944;  total  tonnage, 
#1,006,101  ;  value,  #6,963,395. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
( 1 882),  #2,432,661 ,378  ;  of  personal  property,  #351 ,02 1 , 1 89.  State 
taxation  (1882),  rate  32.5  cents  on  #100,  #7,690,416;  county 
taxation,  #6,160,119;  city  and  town,  #42,352,053.  State  debt 
(1883)  net,  and  all  funded,  #6,385,356;  county,  city  and  town 
debts,  #211,186,582. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Albany.  Governor  elected  for 
three  years.  Salary,  #10,000.  The  other  State  officers  are: 
Lieutenant-Governor,  three  years,  salary,  #5,000;  Secretary  of 
State,  two  years,  #5,000;  Treasurer,  two  years,  #5,000;  Comp- 
troller, two  years,  #6,000;  Attorney-General,  two  years,  #5,000; 
Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  three  years,  #5,000;  Adjutant- 
General,  three  years,  #3,000 ;  State  Librarian,  three  years,  #2,500; 
State  Engineer,  two  years,  #5,000;  Superintendent  of  Insur- 
ance, three  years,  #7,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  32  Senators  and  128  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  elected  for  two  years ;  Representatives 
for  one  year.  Salary  of  >a  Legislator,  #1,500  a  year  and  10 
cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  annually  on  first  Tuesday  iri 
January.     No  limit  to  length  of  session. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  six  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  fourteen  years.  Salary 
of  Chief  Justice,  #7,500 ;  of  Associate  Justices,  #7,000. 


374  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  34 ;  Presidential  electors,  36. 
POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.               Rep.  Grbk.             Tern.  Maj. 

1872  President   ...   387,279          44°,759             53,480  R. 

1874  Governor 416,391           366,074  11,168  50,3170. 

1876         "        519,831           489,031              30,800  D. 

1876  President 522,043           489,225              32,818  D. 

1878  Sup.  Judge. .   356,451           391,112  75,133              34,66i  R. 

1880  President 534,5JI           555,544  12,373              21,033  R. 

1882  Governor.  ..  .   535,347           341,523  26,602             193,8240. 

1883  Sec.  of  State..  427,491          446,088  7,066          18,205  18,597  R. 


NORTH   CAROLINA. 


NAME. — "  Fort  Charles,  the  Carolina,  so  called  in  honor  of 
Charles  IX.  of  France,  first  gave  a  name  to  the  country,  a 
century  before  it  was  occupied  by  the  English.  The  name  re- 
mained, though  the  early  colony  perished."  Bancroft,  vol.  i.,  p. 
62.  Popular  names,  "  Old  North  State "  and  "  Turpentine 
State." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  Nov.  21,  1789. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  48,580;  acres,  31,091,200;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  28.81. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase  : 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 393J51 

1800 478,103 

1810 555,5oo 

1820 638,829 

1830 737,987 


Per  cent,  of  [ 


21.4 
16.1 
15.0 
>5-5 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 753,419 

1850 869,039 

i860 992,622 

1870 1,071,361 

1880 1,399,75° 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
2.0 

15.3 
14.2 

7-9 
30.6 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


375 


1880  by 

Male 687,908      Native. .  .1,396,008 

Female.  ..711,842       Foreign..         3,742 

Dwellings 264,305 

Families 270,994 

Voters — Males  over  21 294,750 


Classes. 

White....    867,242      Chinese I 

Black....    531,277       Indians..  ..1,230 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5-3° 

"  M    family 5. 1 7 

Natural  militia,  18-44 241,140 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Alamance 14,613 

Alexander 8,355 

Alleghany 5,486 

Anson 17,994 

Ashe 14,437 

Beaufort 1 7,474 

Bertie 16,399 

Bladen 16,158 

Brunswick 9,389 

Buncombe 21,909 

Burke 12,809 

Cabarrus 14,964 

Caldwell 10,291 

Camden 6,274 

Carteret 9,784 

Caswell 17,825 

Catawba 14,946 

Chatham 23,453 

Cherokee 8,182 

Chowan 7,900 

Clay 3,316 

Cleaveland 1 6, 571 

Columbus 14,439 

Craven I9.729 

Cumberland 23,836 

Currituck 6,476 

Dare 3,243 

Davidson 20,333 

Davie 11,096 

Duplin 18,773 

Edgecombe 26,181 

Forsyth 18,070 

Franklin 20,829 

Gaston 14,254 

Gates 8,897 

Graham 2,335 

Granville 31,286 

Greene : ;  IO,°37 

Guilford 23,585 

Halifax 30, 300 

Harnett 10,862 

Haywood 10,271 

Henderson 10,281 

Hertford 11,843 

Hyde 7,765 

Iredell 22,675 

Jackson 7,343 


1870. 
11,874 
6,868 
3,691 
12,428 
9-573 
13,011 
12,950 
12,831 
7.754 
15.412 
9.777 
",954 
8,476 
5,36i 
9,010 
16,081 
10,984 

19,723 

8,080 

6,450 

2,461 

12,696 

8,474 

20,516 

17,035 

5,i3i 

2,778 

I7,4i4 

9,620 

15,542 

22,970 

13,050 

I4,I34 

12,602 

7,724- 


24,831 
8,687 

21,736 

20,408 
8,895 
7,921 
7,706 
9,2  73 
6,445 

16,931 
6,683 


i860. 
11,852 
6,022 

3,59° 
13,664 
7,956 
14,766 
14,3*0 
ii,995 
8,406 
12,654 
9,237 
10,546 
7,497 
5,343 
8,186 
16^215 
10,729 
19,101 
9,166 
6,842 


12,348 
8,597 
16,268 
16,369 
7,4i5 


16,601 
8,494 
15,784 
1 7,376 
12,692 
14,107 
9.307 
8,443 


23,396 
7.925 

20,056 

19,442 
8,039 
5,8oi 

10,448 
9,504 
7,732 

15,347 
5,515 


Counties.  1880. 

Johnston 23,461 

Jones 7,491 

Lenoir 1 5,344 

Lincoln 11,061 

McDowell 9,836 

Macon 8,064 

Madison 12,810 

Martin i3,J4o 

Mecklenburg 34,J75 

Mitchell 9,435 

Montgomery 9,374 

Moore 16,821 

Nash I7,731 

New  Hanover 21,376 

Northampton 20,032 

Onslow 9,829 

Orange 23,698 

Pamlico 6,323 

Pasquotank IO,369 

Pender 12,468 

Perquimans 9,466 

Person ^Ztl^ 

Pitt 21,794 

Polk 5,062 

Randolph 20,8^6 

Richmond 18.245 

Robeson 23,880 

Rockingham 21,744 

Rowan 19,965 

Rutherford 15,'98 

Sampson 22,894 

Stanley 10,505 

Stokes 15,353 

Surry 15, 3°2 

Swain 3,784 

Transylvania 5,34° 

Tyrrell 4,545 

Union 18,056 

Wake 47-939 

Warren 22,619 

Washington 8,928 

Watauga 8,160 

Wayne 24,951 

Wilkes 19,181 

Wilson 16,064 

Yadkin 12,420 

Yancey 7,694 


1870. 

i860. 

16,897 

15,656 

5,002 

5,730 

10,434 

10,220 

9,573 

8,195 

7,592 

7,120 

6,615 

6,004 

8,192 

5.908 

9,647 

10,195 

24,299 

17,374 

4,7°5 
7,487 

7,649 

12,040 

11,427 

11,077 

11,687 

27,978 

2i,7»S 

14,749 

13,372 

7,569 

8,856 

17,507 

16,947 

8,131 

8,940 

7.945 

7.238 

11,170 

11,221 

17,276 

16,080 

4,3i9 

4,o43 

i7,55i 

16,793 

12,882 

11,009 

16,262 

15,489 

15.708 

16,476 

16,810 

M,589 

13,121 

",573 

16,436 

16,624 

8,3i5 

7,801 

1 1 ,208 

10,402 

11,252 

10,380 

3,536 
4,i73 

4,944 

12,217 

11,202 

35,6i7 

28,627 

17,768 

15,726 

6,516 

6,357 

5,287 

4,957 

18,144 

>4,9°5 

15,539 

M.749 

12,258 

9,720 

10,697 

10,714 

5,909 

8,65s 

EDUCATION.— Colleges,  9;  instructors,  81  ;  students,  1,145. 

Public  schools,  6,161;  value  of  school  property,  $248,015; 
teachers,  6,266;  teachers'  salaries,  $328,717;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $553,464;  expended  for  same,  $383,709;  school  age, 
6-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  463,160;  pupils  enrolled 
(1882),  263,071;  average  attendance  (1882),  132,546;  average 
length  of  school  year  in  1882,  62.5  days. 


376 


BUILDING    AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 


Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  367,890, 
being  38.3  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Per- 
sons over  ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  191,913; 
foreign  white,  119;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  271,943;  total, 
463,975,  being  48.3  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of 


Daily  papers,  13;  others,  127;  total,  140.  Circulation,  104,- 
846. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  360,937; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  69,321  ;  in  trade  and 
transportation,  15,966;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 

33,963- 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  157,609;  total  acres  in 
farms,  22,363,558;  improved  acres,  6,481,191  ;  average  size  of 
farms,  142  acres;  value  of  farms  a'nd  buildings,  $135,793,602; 
value  of  implements,  $6,078,476;  total  value  of  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $51,729,611. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 2,421  bush. 

Buckwheat 44,668     " 

Butler 7,212,507  lbs. 

Cheese 57,3^0    " 

Cotton 389,598  bales. 

Hay 93,7 1 1  tons. 

Indian   Corn 28,019,839  bush. 

Milk  .  .  . 446,798  gal. 

Oats 3,838,068  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $903, 513 

Potatoes,  Irish 722,773  bush. 

"  sweet 4,576,148     " 

Rice .   5,609,191  lbs. 

Rye 285,160  bush. 

Tobacco.. 26,986,213  lbs. 

Wheat 3>397>393  bush. 

Wool 917,756  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 133,686 

Mules  and  asses 81,871 

Working  oxen 50,188 

Milch  cows 232,133 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $22,414,659 


Number. 

Other  cattle   375, 105 

Sheep 461,638 

Swine 1,453,541 


MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  3,802  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $13,045,639  ;  hands  employed,  18,109;  wages  paid, 
$2,740,768;  value  of  materials,  $13,090,937;  value  of  products, 
$20,095,037. 


RULING   BY    STATES.  377 


The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Tar  and  turpentine $1,758,488 

Tobacco 2,215,154 

Woollen  goods 303,160 


Cotton  goods $2,554,482 

Flour  and  mill  products  ....  6,462,806 

Leather,  tanned 367,920 

Lumber,  sawed 2,672,796 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  45,088  horse-power. 
MINING.—  Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $118,953 

Silver 140 

Coal,  bituminous 350  tons.  400 

Iron  ore 3,276     "  5,102 

Copper  ingots 1,640,000  lbs.  350,000 

Minor  minerals 79*855 

Total  value  of  mineral  products $554,450 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,578 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,322;  cost,  $43,085,123;  total 
investment,  $44,871,170.  Length  of  canal  lines,  13  miles;  cost, 
$300,000.  This  does  not  include  40  miles  of  drainage  and 
lumber  canals.  Steam  craft,  52;  tonnage,  3,851;  value,  $205,- 
700.  Sail  craft,  289;  tonnage,  9,158;  value,  $228,925.  Flats, 
144;  tonnage,  8,940;  value,  $36,800. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $104,742,911  ;  of  personal  property,  $62,995,728.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  28  cents  on  $100,  $700,000;  county  taxa- 
tion, $986,956;  city  and  town,  $222,273.  State  debt  (1883) 
funded,  $11,270,345;  unfunded,  $4,151,700;  county,  city  and 
town  debts,  $2,487,990. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Raleigh.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $3,000.  The  other  State  officers — terms 
four  years — are:  Lieutenant-Governor;  Secretary  of  State, 
salary,  $2,000 ;  Treasurer,  $3,000;  Auditor,  $1,500 ;  Attorney- 
General,  $1,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $1,500; 
Adjutant-General,  $600;  Commissioner  of  Agriculture,  $1,- 
200;   Commissioner  of  Lands  ;  State  Librarian,  $750. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  50  Senators  and  120  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4  a 
day  and  ten  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on 
Wednesday  after  first  Monday  in  January.  Session  limited  to 
60  days. 


378  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  eight  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $2,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  9;  Presidential  electors,  11. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.  Dem.                   Maj. 

1872  President 9**363  67,489  23,874  R. 

1872  Governor 98,630  96,731                1,899  R. 

1876  President 108,419  125,427  17,008  D. 

1876  Governor 109,990  123,198  13,208  D. 

1880  President 115,878  124,204                8,326  D. 

1880  Governor 115,590  121,827                6,237  D. 

1882  Cong,  at  Large 111,242  111,756                  514D. 


OHIO. 


NAME. — From  the  river  and  southern  boundary.  By  some, 
the  Indian  word  Ohio  is  rendered,  "  beautiful."  A  kindred 
word  in  the  Wyandotte  dialect  signifies  "  something  to  eat." 
Popular  name;  "Buckeye  State." 

ADMISSION.— Act  of  admission  dated  April  30,  1802; 
actual  admission,  Nov.  29,  1 802. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  40,760 ;  acres,  26,086,400 ;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  78.46. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1800 45,365 

1810 230,760 

1820 581,295 

l83° 937,903 

1840 i,5I9»467 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

408.6 

I5I-9 

61.3 

62.0 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1850 1,980,329       30.3 

i860 2,339,511       18.1 

1870 2,665,260       13.9 

1880 3,198,062       19.9 


RULING    BY    STATES 


379 


1880  by  Classes 

Males 1,613,936     Native 2,803,119 

Females.  .  1,584,126     Foreign....    394,943 

Dwellings 586,664 

Families 641,907 

Voters — Males  over  21 826,577 


White.  ..3,117,920     Chinese....    112 
Black...       79,900     Indians....    130 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.45 

"         "     family 4-9& 

Natural  militia,  18-44 647,092 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  iJ 

Adams 24 

Allen 31 

Ashiand 23 

Ashtabula 37 

Athens 28 

Auglaize 25 

Belmont 49 

Brown 32 

Butler 42 

Carroll 16 

Champaign 27 

Clarke 41. 

Clermont 36, 

Clinton 24, 

Columbiana 48, 

Coshocton 26, 

Crawford 30, 

Cuyahoga 196 

Darke 40 

Defiance 22 

Delaware 27, 

Erie 32 

Fairfield 34 

Fayette 20 

Franklin 86 

Fulton 21 

Gallia 28 

Geauga 14, 

Greene 31. 

Guernsey 27 

Hamilton 313 

Hancock 27 

Hardin 27 

Harrison 20, 

Henry 20, 

Highland 30, 

Hocking 21, 

Holmes 20, 

Huron 31, 

Jackson 23, 

Jefferson 33, 

Knox 27, 

Lake 16, 

Lawrence 39, 


B80. 

1870. 

,00s 

20,750 

,314 

23,623 

,a«3 

2i,933 

,139 

32,5'7 

,4" 

23,768 

,444 

20.041 

,638 

39.7H 

,911 

30,802 

,579 

39,9" 

,410 

14,49! 

,817 

24,188 

.948 

32,070 

.713 

34,268 

,7S6 

21,914 

,602 

38,299 

,642 

23,600 

.583 

25,556 

,943 

132,110 

,496 

32,278 

,515 

i5,7i9 

,381 

25,r75 

,640 

28,188 

,284 

31,138 

.364 

17,170 

,797 

63,019 

,053 

17,789 

.124 

25,545 

,251 

14,190 

,349 

28,038 

,i97 

23,838 

,374 

260,370 

,7«4 

23.847 

,°23 

18,714 

,456 

18,682 

,5«5 

14,028 

126 

,776 

(')'  .9 
6% 
018 
43i 
326 
068 


29^33 
17,925 
18,177 
28,532 
2i,759 
29,188 

26,333 
15,935 
31,380 


i860. 
20,309 
19,185 
22,951 
31.814 
21,364 
17,187 
36,398 
29,958 
35,840 
15,738 
22,698 
25,3°° 
33,o34 
21,461 
32,836 
25,032 
23,881 
78,033 
26,009 
11,886 
23,902 
24,474 
30,538 
15,935 
50,361 
H.043 
22,043 
15,817 
26,197 
24-474 
216,410 
22,886 

i3,57o 
19,110 
8,901 
27,773 
i7,o57 
20,589 
29,616 
17,941 
26,115 
27,735 
15,576 
23,249 


Counties.  1880. 

Licking 40,450 

Logan 26,267 

Lorain 35,526 

Lucas 67,377 

Madison 20,129 

Mahoning 42,871 

Marion 20,565 

Medina 21,453 

Meigs 32,325 

Mercer 21,808 

Miami 36,158 

Monroe 26,496 

Montgomery 78,550 

Morgan 20,074 

Morrow 19,072 

Muskingum 49,774 

Noble 21,138 

Ottawa 19,762 

Paulding 13,485 

Perry 28,218 

Pickaway 27,415 

Pike i7,927 

Portage 27,500 

Preble 24,533 

Putnam 23,713 

Richland 36,306 

Ross 4°,3°7 

Sandusky 32,057 

Scioto 33.511 

Seneca 36,947 

Shelby 24,137 

Stark 64,031 

Summit 43,788 

Trumbull 44,880 

Tuscarawas 40,198 

Union 22,375 

Van  Wert 23,028 

Vinton 17,223 

Warren 28,392 

Washington 43,244 

Wayne 40,076 

Williams 23,821 

Wood 34,022 

Wyandot 22,395 


1870. 

i860. 

35,756 

37,on 

23,028 

20,996 

3°,3°8 

29,744 

46,722 

25,831 

15,633 

13,015 

31,001 

25,894 

16,184 

15,49° 

20,092 

22,517 

31,465 

26,534 

17,254 

14,104 

32,740 

29.959 

25,779 

25.741 

64,006 

52,230 

20,363 

22,119 

18,583 

2o,445 

44,886 

44,416 

19,949 

20,751 

13,364 

7,016 

8,544 

4,945 

18,453 

19,678 

24,875 

23,469 

15,447 

13,643 

24,584 

24,208 

21,809 

21,820 

17,081 

12,808 

32,516 

31,158 

37,o97 

35,o7i 

25,503 

21,429 

29,302 

24,297 

30,827 

30,868 

20,748 

17,493 

52,508 

42,978 

34,674 

27,344 

38,659 

30,656 

33,840 

32,463 

18,730 

16,507 

15,823 

10,238 

15-027 

13,631 

26,689 

26,902 

40,609 

36,268 

35,"6 

32,483 

20,091 

16,633 

24,596 

17,886 

i8,553 

15,596 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  35  ;  instructors,  363;  students,  6,- 
186. 

Public  schools,  16,473  ;  value  of  school  property,  $21,643,515  ; 
teachers,  16,875  ;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $5,376,087;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $11,085,315;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $8,- 
820,914;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882), 
1,081,321;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  751,101  ;  average  attendance, 
(1882),  483,232;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  155 
days. 


380 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  86,754,  being  3.6  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  83,183;  foreign  white, 
32,308;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  16,356;  total,  131,847, 
being  5.5  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  56;  others,  720;  total,   776.     Circulation,    1,- 

885,347. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  397,495  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  250,371  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 104,315  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
242,294. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  247,189;  total  acres  in 
farms,  24,529,226;  improved  acres,  18,081,091  ;  average  size  of 
farms,  99  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  #1,127,497,353; 
value  of  implements,  #30,521,180;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  #156,777,152. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 1,707,129  bush. 

Buckwheat 280,229     " 

Butter 67,634,263  lbs. 

Cheese 2,170,245    " 

Hay 2,210,923  tons. 

Hops 5,510  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 111,877,124  bush. 

Milk 46,801,537  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 28,664,505  bush. 

Orchard  products.  .  .  .  $3,576,242 

Potatoes,  Irish 12,719,215  bush. 

"         sweet 239,578     " 

Rye 389,221  bush. 

Tobacco 34735.235  ]bs. 

Wheat 46,014,869  bush. 

Wool 25,003,756  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 

Number.  1  Number. 

.    736,478  I  Other  cattle 1,084,917 

19.481  I  Sheep 4,902,486 

8,226  I  Swine 3.141,333 

Milch  cows 767,043  I 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $103,707,730 


Horses 

Mules  and  asses 
Working  oxen 


MANUFA  CTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  20,699  5  cap- 
ital invested,  #188,939,614;  hands  employed,  183,609;  wages 
paid,  #62,103,800;  value  of  material,  #215,334,258;  value  of 
products,  #348,298,390. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Agricultural  implements.  .  .  .$15,479,825 

Boots  and  shoes 4,167,476 

Bakery  products.  • 3,805,506 


Brick  and  tile $3,481,291 

Carriages  and  wagons 10,043,404 

Cars 3,429,996 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


381 


Cheese  and  butter 12,756,976 

Clothing,  men's 20,008,398 

Cooperage 3,486,032 

Flour  and  mill  products.  .  . .    38,950,264 

Machinery 18,242,325 

Furniture 6,865,027 

Iron  and  steel 34,918,360 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  8,243,900 
Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.  .  15,817,750 
Lumber,  planed  and  sawed.    16,826,127 


Marble  work $2,240,160 

Oils 4,953,808 

Paper 5,108,194 

Printing  and  publishing.  .  ..  6,579,565 

Saddlery 3,170,413 

Sashes  and  doors 4,043,844 

Slaughtering  and  packing.. .  19,231,297 

Tin  and  copper  ware. .  .    ...  3,230,208 

Tobacco  and  cigars 9,396,940 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  261,143  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Coal,  bituminous 5,932,853  tons  $7,629,488 

Iron  ore 198,835    "  448,000 

Total  mineral  products 8,077,488 

Add  petroleum  24,313  barrels  at  42  galls.  @  2^  cents  a  gal.        22,977 

Grand  total  of  all  mineral  products $8,100,465 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  7,968 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  7,522 ;  cost,  $616,114,849;  total 
expenditure,  $662,842,398.  Length  of  canal  lines,  674  miles ; 
slack-water  lines,  75  miles:  cost  of  both,  $15,370,267.  Steam 
craft,  236;  tonnage,  73,525  ;  value,  $3,612,700.  Sail  craft,  196; 
tonnage,  56,275  ;  value,  $1,406,875.  Canal  boats,  flats  and 
barges,  764;  tonnage,  116,744;  value,  $476,825. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $1,116,681,655  ;  personal  property, $518,229,079.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  29  cents  on  $100,  $4,553,242  ;  county  tax- 
ation, $6,131,502  ;  city,  town  and  village,  $15,144,667.  State  debt 
(1883),  funded,  $4,901,665  ;  county,  city  and  town  debts,  $43,- 
021,454. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Columbus.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State  officers  are  :  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, two  years,  salary  $800 ;  Secretary  of  State,  two 
years,  $2,000  ;  Treasurer,  two  years,  $3,000 ;  Auditor,  four  years, 
$3,000;  Attorney-General,  two  years,  $1,500;  Adjutant-General, 
two  years,  $2,000;  Commissioner  of  Common  Schools,  three 
years,  $2,000 ;  Superintendent  of  Insurance,  three  years,  $2,000  ; 
Railroad  Commissioner,  two  years,  $2,000;  Secretary  Board  of 
Agriculture  (by  Board),  $2,000 ;  State  Librarian,  two  years, 
$1,500;  Statistical  Commissioner,  two  years,  $2,000. 


382  BUILDING    AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  33  Senators  and  1 05  Repre- 
sentatives, all  selected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator, 
$600  a  year  and  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first 
Monday  in  January,  but  may  hold  adjourned  sessions.  No  limit 
to  length  of  session. 

State  and  Congressional  elections  held  on  second  Tuesday  in 
October.  Presidential  elections  on  Tuesday  after  the  first 
Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  As- 
sociate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  five  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $3,500,  increased  to  $5,000  for  next  incumbents. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  21  ;  Presidential  electors,  23. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Rep. 

Dem. 

Grbk. 

Tern. 

Maj. 

1872  President. .  . 

...281,852 

245,484 

2,100 

36,368  R. 

1873  Governor.  . . 

•  ••213,837 

214,654 

817  D. 

1875        " 

...297,817 

292,273 

2,593 

5,544  R. 

1876  President. . . 

...330,698 

323,182 

7,5i6  R. 

1877  Governor. .  . 

...249,105 

271,625 

29,201 

22,520  D. 

1879        " 

...336,261 

3IO>232 

9,072 

17,029  R. 

1880  President. .  . 

•  •  •  375,048 

340,821 

6,456 

34,227  R. 

1 88 1  Governor. . . 

..•3I2,735 

288,426 

6,330 

24,309  R. 

1883        " 

...347,064 

359,593 

2,785 

8,361 

12,529  D. 

OREGON, 

NAME. — From  the  river,  called  by  Carver,  Oregon  or  Ore- 
gan,  i.  e.,  "  River  of  the  West."  According  to  others  from  the 
Spanish  oregano,  wild  marjoram,  abundant  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

ADMISSION.— Organized  as  a  Territory,  Aug.  14,  1848  ; 
act  of  admission,  and  actual  admission,  Feb.  14,  1859. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


383 


AREA. — Square  miles,  94,560;  acres,  60,518,400;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  1.85. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census. 
1850... 
i860... 


Male.  .  ..103,381 
Female.  .   71,387 


Pop. 
I3>294 
52,465 


Native. 
Foreign. 


Per  cent  of 
increase. 


Census. 
1870... 
1880... 


294.6 
1880  by  Classes. 
.144,265  White 


Per  cent,  of 
Pop.         increase. 

90,923  73-3 

[74,768  92.2 


•  3°,5°3 

Dwellings 32,374 

Families 33,468 

Voters — Males  over  21 59,629 


Black . 


163,075 

487 


Chinese.  .  .  .9,512 
Indians.  .  . .  1,694 


Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.4 


family 
Natural  militia,  18-44. 


, ..    5.22 
.48,783 


Counties.  1880. 

Baker 4,616 

Benton 6,403 

Clackamas 9,260 

Clarke 

Clatsop 7,222 

Columbia 2,042 

Coos 4.834 

Curry 1,208 

Douglas 9,596 

Grant 4,3°3 

Jackson 8,154 

Josephine 2,485 

Lake 2,804 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses 
i860 


1870. 
2,804 
4,584 
5,993 

i,255 
863 
1,644 
504 
6,066 
2,251 
4,778 
1,204 


3,°74 
3,466 


1880. 


Counties. 

Lane 9,4*! 

Lewis 

Linn 12,676 

Marion 14,576 

498  J  Multnomah 25,203 

532  i  Polk 6,601 

445  j  Tillamook 970 

393  1  Umatilla 9,607 

3,203  I  Umpqua 

!  Union 6,650 

3,7  6  I  Wasco 11,120 

Washington 7,082 

Yam  Hill 7,945 


1870. 

i860. 

6,426 

4,780 

8,717 

6,772 

9,965 

7,088 

1,510 

4,150 

4,701 

3,625 

408 

95 

2,916 

1,250 

.6?i 


2,552 
2,509 

4,261 

i',689' 
2,801 

5,012 

3,245 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  7;  instructors,  50 ;  students,  1,187. 

Public  schools,  1,068;  value  of  school  property,  $249,087; 
teachers,  1,141;  teachers' salaries  (1882),  $249,378;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $340,932;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $346,- 
961  ;  school  age,  4-20  years;  school  population  (1882),  65,216; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  37,743;  average  attendance  (1882),  27,- 
347;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  90.6  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  5,376,  being  4.1  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  3,433  ;  foreign  white,  910;  col- 
ored, Chinese  and  Indians,  3,080;  total,  7,423,  being  5.7  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  7;  others,  6y ;  total,  74.     Circulation,  81,078. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  27,091  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  16,645  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 6,149;  m  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  17,- 
458. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  16,217;  total  acres  in 


384  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

farms,  4,214,712;  improved  acres,  2,198,645;  average  size  of 
farms,  260  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $56,908,575; 
value  of  implements,  $2,956,173  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $13,234,548. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 920,977  bush. 

Buckwheat 6,215     " 

Butter 2,443,725  lbs. 

Cheese 153,198   " 

Hay 266,187  tons- 
Hops  244,371  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 126,862  bush. 

Milk 227,540  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 4,385,650  bush. 

Orchard  products #583.663 

Potatoes,  Irish I>359,930  bush. 

%e 13,305     « 

Tobacco 1 7,325  lbs. 

Wheat 7,480,010  bush. 

Wool 5,718,524  lbs. 


Live -Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 124,107 

Mules  and  asses 2,804 

Working  oxen 4,132 

Milch  cows 59,549 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms 


Number. 

Other  cattle ....    352,561 

Sheep 1,083,162 

Swine 156,222 


June  1,  1880 $13,808,392 

MANUFACTURES—Nuvribtt  of  establishments,  i  ,080;  capi- 
tal invested,  $6,312,056;  hands  employed,  3,473;  wages  paid, 
$1,667,046;  value  of  material,  $6,954,436;  value  of  products, 
$10,931,232. 

The  principal  manufactures  are: 


Flour  and  mill  products $3475.531 

Lumber,  sawed 2,030,463 

Saddlery 385,35° 


Tin  and  copperware #31 1,650 

Woollen  goods 549,030 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  13,589  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $1,097,701 

Silver 27,793 

Coal,  bituminous 43,205  tons  97,8 10 

Iron  ore 6,972    "  4,669 

Value  of  precious  metals,  $1,125,494;  of  non-precious.  .$102,479 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  880 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  734;  cost,  $45,928,924;  total  in- 
vestment, $55,213,550.  The  only  canal  line'  is  the  Willamette 
ship  canal,  three-quarters  of  a  mile  long  and  costing  $600,000. 
Steam  craft,  89  ;  tonnage,  31,371  ;  value,  $2,177,000.  Sail  craft, 
38;  tonnage,  7,041;  value,  $176,025.  Barges  and  flats,  100; 
value,  $26,600. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  385 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  estate  (1882),  $59,256,175.  State  taxation  (1882),  rate 
55  cents  on  $100,  $258,000 ;  county  taxation,  $454,699;  city, 
town  and  village,  $195,014.  State  debt  (1882),  all  funded,  $304,- 
020;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $337,126. 

GO VERNMENT.— Capital,'  Saleih.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $1,500.  The  other  State  officers  are: 
Secretary  of  State  (four  years),  salary,  $1,500;  Treasurer  (four 
years),  $800;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction  (four  years), 
$1,500;  State  Librarian  (two  years),  $500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  30  Senators  and  60  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  are  chosen  for  four  years ;  Representatives 
for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $3  a  day  and  1 5  cents 
mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Monday  in 
January.     Session  limited  to  40  days. 

State  election  held  on  first  Monday  in  June  of  every  second 
year.  Presidential  election  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in 
November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  six  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $2,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  1  ;  Presidential  electors,  3. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Dem.  Rep.  Ind.  Maj. 

1872  President 7, 753  11,818         3,065  R. 

1874  Governor 9,7*3  9>ID3  6,532  550  D. 

1876  President 14,158  15,208  508  1,050  R. 

1878  Governor 16,063  16.009  1,353  54  D. 

1880  President i9»95o  20,618  245  668  R. 

1882  Governor 20,069  21,481          1,312  R. 

25 


386 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


NAME. — Penn's  woods  (Lat.  sylva,  a  wood).  Named  in 
honor  of  Perm,  the  grantee  and  founder.  Popular  name,  "  The 
Keystone  State." 

ADMISSION.-^ Ratified  the  Constitution,  Dec.  12,  1787. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  44,985  ;  acres,  28,790,400;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  95.21. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 434,373 

1800 602,365 

1810 810,091 

1820 1,047,507 

1830 1,348,233 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

38.6 
34-4 
29-3 

28.7 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 1,724,033 

1850 2,311,786 

i860 2,906,215 

1870 3,521,951 

1880 4,282,891 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
27.8 
34.0 
25-7 
21. 1 
21.6 


1880  by  Classes. 

Male.  ..  .2,136,655     Native  ...  .3,695,062  White  ...  .4,197,016     Chinese..    156 

Female.  .2,146,236     Foreign 587,829  Black....      85,535     Indians..     184 

Dwellings 776,124     Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.52 

Families 840,452  "  "    family 5. 1 

Voters — Males  over  21 1,094,284     Natural  militia,  18-44 853,972 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  18 

Adams 32 

Allegheny 355 

Armstrong 47 

Beaver 39 

Bedford 34, 

Berks 122, 

Blair 52 

Bradford 58 

Bucks 68 

Butler 52 

Cambria 46 

Cameron 5 

Carbon 31 

Centre 37 

Chester 83 

Clarion 40, 

Clearfield 43 

Clinton 26 

Columbia 32 

Crawford 68 

Cumberland 45 


455 
869 
641 
605 
929 

597 
740 

54i 
,656 
,536 
811 
159 
923 

,Q22 
,481 
328 
,408 
278 
i409 
,607 

.977 


1870. 

30,315 

262,204 
43.382 
36,148 
29,635 

106,701 
38>°5i 
53.2°4 
64,3?6 
36,510 
36,569 
4,273 
28,144 
34,4i8 
77,8o5 
26,537 
25,74i 
23,211 
28,766 
63,832 
43,912 


i860. 
28,006 
178,831 

35,797 
29,140 
26,736 
93,8i8 
27,829 
48,734 
63,578 
35,594 
29,155 


21,033 
27,000 
74,578 
24,988 
18,759 
17.723 
25,^65 
48,755 
40,098 


[880. 


Counties. 

Dauphin 76,148 

Delaware 56,101 

Elk 12,800 

Erie 74,688 

Fayette 58,842 

Forest 4,385 

Franklin 49,855 

Fulton 10,149 

Greene 28,273 

Huntingdon 33,954 

Indiana 40,527 

Jefferson 27,935 

Juniata 18,227 

Lackawanna 89,269 

Lancaster 139,447 

Lawrence 33,312 

Lebanon 38,476 

Lehigh 65,969 

Luzerne 133,065 

Lycoming 57,486 

McKean 42,565 


-  1870. 
60,740 
39-403 

8,488 
65,973 
43.284 

4,010 
45,365 

9,36o 
25,887 
31,251 
36,138 
21,656 
i7,39o 

121,340 
27,298 
34,096 
56,796 

160,915 

47,626 

8,825 


i860. 
46,756 
30,597 

5,9J5 
49,432 
39,009 
898 
42,126 

9,i3i 
24,343 
28,100 
33,687 
18,270 
16,986 

"6,314 
22,999 
31,831 
43,753 
90,244 

37,399 
8,859 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


387 


By   Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


1870 

i860. 

49.977 

36,856 

17,5-8 

16,340 

18.362 

16,758 

81,612 

7^,5oo 

15,344 

i3,o53 

61,432 

47,9°4 

4i,444 

28,922 

25,447 

22,793 

674,022 

5*5.539 

8,436 

7,155 

11,265 

11,470 

116,428 

89,510 

15,606 

15,035 

Counties.  1880. 

Somerset 33, no 

Sullivan 8,073 

Susquehanna 4°, 354 

Tioga 45,814 

Union 16,9  ,5 

Venango 43,670 

Warren 27,981 

Washington L5,4i8 

Wayiu..... 33,513 

Westmoreland *.  78,036 

Wyoming 15,598 

York 87,841 


1870. 
28,226 

6,191 
37,523 
35,o97 
15,565 
47.925 
23,897 
48,483 
33,i88 
58,7'9 
14,585 
76,134 


26,773 
5,637 
36,267 
31,044 
i4,M5 
25,043 
19,190 
46,805 
32,239 
53,736 
12,^40 
68,200 


Counties.  1880. 

Mercer 56,161 

Mifflin 19,577 

Monroe 20,175 

Montgomery 96,494 

Montour 15,468 

Northampton 70,312 

Northumberland 53,123 

Perry 27,522 

Philadelphia 847,170 

Pike 9,663 

Potter 13,797 

Schuylkill 129,974 

Snyder 17, 797 

EDUCATION.— Colleges,    26;    instructors,    328;    students, 

4.434- 

Public  schools,  18,616;  value  of  school  property,  $25,919,397; 
teachers,  19,388;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $4,863,718 ;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $8,126,827;  expended  for  same,  $8,263,- 
245;  school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population,  1,422,377; 
pupils  enrolled,  945,315  ;  average  attendance,  61 1,317  ;  average 
length  of  school  year  in  1882,  153.78  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  146,138,  being 
4.6  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  123,206  ;  foreign  white, 
86,775  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  18,033;  total,  228,014, 
being  7.1  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily   papers,    100;    others,    885;    total,    985.     Circulation, 

5,517,343- 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  301,112; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  446,713  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 179,965  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
528,277. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  213,542;  total  acres  in 
farms,  19,791,341  ;  improved  acres,  13,423,007;  average  size  of 
farms,  93  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $975,689,410; 
value  of  implements,  $35,473,037;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $129,760,476. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 438, 100  bush. 

Buckwheat 3.593,326     " 

Butter 79,336,012  lbs. 

Cheese 1,008,686    " 


Quantity. 

Hay 2,811,654  tons. 

Hops 36,995  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 45,821,531  bush. 

Milk 36,540,540  galls. 


388 


BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


Prin  cipal  Products — C ont i nu e d . 


Quantity. 

Oats 33,841 ,439  '>"*»• 

Orchard  products $4,862,826 

Potatoes,  Irish 16,284,819  bush. 

"         sweet 184,142     ** 


Quantity. 

Rye 3,683,621  bush. 

Tobacco 36,943,272  lbs. 

Wheat 19,462,405  bush. 

Wool 8,470,273  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 
Number. 


Number. 


Horses  533-587 

Mules  and  asses 22,914 

Working  oxen 15,062 

Milch  cows 854,156 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $84,242,877 


Other  cattle 861,019 

Sheep 1,776,598 

Swine 1,187,968 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  31,232; 
capital  invested,  $474,510,993;  hands  employed,  387,072; 
wages  paid,  $134,055,904;  value  of  material,  $465,020,563; 
value  of  products,  $744,818,445. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Agricultural  implements. .  .  $3,686,212 

Boots  and  shoes 9,590,002 

Bakery  products 8,448,474 

Brick  and  tile..  .  .   4,813,153 

Carpets 14,304,660 

Carriages  and  wagons 4,760,723 

Cars 8,082,272 


Clothing,  men's 23,821,887 

Coke 4,190,136 

Confectionery 3.564.934 

Cooperage 3>256>552 

Cotton  goods 21,640,397 

Drugs 13,092,863 

Dyeing  and  finishing 6,259,852 

Fiour  and  mill  products...  41,522,662 

Machinery. 35,°29>673 

Furniture 7,588,229 

Glass 8,720,584 

Hardware. 3,725,526 


Hosiery $8,935,147 

Iron  and  steel 145,576,268 

Iron  .pipe.. 8,418,975 

Leather,  curried  and  tanned, 

etc 41,639,289 

Liquors,  malt  and  distilled..  11,980,832 

Lumber,  planed  and  sawed.  27,060,112 

Marble  work 3»I35^5I 

Mixed  textiles 20,882,764 

Paints 3,674,043 

P;>per 5*355.9" 

Printing  and  publishing.  . . .  10,229,893 

Ship-building 6,689,471 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  .  9,908,545 

Sugar  and  molasses,  refined.  24,294,929 

Tin  and  copperware 5,442,555 

Tobacco  and  cigars 7,816,807 

Woollen  goods 32,341,291 

Worsted  goods 10,072,473 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  512,408  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Coal,  anthracite 28,612,595  tons. 

Coal,  bituminous 18,075,548    " 

Iron  ore 1,820,561     " 

Zinc  ore 20,459    " 

Copper  ingots 214,736  lbs. 

Minor  minerals 


Value. 
$42,116,500 
18,267,151 

4,318,999 

394,568 

36,256 

426,102 


Total  mineral  products $65,559,576 

To  which  add  Petroleum,  24,224,646  barrels,  @  42  gal- 


lons per  barrel,   1,017,435,132   gallons,  @   2) 
a  gallon  for  crude,  equals 


$22,892,285 


Grand  total  of  all  mineral  products $88,451,861 


RULING   BY   STATES.  389 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  6,60$ 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  9,754;  cost,  $466,058,385; 
total  investment,  $809,734,001.  Length  of  canal  lines  in  opera- 
tion, 629  miles  ;  slack-water  lines,  146  miles  ;  cost,  $37,706,645. 
Steam  craft,  416  ;  tonnage,  1 16,601  ;  value,  $8,479,300.  Sail  craft, 
655;  tonnage,  138,000;  value,  $3,429,975.  Canal  boats,  barges 
and  flats,  5,560;  tonnage,  1,036,453;  value,  $4,968,100. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate, 
$1,540,007,957;  of  personal  property,  $143,45  1,059.  No  State 
taxation  on  real  estate.  Amount  of  State  taxation  on  personal 
property,  rate  30  cents  per  $100,  $437,716  for  1882  ;  total  State 
revenue  from  tax  on  corporations,  licenses,  etc.,  $6,346,540; 
county  taxation,  $4,612,165;  city,  town  and  village  taxation, 
$23,506,591.  State  debt  (1883),  net  and  funded,  $13,794,328 ; 
unfunded,  $880,719;  county,  city  and  town  indebtedness,  $93,- 

318,474. 

GO  VERNMENT.— -Capital,  Harrisburg.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $10,000.  The  other  State  officers  are: 
Lieutenant-Governor,  four  years,  salary,  $3,000;  Secretary  of 
State,  four  years,  $4,000 ;  Treasurer,  two  years,  $5,000;  Auditor- 
General,  three  years,  $3,000;  Secretary  Internal  Affairs,  four 
years,  $3,000;  Attorney-General,  four  years,  $3,500;  Adjutant- 
General,  four  years,  $2,500;  Superintendent  Board  Public  In- 
struction, four  years,  $2,500;  Insurance  Commissioner,  three 
years,  $3, cod  ;  State  Librarian,  four  years,  $1,800. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  50  Senators  and  201  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $1,000  for  session  of  100 
days  and  5  cents  mileage.  Ten  dollars  a  day  is  allowed  for  an 
additional  50  days.  Session  limited  to  150  days.  Legislature 
meets  biennially  on  first  Tuesday  in  January. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary,  $8,500, 
and  six  Associate  Justices,  salary  of  each,  $8,000,  all  elected  by 
the  people  for  a  term  of  twenty-one  years. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  28 ;  Presidential  electors,  30. 


390 


BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


POLITICS  for  twelve  years 


Rep. 

1872  Governor 353-387 

1872  President 349.589 

1875  Governor 304,175 

1876  President 384,148 

1878  Governor 319,490 

1880  President 444,704 

1882  Governor 3 1 5,589 

1883  Audiiur-General.  .319,106 


Dem. 

Tem. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

317,760 

1,259 

35,627  R 

211,841 

1,630 

137,748  R 

292,145 

I3,244 

12,030  R 

366,204 

1,318 

7,204 

17,944  R 

297,137 

3,759 

8i,758 

22,353  R 

407,428 

i,939 

20,668 

37,276  R 

355,791 

5,196 

43,743  Ind. 

40,202  D 

302,031 

6,602 

4,452  Gbk 

.  17,075  R 

RHODE    ISLAND. 


«^^^@^5* 


NAME. — Probably  so  called  from  a  fancied  resemblance  to 
the  Island  of  Rhodes,  in  the  Mediterranean.  Some  ally  it  to  the 
German  Roth  or  red  island,  others  to  Road  or  Roadstead 
Island,  as  being  on  or  near  harborage.  Popular  name  "  Little 
Rhody." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  May  29,  1790; 
the  last  State  to  do  so. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  1,085;  acres,  694,400;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  254.87. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1790 f 68,825 

1800 69,122 

1810 .  76.931 

1820 83,015 

^30 97,199 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

0.4 
II. 2 

7-9 
17.0 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 108,830 

1850 H7,545 

i860 174,620 

1870 217,353 

1880 276,531 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
11.9 
35-5 
18.3 
24.4 
27.2 


Male 133,030 

Female..  .143,501 


Native .  . 
Foreign. 


1880  by  Classes. 
202,538  White. 

73,993 


Black 


269,939 
6,488 


Chinese 27 

Indians 77 


RULING   BY    STATES.  391 

Dwellings 41,388         Persons  to  a  dwelling 6.68 

Families 60,259                "         "     family 4.59 

Voters — Males  over  21 76,898         Natural  militia,  18-44 57.854 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.                     1880.  1870.  1860. 

Bristol ",394  9.4'1  8,907 

Kent 20,588  18,595  17,303 

Newport... v 24,180  20,050  21,896 


Counties.  1880.  1870.  i860. 

Providence 197,874       149,190       107,799 

Washington 22,495         20,097         18,715 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  I  ;  instructors,  17;  students,  270. 

Public  schools,  850;  value  of  school  property,  $1,895,877; 
teachers,  902;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $417,553;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $541,607;  expended  for  same  (1882), 
$591,836;  school  age,  5-15  years;  school  population  (1882), 
55,832;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  45,695;  average  attendance 
(1882),  29,390;  average  length  of  school  session  in  1882,  184 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  17,456,  being  7.9 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  4,261;  foreign  white, 
19,283;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  1,249;  total,  24,793, 
being  1 1.2  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  8;  others,  36;  total,  44.      Circulation,  98,326. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  10,945  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  24,657 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 15,217;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
66,160. 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  6,216;  total  acres 
in  farms,  514,813;  improved  acres,  298,486;  average  size  of 
farms,  83  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $25,882,079; 
value  of  implements,  $902,825  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $3,670,135. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 17,783  bush. 

Buckwheat 1,254     " 

Butter 1,007,103  lbs. 

Cheese 67,171    " 

Hay 79,328  tons. 

Tndian  Corn 372,967  bush. 

Milk 3,831,706  galls. 

Oats I59,339  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $58,751 

Potatoes,  Irish 606,793  bush. 

"  sweet ..  714     " 

Rye 12,997      " 

Tobacco 785  ll>s. 

Wheat 240  bush. 

Wool 65,680  lbs. 


392 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 9,66 1 

Mules  and  asses 46 

Working  oxen 3,523 

Milch  cows 21,460 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June 


Number. 

Other  cattle 10,601 

Sheep 17,211 

Swine 14,121 


1880.... ^2,254,142 


MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  2,265  J  capi" 
tal  invested,  $75,575,943  ;  hands  employed,  62,878;  wages  paid, 
$21,355,619;  value  of  material,  $58,103,443;  value  of  products, 
$104,163,621. 
r  The  principal  manufactures  are  : 


Boots  and  shoes $1,455,420 

Cotton  goods 24,609,461 

Dyeing  and  finishing 6,874,254 

Flour  and  mill  products. .  . .  1,137,999 

Machinery 6,281,707 

Gold  and  silver,  refined. ...  1,421,100 

Jewelry 5»65°»I33 


Mixed  textiles $2,718,822 

Rubber  goods 2,217,000 

Screws 1,367,672 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  ..     3,876,740 

Woollen  goods 15,410,450 

Worsted  goods 6,177,754 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  63,575  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Coal,  anthracite 6,176  tons 


Value. 
$15,44° 


COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  147 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  139;  cost,  $5,627,831;  total 
investment,  $6,943,309.  Steam  craft,  70;  tonnage,  21,487  ;  value, 
$1,539,650.  Sail  craft,  241;  tonnage,  16,588;  value,  $414,675. 
Barges  and  flats,  80;  tonnage,  9,000;  value,  $132,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $243,658,190;  of  personal  property,  $84,872,369.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  12  cents  on  $100,  $492,796;  county  taxa- 
tion, none;  city  and  town,  $2,298,477.  State  debt  (1883), 
net  and  funded,  $1,159,846;  county,  city  and  town  debts,  $11,- 
270,327. 

GOVERNMENT— Capitals,  Newport  and  Providence.  Gov- 
ernor elected  for  one  year.  Salary,  $1,000.  The  other  State 
officers — term  one  year  except  Adjutant-General,  five  years — 
are,  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $500;  Secretary  of  State,  $2,- 
500;  Treasurer,  $2,500;    Auditor,  $1,000;  Insurance  Commis- 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


393 


sioner,  $1,500;  Railroad  Commissioner,  $500;  Attorney- 
General,  $2,500;  Adjutant-General,  $600;  Commissioner  of 
Public  Schools,  by  Board  of  Education,  $2,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  36  Senators  and  72  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  one  year,  and  each  receiving  one  dollar 
a  day  and  eight  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  annually  on 
last  Tuesday  in  May  at  Newport,  and  holds  an  adjourned  session 
at  Providence.     No  limit  to  length  of  sessions. 

State  elections  held  annually  on  first  Wednesday  in  April. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  as- 
sociates, elected  by  the  Legislature  till  their  places  are  filled,  the 
effect  being  a  choice  for  life,  good  behavior,  or  mental  compe- 
tency. Salary  of  Chief  Justice,  $4,500,  and  of  the  Associate 
Justices,  $4,000  each. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  2  ;  Presidential  electors,  4. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Rep. 

Dem. 

1872  President 

..    13,665 

5,329 

1876 

..    15.787 

10,712 

1877  Governor. .  .  . 

..    12,458 

11,787 

1878 

•  •    n,454 

7,639 

1879        " 

••     9,717 

5,5o8 

1880  President 

•  •    18,195 

10,779 

1 88 1   Governor. .  . 

. .    10,489 

4,756 

1882 

. .    10,056 

5,3H 

1883        « 

..    13,078 

10,201 

1884 

..    15,903 

9,498 

Ind 


281 

706 


Maj. 
8,336  R. 

5,o75  R- 
671  R. 

3,815  R- 

4,209  R. 
7,416  R. 
5,733  R. 
4,745  R- 
2,877  R- 
6,405  R- 


394 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

NAME. — See  North  Carolina.  Popular  name  "  Palmetto 
State." 

ADMISSION. — Ratified  the  Constitution,  May  23,  1788. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  30,170;  acres,  19,308,800;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  33.00. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 249,073 

1800 345.591 

1810 415,115 

1820 ...  502,741 

1830 581,185 


Per  cent,  of 


38.7 
20.1 
21. 1 
15.6 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 594,398 

1850 668,507 

i860 703,708 

1870 705,606 

1880 995,577 


Per  cent,  of 

increase. 

2.2 

12.4 

5-2 

0.2 

41.0 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male 490,408      Native 987,891 

Female.  .505,169      Foreign...        7,686 

Dwellings 191,914 

Families 202,062 

Voters — Males  over  21 205,789 


White  ...  .391,105      Chinese 9 

Black 604,332      Indians 131 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.19 

''         "   family 4-*93 

Natural  militia,  18-44 170,922 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Abbeville 40,815 

Aiken 28,112 

Anderson 33,612 

Barnwell 39.857 

Beaufort 30,176 

Charleston 102,800 

Chester 24,153 

Chesterfield 16,345 

Clarendon 19,100 

Colleton 36,386 

Darlington 34,485 

Edgefield 45,844 

Fairfield 27,765 

Georgetown 19,613 

Greenville 37,496 

Hampton 18,741 

Horry 15,574 


1870. 
31,129 

24,049 
35,724 
34,359 
88,863 
18,805 
10,584 
14.038 
25,4'o 
26,243 
42,486 
19,888 
16,161 
22,262 

10,721 


i860. 
32,385 


22,873 
3o,743 
40,053 
70,100 
18,122 
11,834 
I3.C95 
41,916 
20,361 
39,887 
22,111 
2i,3-5 
21,892 

7,962 


Counties.  1880. 

Kershaw 21,538 

Lancaster 16,903 

Laurens 29,444 

Lexington 18,564 

Marion 34,i°7 

Marlborough 20,598 

Newberry 26,497 

Oconee 16,256 

Orangeburgh 4*, 395 

Pickens 14.389 

Richland 28,573 

Spartanburgh 40,409 

Sumter 37,°37 

Union 24,080 

Williamsburgh 24,110 

York 30,713 


1870. 

i860. 

",754 

13,086 

12,087 

",797 

22,536 

23,858 

12,988 

15,579 

22,160 

2I,lQO 

11,814 

12,434 

20,775 

20,879 

10,536 
16,865 

24,896 

10,269 

I9,639 

23,025 

18,307 

25,784 

26,919 

25.268 

23,859 

19,248 

I9,635 

15,489 

15,489 

24,286 

21,502 

RULING   BY   STATES.  395 

EDUCATION.— Colleges,  9;  instructors,  65  ;  students,  618. 

Public  schools,  3,077;  value  of  school  property,  $407,256; 
teachers,  3,204;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  349,696;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $405,551  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $378,886; 
school  age,  6-16  years;  school  population,  262,279;  Pupils 
enrolled,  145,974;  average  attendance  (1882),  101,816;  average 
length  of  school  year  in  1882,  80  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  321,780,  being 
48.2  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons 
over  ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  59,415  ;  foreign 
white,  362;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  310,071  ;  total,  369,- 
848,  being  55.4  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  4;  others,  y8  ;  total,  82.     Circulation,  70,902. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  294,602; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  64,246 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 13,556;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
19,698. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  93,864;  total  acres  in 
farms,  13,457,613;  improved  acres,  4,132,050;  average  size  of 
farms,  143  acres ;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $68,677,482 ; 
value  of  implements,  $3,202,710;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $41,969,749. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity.        |  Quantity. 

Barley 16,257  bush,  j  Potatoes,  Irish 144,942  bush. 

Butter 3,196,851  lbs.  "         sweet 2,189,622 


Cheese 16,018 

Cotton 522,548  bales. 

Hay 2,706  tons. 

Indian  Corn 11,767,099  bush. 

Milk 257,186  galls. 

Oats 2,7 1 5,505  bush. 

Orchard  products $78,934 


Rice 52,077,5 15  lbs. 

Rye 27,049  bush. 

Sug.  &  mol.,  229hhds.       138,944  trails 

Tobacco 45,678  lbs. 

Wheat 962,358  bush. 

Wool 272,758  lbs. 


■Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 60,660 

Mules  and  asses 67,005 

Working  oxen 24,507 

Milch  cows 139,881 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $12,279,412 

MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  2,078;  cap- 


Number. 

Other  cattle 199,321 

Sheep..    , 118,889 

Swine 628,198 


396  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

ital  invested,  #11,205,894;  hands  employed,  15,828;  wages  paid, 
#2,836,289;  value  of  material,  #9,885,538;  value  of  products, 
#16,738,008.    • 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Lumber,  sawed $2,031,507 

Tar  and  turpentine 1,893,206 


Cotton  goods $2,895,769 

Fertilizers 2,691,053 

Flour  and  mill  products 3>779>47° 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  25,868  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $13,040 

Silver 56 

Minor  minerals 7,427  tons  27,709 

Total  mineral  products $40,805 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  1,517 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,442;  cost,  #40,783,037;  total 
investment,  #41,998,949.  Steam  craft, 41  ;  tonnage,  5,242  ;  value, 
#242,700.  Sail  craft,  173;  tonnage,  5,017;  value,  #125,425. 
Flats,  375  ;  value,  #124,150. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  #87,132,401  ;  of  personal  property,  #48,249,939.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  47.5  cents  on  #100,  #351,910;  county  taxa- 
tion, #554,164;  city,  town  and  village,  #542,109.  State  debt 
(1883),  funded,  #6,103,024;  unfunded,  #6,531,299;  county,  city 
and  town  debts,  $6,706,767. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Columbia.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  #3,500.  The  other  State  officers — terms 
two  years — are:  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  #1,000;  Secretary 
of  State,  #2,100;  Treasurer,  #2,100;  Comptroller,  #2,100;  Attor- 
ney-General, #2,100;  Superintendent  Public  Education,  #2,100; 
Commissioner  Agriculture,  #2,100;  Adjutant-General,  #1,500; 
three  Railroad  Commissioners,  two,  three  and  four  years ;  State 
Librarian,  #625. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  35  Senators  and  124  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years  ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  #5  a  day  and  10  cents  mile- 
age. Legislature  meets  annually  on  fourth  Tuesday  in  Novem- 
ber.    No  limit  to  length  of  session. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


397 


State  elections  held  biennially,  and  with  Congressional  and 
Presidential  elections,  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice,  salary,  $4,000, 
and  two  Associate  Justices,  salaries  of  each,  $3,500,  all  elected 
by  the  Legislature  for  a  term  of  six  years. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  7  ;  Presidential  electors,  9. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 

Rep.  Dem.  Maj. 

1872  Governor 69,838  36,553  33,285  R. 

1872  President 72,290  22,683  49,607  R. 

1874  Governor 80,403  68,818  1 1,585  R. 

1876  President 91,870  90,896  974  R. 

1878  Congress 45>o8i  116,917  71,8360. 

1880  Governor 4,277  Grbk.  117,432  113,1550. 

1880  President 57,966  111,236  53,2700. 

1882  Governor 17,719  Grbk.  67,158  49>439  £>• 


TENNESSEE. 


NAME. — So  called  from  the  river  Tennessee,  which  is  the 
rfver  "  of  the  big  bend,"  or  "  curved  spoon,"  as  some  have  it. 
Popular  name,  "  The  Big  Bend  State." 

ADMISSION. — Act  of  admission,  and  date  of  admission, 
June  1,  1796. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  41,750;  acres,  26,720,000;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  36.94. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

179° 35.69I 

1800 105,602 

1810 261,727 

1820 422,771 

1830 681,904 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

195.8 

147.8 

61.5 

61.2 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 829,210 

1850 1,002,717 

i860 1,109,801 

1870 1,258,520 

1880 .1,542,359 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

21.6 
20.9 
10.6 

134 

22.5 


398 


BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBI 


AC. 


:88o  by  Classes. 


Male 769,277     Native 1,525,657 

Female.  .773,082     Foreign...       16,702 

Dwellings. 276,7  ^4 

Families 286  539 

Voters — Males  over  21 33°>3°5 


White 1,138,831      Chinese 2$ 

Black....    403,151       Indians.  ..  .353 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.57 

"         "     family 5.38 

Natural  militia,  18-44 276,895 


By   Counties  for  three   Censuses. 


Counties.                     1880.  1870. 

And.-rson 10,820  8,704 

Bedford 26,025  24.333 

Benton 9,780  8,234 

Bledsoe 5,617  4.870 

Blount 15,985  14,237 

Bradley 12,124  11,652 

Campbell 10,005  7,445 

Cannon ....11,859  10,502 

Carroll 22,103  19,447 

Carter 10,019  79  9 

Cheatham 7,95°  6,678 

Claiborne 1 3,373  9,321 

Clay 6,987  

Cocke 14,808  12,458 

Coffee 12,894  10,237 

Crockett 14,109  

Cumberland 4,538  3,461 

Davidson 79,026  62,897 

Decatur 8,498  7,772 

DeKalb 14,813  ",425 

Dickson 12,460  9,340 

Dyer 15,118  13,706 

Fayette 31,871  26,145 

Fentress 5,941  4,7J7 

Franklin 17,178  14,970 

Gibson 32,685  25,666 

Giles 36,014  32,413 

Grainger 12,384  12,421 

Greene 24,005  21,668 

Grundy 4,592  3,250 

Hamblen 10,187  

Hamilton 23,642  1 7,241 

Hancock 9,098  7,148 

Hardeman 22,921  18,074 

Hardin 14,793  11,708 

Hawkins 20,610  15,837 

Haywood 26,053  25,094 

Henderson 17,430  14,217 

Henry 22,142  20,380 

Hickman 12,095  9,856 

Houston 4,295  

Humphreys n  379  9,326 

Jackson 12,008  12,583 

James 5,187  

Jefferson 15,846  19,476 

Johnson 7,766  5,852 

Knox 39,124  28,990 


i860. 
7,068 

zi,s84 
8,463 
4,459 

13,270 

ll.ptt 
6,712 
9009 

17,437 
7,I24 
7,258 
9,°43 


10,408 
9,689 


3,46o 

47.055 
6,276 

10,573 
9,982 
10,536 
24,327 
f,o54 
13,848 
21,777 
26,166 
10,962 
19,004 
3,093 


13,258 
7,02.0 
17,769 
11,214 
16,162 
19,232 
i4,49T 
19^33 
9,3*2 


9.096 
11,725 


16,043 

5.018 

22,813 


Counties.  1880. 

Lake 3,968 

Lauderdale 14,918 

Lawrence 10,383 

Lewis 2,181 

Lincoln 26,960 

Loudon 9,148 

McMinn 15,064 

McNairy 17,271 

Macon 9,321 

Madison 3^,874 

Marion 10,910 

Marshall 19,259 

Maury .....39,904 

Meigs 7,117 

Monroe 14,283 

Montgomery 28,481 

Moore 6,233 

Morgan 5,156 

Obion 22,912 

Overton 12,153 

Perry 7,174 

Pclk 7,269 

Putnam 11,501 

Rhea 7,°73 

Roane i5,237 

Robertson 18,861 

Rutherford 36,741 

Scott 6,021 

Sequatchie 2,565 

Sevier 15,541 

Shelby 78,430 

Smith 1 7,799 

Stewart 12,690 

Sullivan 18.321 

Sumner 23,625 

Tipton 21,033 

Trousdale 6,646 

Unicoi 3,645 

Union 10,260 

Van  Buren 2,933 

Warren 14,079 

Washington 16,181 

Wayne 11,301 

Weakeky 24,538 

White 11,176 

Williamson 28,313 

Wilson 28,747 


1870. 

i860. 

2,428 

10,838 

7,559 

7,6.1 

9,i2° 

1,986 

2,241 

28,050 

22,828 

13,969 

13,555 

12,726 

14,732 

6,633 

7,290 

23,480 

2i,535 

6,841 

6,190 

16.207 

14,592 

36,289 

32,498 

4.5" 

4,667 

12,589 

12,607 

24,747 

20,895 

2,969 

3,353 

15,584 

12,817 

11,297 

12,637 

6,925 

6,542 

7,369 
8.698 

8,726 

8,558 

5,538 

4.991 
13,583 

15.622 

16,166 

15,265 

33,289 

27,918 

4,o54 

3,519 

2,335 

2,120 

11,028 

9,122 

76,378 

48,092 

15,994 

16,357 

12,019 

9,896 

13,136 

13,552 

23,7" 

22,030 

14,884 

10,705 

7,6o5 

6,117 

2,725 

2,581 

12,714 

",147 

16,317 

14,829 

10,209 

9,"5 

2o,755 

18,216 

9,375 

9,38i 

25,328 

23,827 

25,881 

26,072 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  19;  instructors,  168;  students,  2,- 
941. 

Public  schools,  5,688;  value  of  school  property,  $1,025,858; 
teachers,  5,937;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $718,921  ;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $973,198;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $827,154; 
school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  549,179; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  264,356;  average  attendance  (1881), 
180,509;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  73  days. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  399 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  294,385,  being  27.7 
per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  214,994;  foreign  white, 
1,233;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  194,495;  total,  410,722, 
being  38.7  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  12;  others,  180;  total,  192.    Circulation,  298,619. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  294,153; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  94,107  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 23,628;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
36,082. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  165,650;  total  acres  in 
farms,  20,666,915;  improved  acres,  8,496,556;  average  size  of 
farms,  125  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $206,749,837; 
value  of  implements,  $9,054,863  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $62,076,311. 

Principal  Products. 
Quantity.       ■  Quantity. 

Barley 30,019  bush.    Oats 4,722,190  bush. 


Buckwheat 33*434    "  Orchard  products $919,844 

Butter 17,886,369  lbs.         Potatoes,  Irish 1,354,481  bush. 

Cheese 98,740   "  "         sweet 2,369,901     " 


Cotton 330,621  bales. 

Hay 186,698  tons. 

Indian  Corn 62,764,429  bush. 

Milk 1,006,795  galls. 


Rye 156,419    " 

Tobacco 29,365,052  lbs. 

Wheat 7.33^353  bush. 

Wool 1,918,295  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number.  Number. 

Other  cattle 452,462 

Sheep 672,789 

Swine 2,160,495 


Horses 266,119 

Mules  and  asses 173,498 

Working  oxen 27,312 

Milch  cows 303,900 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $43,651,470 

MANUFA CTURES.—Number  of  establishments,  4,326 ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $20,092,845  ;  hands  employed,  22,445  ;  wages  paid, 
$5,254,775;  value  of  material,  $23,834,262;  value  of  products, 
$37,074,886. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Carriages  and  wagons $1,253,721 

Cotton  goods 934,014 

Flour  and  mill  products 10,784,804 

Machinery 1,191,531 

Furniture 954,100 

Iron  and  steel 2,274,203 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried    .    2,051,087 


Liquors,  distilled $540,729 

Lumber,  planed  and  sawed  .  .  4,015,310 

Oil  and  oil  cake 1,235,000 

Printing  and  publishing 653,645 

Slaughtering  and  packing....  1,376,476 

Tin  and  copperware 710,813 

Woollen  goods 620,724 


400  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  51,952  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold #1,998 

Coal,  bituminous 494,491  tons  628,954 

Iron  ore 89,933     "  129,951 

Lead  ore 60     "  2,500 

Zinc  ore 3,699     "  22,145 

•    Copper  ingots 153,880  lbs.  

Total  mineral  products #785,548 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,194 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  1,928;  cost,  $120,195,150  ;  total 
investment,  $126,323,124.  Steam  craft,  61;  tonnage,  11,348; 
value,  $58,900.     Barges,  29;  value,  $5,800. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  $195,635,100;  of  personal  property,  $16,133,338.  State 
taxation  (1882),  rate  20  cents  on  $100,  $954,903  ;  county,  $1,488,- 
126;  city  town  and  village,  $644,568.  State  debt  funded,  $20,- 
206,300;  unfunded,  $6,336,550;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $9,- 

947469. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Nashville.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State  officers  are :  Secre- 
tary of  State  (four  years),  salary,  $1,800;  Treasurer  (two  years), 
$2,700 ;  Comptroller  (two  years),  $2,700  ;  Attorney-General  (two 
years),  $3,000;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction  (two  years), 
$1,800;  Adjutant-General  (two  years),  $1,200;  Commissioner  of 
Agriculture  (two  years),  $3,000  ;  Land  Register  (four  years), 
fees;  three  Railroad  Commissioners  (two  years),  each  $2,000; 
State  Librarian  (two  years),  $1,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  33  Senators  and  99  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  each,  $4  a  day 
and  16  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first 
Monday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  75  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  the  first  Monday  in  November. 

Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chi^f  Justice,  and  four  associ- 
ates, elected  by  the  people  for  eighl  years.  Salary  of  each,  $4,- 
OOO. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  xo;  Presidential  electors,  12. 


RULING  BY   STATES. 
POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Dem.  Rep. 

1872  President 94,391  83,655 

1874  Governor 103,061  55,843 

1876  President 133,166  89,566 

1878  Governor 89,018  42,328 

1880  President 130,381  98,760 

1882  Governor 109,873  80,149 


401 


Ind 


246 


Maj. 
10,736  D. 
47,218  D. 
43,600  D. 
46,690  D. 
31,621  D. 
29,624  D. 


TEXAS. 


NAME. — So  called  by  the  Spaniards,  in  1690,  who  that  year 
drove  the  French  from  their  settlement  at  Matagorda.  Popular 
name,  "  The  Lone  Star  State." 

ADMISSION. — Texas  was  admitted  by  annexation.  Act  of 
admission,  March  1,  1845  ;  actual  admission,  Dec.  29,  1845. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  262,290;  acres,  167,865,600;  persons 
to  a  square  mile,  6.07. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Census.                                                                 Pop.  Per  cent,  of 

1850 212,592  increase. 

i860 604,215  184.2 

1870 818,579  35.4 

1880 i,59i,749  94-4 

1880  by  Classes. 


Male 837,840     Native 1,477,133 

Female.    .753,909     Foreign....    114,616 

Dwellings 287,562 

Families 297,259 

Voters — Males  over  21 380,376 


White 1,197,237     Chinese 136 

Black 393,384     Indians. .  .  .992 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.54 

"         "     family 5.35 

Natural  militia,  18-44 332,120 


402 


BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Anderson... 17,395 

Andrews 

Angelina 5>239 

Aransas 996 

Archer 596 

Armstrong 31 

Atascosa 4,217 

Austin 14,429 

Bailey 

Bandera 2,158 

Bastrop 17,215 

Baylor 715 

Bee 2,298 

Bell 20,518 

Bexar 30,470 

Bexar  District 

Blanco 3:583 

Borden 35 

Bosque ",217 

Bowie 10,965 

Brazoria 9,774 

Brazos 13,576 

Briscoe 12 

Brown 8,414 

Burleson 9,243 

Burnet 6,855 

Caldwell n>757 

Calhoun i,739 

Callahan 3,453 

Cameron 14,959 

Camp 5,931 

Carson 

Cass 16,724 

Castro 

Chambers 2,187 

Cherokee 16,723 

Childress 25 

Clay 5,045 

Cockran 

Coleman 3,603 

Collin 25,983 

Collingsworth 6 

Colorado 16,673 

Comal 5,546 

Comanche 8,608 

Concho 800 

Cooke 20,391 

Coryell 10,924 

Cottle 24 

Crockett 127 

Crosby 82 

Dallam 

Dallas 33,488 

Dawson 24 

Deaf  Smith 38 

Delta 5,597 

Denton 18,143 

De  Witt 10,082 

Dickens 28 

Dimmitt 665 

Donley 160 

Duval 5,732 

Eastland 4,855 

Edwards 266 

Ellk 21,294 

El  Paso 3,845 

Encinal 1,902 

Erath., 1 1,796 

Falls 16,240 

Fannin 25,501 

Fayette 27,996 

Fisher......... 136 

Floyd 3 

Fort  Bend 9,380 


1870. 
9,229 


3,985 


2,915 
15,087 


649 

12,290 


1,082 
9,77i 
16,043 
1,077 
1,187 


4,684 
7,527 
9,205 

544 
8,072 
3,688 
6,572 
3,443 

10,999 


8,875 


1,503 
1,079 


347 
14,013 

8,326 
5,283 
1,001 

5,3^5 
4,124 


7,251 
6,443 


109 

1,083 


7,5H 

3,671 

427 

1,801 

9,85i 

13,207 

16,863 


i860. 
10,398 


4,291 


i,578 
10,139 


399 
7,006 


910 
4,799 
14,454 


1,281 


2,005 
5,052 
7,M3 
2,776 


244 
5,683 
2,487 
4,481 
2,64? 


6.028 


1,508 
12,008 


9,264 


7»»»5 

4,03o 

709 


3,76o 
2,666 


8,665 
281 


5,031 
5,i°8 


99 


5,246 
4,051 
43 
2,425 
3,6i4 
9,217 
11,604 


Counties.  1880. 

Franklin 5,280 

Freestone 14,921 

Frio 2,130 

Gaines 8 

Galveston 24,121 

Garza 36 

Gillespie 5,228 

Goliad 5,832 

Gonzales 14,840 

Gray 56 

Graysonv 38,108 

Gregg 8,530 

Grimes 18,603 

Guadalupe 12,202 

Hale 

Hall 36 

Hamilton 6,365 

Hansford 18 

Hardeman 50 

Hardin 1,870 

Harris 27,985 

Harrison 25,177 

Hartley 100 

Haskell 48 

Hayes 7,555 

Hemphill 149 

Henderson 9,735 

Hidalgo 4,347 

Hill 16,554 

Hockley '. ,.     ... 

Hood 6,125 

Hopkins 15,461 

Houston...... 16,702 

Howard .'  50 

Hunt 17,230 

Hutchinson 50 

Jack Y 6,626 

Jackson ....  2,723 

Jasper 5,779 

Jefferson 3,489 

Johnson x7,911 

Jones 546 

Karnes   3,270 

Kaufman 15,448 

Kendall 2,763 

Kent 92 

Kerr 2,168 

Kimble i>343 

King 40 

Kinney 4,487 

Knox 77 

Lamar 27,193 

Lamb 

Lampasas 5,421 

La  Salle 789 

Lavaca 13.641 

Lee 8,937 

Leon 12.817 

Liberty 4,999 

Limestone 16,246 

Lipscomb 69 

Live  Oak i»994 

Llano 4,962 

Lubbock 25 

Lynn 9 

McCulloch 1,533 

McLennan 26,934 

McMullen 701 

Madison 5,395 

Marion 10,983 

Martin 12 

Mason 2,655 

Matagorda 3,94° 

Maverick 2,967 


1870. 

8,139 
3°9 

15,290 


3,566 
3,628 
8,951 

14,387 


13,218 
7,282 


733 


1,460 
17,375 
13,241 


6,786 
2,387 
7.453 

2,585 
12,651 
8,i47 

10,291 


694 
2,278 
4,218 
1,906 
4,923 


1,705 
6,^95 
i,536 

1,042 

72 

1,204 

I5,79° 

i,344 

69 

9,168 

6,523 

4,4i4 
8,591 

852 

1.379 

173 

13,5  o 

2  AO 

4,1  61 

8,;62 

"778 
3.377 

i,95i 


i860. 

6,881 
42 

8,229 

2,736 
3,384 
8,059 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  1880. 

Medina 4.492 

Menard 1,239 

Milam 18,659 

Mitchell 117 

Montague 11,257 

Montgomery 1°5I54 

Moore 

Morris  5,032 

Motley 24 

Nacogdoches n,59° 

Navarro 21,702 

Newton 4.359 

Nolan 640 

Nueces 7,673 

Ochiltree 

Oldham 287 

Orange 2,938 

Palo  Piuto 5,885 

Panola 12,219 

Parker 15,870 

Parmer 

Pecos 1,807 

Polk 7,189 

Potter 28 

Presidio 2,873 

Rains 3>°35 

Randall 3 

Red  River 17,I94 

Refugio 1,585 

Roberts 32 

Robertson 22,383 

Rockwall 2,984 

Runnels 980 

Rusk 18,986 

Sabine 4, 161 

San  Augustine 5,084 

San  Jacinto 6,186 

San  Patricio 1,010 

San  Saba.... 5,324 


1870. 

2,078 

667 

8,984 


6,482 


9,614 
8,879 
2,187 

3,975 


i,255 
[0,119 


8,707 
i',636 


10,653 
2,324 


16,916 
3,256 
4,196 


i860. 


5,175 


849 
5,479 


0,292 
5,996 
3,"9 

2,906 


1,916 
1,524 
8,475 
4,213 


8,300 
"580 


8,535 
1,600 


15,803 
2,750 
4,o94 


602 
1,425 


620 
9*3 


Counties.  : 

Scurry 

Shackelford 2, 

Shelby 9 

Sherman 

Smith 21 

Somervell 2 

Starr 8 

Stephens 4 

Stonewall 

Swisher-. 

Tarrant 24 

Taylor 1 

Terry 

Throckmorton 

Titus 5 

Tom  Green 3, 

Travis 27 

Trinity 4 

Tyler J 

Upshur 10, 

Uvalde 2 

Van  Zandt 12 

Victoria 6 

Walker 12 

Waller 9 

Washington 27 

Webb 5 

Wharton 4 

Wheeler 

Wichita 

Wilbarger 

Williamson 15, 

Wilson 7 

Wise 16 

Wood 11; 

Yoakum 

Young 4 

Zapata 3 

Zavalla 


,863 
,649 
,3°4 
,725 
104 
4 
,671 
-736 


1870. 

455 
5,732 

'6,532 

4,^54 
330 


5,788 


:86o. 

44 
5,362 

13,392 


2,406 
230 


6,020 


124 
9,648 


,028 

13,153 

8,080 

,915 

4,i4i 

4,392 

825 

5,010 

4,525 

266 

12,039 

10,645 

,541 

851 

506 

,619 

6,494 

3,777 

,289 

4,860 

4,171 

,024 

9,776 

8,191 

,024 

,565 

23,104 

15,215 

,273 

2,615 

i,397 

,549 

3,426 

3,38o 

512 

433 

126 

155 

6,368 

4,529 

,118 

2,556 

,601 

i,45o 

3,160 

212 

6,894 

4,968 

,726 

135 

592 

,636 

1,488 

1,248 

410 

133 

26 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  10;  instructors,  105;  students, 
2,396. 

Public  schools,  6,692;  value  of  school  property,  $1,130,762; 
teachers,  6,764;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $714,207;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $921,595  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $803,850; 
school  age,  8-14  years;  school  population  (1882),  295,344; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  142,960;  average  attendance  (1882), 
60,259;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  92  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  256,223,  being 
24.1  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  97,498  ;  foreign  white, 
26,414;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  192,520;  total,  316,432, 
being  29.7  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  31;  others,  248;  total,  279.      Circulation,  355,- 

938. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  359,317; 


404  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  professional  and  personal  services,  97,561 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 34,909;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
30,346. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  174,184;  total  acres  in 
farms,  36,292,219;  improved  acres,  12,650,314;  average  size  of 
farms,  208  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $170,468,886; 
value  of  implements,  $9,051,491;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $65,204,329. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 72,786  bush. 

Buckwheat 535    " 

Butter 13,899,320  lbs. 

Cheese 58,466   " 

Cotton 805,284  bales. 

Hay 59,699  tons. 

Indian  Corn 29,065,172  bush. 

Milk 1,296,806  galls. 

Oats 4,893,359  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $876,844 

Potatoes,  Irish 228,832  bush. 

"  sweet ...  1,460,079     " 

Rice 62,152  lbs. 

Rye 25,399  bush. 

Sug.  &  mob,  4,951  hhd.      810,605  galls. 

Tobacco 221,283  lbs. 

Wheat 2,567,737  bush. 

Wool 6,928,019  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 

Number. 

Other  cattle 3,387,927 

Sheep 2,411,633 

Swine 1,950,371 


Number. 

Horses 805,606 

Mules  and  asses 132,447 

Working  oxen 90,502 

Milch  cows 606, 176 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $60,307,987 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  2,996; 
capital  invested,  $9,245,561;  hands  employed,  12,159;  wages 
paid,  $3,343,087;  value  of  materials,  $12,956,269;  value  of  pro- 
ducts, $20,719,928. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Flour  and  mill  products $7,617,177 

Foundry  and  machine-shop.. .  532,778 
Lumber,  planed  and  sawed...  4,130,049 
Printing  and  publishing 605,000 


Saddlery $587,871 

Tin  and  copperware 491,420 

Sash  and  doors 416,500 

Slaughtering  and  packing 486,400 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  30,543  horse-power. 

COMMERCIAL  FA CILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  5,715 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  4,363;  cost,  $172,323,744;  total 
investment,  $223,701,146.  Steam  craft, -35;  tonnage,  4,352; 
value,  $196,900.  Sail  craft,  230;  tonnage,  7,713;  value,  $192,- 
800.     Barges  and  flats,  23  ;  value,  $25,500. 

FINANCIAL    CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  and 


RULING   BY   STATES.  405 

personal  property  (1882),  $520,000,000;  in  1880,  $320,364,515. 
State  taxation  (1882),  rate  30  cents  on  $100,  $1,396,170;  county 
taxation,  $1,685,907;  city,  town  and  village  taxation,  $694,269. 
State  debt  (1882),  funded,  $4,447,700;  county,  city  and  town 
debts,  $6,037,985. 

GOVERNMENT.— -Capital,  Austin.  Governor  elected  for 
two  years.  Salary,  $4,000.  The  other  State  officers  are  :  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor (two  years),  salary,  $5  a  day;  Secretary  of 
State,  $2,000 ;  Treasurer,  $2,500;  Comptroller,  $2,500;  Attor- 
ney-General, $2,000;  Adjutant-General,  $2,000;  Commissioner 
Lands,  $2,500 ;  Commissioner  Insurance,  $2,000;  Railroad  Com- 
missioner, $3,000. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  31  Senators  and  106  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $5  a  day  and  mileage.  Legis- 
lature meets  biennially  on  second  Tuesday  in  January.  Session 
limited  to  60  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  elected  by  the  people  for  six  years.  Salary  of 
each,  $3,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  1 1 ;  Presidential  electors,  1 3. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 


Dem. 

Rep. 

Grbk. 

Maj. 

1872  President 

...     68,622 

46,482 

22,140  D. 

1873  Governor. . . , 

, . .     99,984 

52,353 

47,631  D. 

1875         -         .... 

, ..   150,581 

50,000 

100,581  D. 

1876  President 

•.   104,755 

44,800 

59,955  D- 

1878  Governor. . . 

••    158,933 

23,402 

*>*>&>* 

134,531  D. 

1880  President 

..    146,863 

53,298 

26,244 

93,565  D. 

1882  Governor 

..   150,890 

102,501 

48,389  D. 

406 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


UTAH  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — Probably  the  Indian  tribal  name,  Ute. 
ORGANIZATION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  Sept.  9,  1850. 
AREA. — Square  miles,  82,190;  acres,  53,601,600;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  1.75. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1850 11,380 

i860 40,273 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 


253-8 


Census. 
1870... 
1880... 


1880  by  Classes. 


Per  cent,  of 

Pop. 

86,786 
43.963 

increase. 

"5-4 
65.8 

Male 74,509       Native ....  99,969 

Female. . .  69,454       Foreign  .  . .  43,994 

Dwellings 26,710 

Families 28,373 

Voters — Males  over  21 32,773 


White 142,423       Chinese 501 

Black 232       Indians.  .  .  .      807 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.39 

"  "    family 5.07 

Natural  militia,  18-44 26,480 


By  Cotaities  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Beaver 3,918 

Box  Elder 6,761 

Cache 12,562 

Cedar 

Davis 5»279 

Emery 556 

Green  River 

Iron 4,013 

Juab 3,474 

Kane 3,085 

Millard 3,727 

Morgan J>783 

Pi  Ute 1,651 

Rich 1,263 


1870. 
2,007 
4,855 


i860. 

785 

1,608 


8,229 

2,605 

74i 

4,459 

2,904 

141 

2,277 

1,010 

2,034 

672 

i,5i3 

2,753 

7i5 

1,972 

82 

i,955 

Counties.  1880. 

Rio  Virgin 

Salt  Lake ....31,977 

San  Juan 204 

Sanpete ",557 

Sevier 4,457 

Shambip 

Summit 4,921 

Tooele 4,497 

Uintah 799 

Utah 17,973 

Wassatch 2,927 

Washington 4,235 

Weber 12,344 


1870. 

i860. 

450 

8,337 

",295 

6,786 

3.8i5 

*9 

162 

2,512 

198 

2,177 

1,008 

2,203 

8,248 

1,244 

3,064 

691 

7,858 

3,"75 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  i;  instructors,  4 ;  students,  193. 

Public  schools,  383 ;  value  of  school  property,  $372,273 ; 
teachers,  434;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $149,637;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $176,048;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $185,588  ; 
school    age,    6-18   years;    school   population    (1882),   43,393; 


RULING   BY  STATES.  407 

pupils  enrolled  (1882),  27,216;  average  attendance  (1882),  17,- 
594;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  139  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  4,85 1,  being  5  per  cent, 
of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  3,183;  foreign  white,  4,954; 
colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  689 ;  total,  8,826,  being  9.1  per  cent. 
of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  5  ;  others,  19;  total,  24.     Circulation,  36,675. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  14,550; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  1 1,144;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 4,149;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
10,212. 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  9,452;  total  acres  in 
farms,  655,524;  improved  acres,  416,105  ;  average  size  of  farms, 
69  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $14,015,178;  value  of 
implements,  $946,753  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products,  sold,  con- 
sumed or  on  hand,  $3,337,410. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 217,140  bush. 

Butter 1,052,903  lbs. 

Cheese 126,727    " 

Hay 92>735  tons. 

Indian  Corn 163,342  bush. 

Milk 155,263  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 418,082  bush. 

Orchard  products $148,493 

Potatoes,  Irish 573,595  bush. 

Rye 9,605    " 

Wheat 1,169,199    " 

Wool 973,246  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 

Number.  Number. 

Other  cattle 58,680 

Sheep 233,121 

Swine 17,198 


Horses 38,131 

Mules  and  asses 2,898 

Working  oxen 3,968 

Miich  cows 32,768 

Total  value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $3,306,638 

MANUFACTURES.— -Number  of  establishments,  640;  capi- 
tal invested,  $2,656,657 ;  hands  employed,  2,495  ;  wages  paid, 
$858,863;  value  of  material,  $2,561,737;  value  of  products, 
$4,324,992. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Flour  and  mill  products ....   $1,364,619  1  Woollen  goods $279,424 

Lumber,  sawed 375,164  I 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  4,689  horse-power. 


408  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

MINING.—-  Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $291,587 

Silver 4,743,087 

Total  mineral  products $5,034,674 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  1,123 
miles  of  line ;  miles  operated,  864 ;  cost,  $36,894,249 ;  total  in- 
vestment, $36,914,860. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  estate  (1882),  $25,579,234.  Territorial  taxation  (1882), 
rate  60  cents  on  $100,  $174,792;  county  taxation,  $155,706; 
city  and  town,  $130,882.  No  Territorial  debt;  county,  city  and 
village  debt,  $107,131. 

GOVERNMENT.— Cartel,  Salt  Lake  City.  Governor  ap- 
pointed by  President  and  Senate  for  four  years.  Salary,  $2,600. 
The  other  officers  are  a  Secretary,  term  four  years,  salary, 
$1,800;  a  Treasurer,  term  two  years,  $600;  Auditor,  term  two 
years,  $1,500;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  term  two 
years,  $1,500;  Secretary  Board  of  Agriculture,  and  Territorial 
Librarian. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4  a 
day  and  20  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  on  second  Monday 
in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  elections  held  on  first  Monday  in  August  an- 
nually. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  as- 
sociates, appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,  I  Delegate. 

POLITICS— Vote  for  Delegate  : 

Mormon.       A  nti- Mormon.  Maj. 

1880 18,568  1,357  17,211  M. 

1882 23,239  4,908  18,331  M. 

Out  of  a  total  registration  of  voters,  in  1882,  of  33,266,  14,491 
were  female  voters.  Owing  to  the  operation  of  the  "  Edmunds' 
Law,"  the  Delegate  for  1880  held  over. 


RULING  BY   STATES. 


409 


VERMONT. 

NAME. — A  descriptive  name.  French  verd,  green,  and  mont, 
mountain,  "  green  mountain."  Popularly  called  "  The  Green 
Mountain  State." 

ADMISSION.— Act  of  admission,  Feb.  i8,  1791  ;  actual 
admission,  March  4,  179 1. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  9,135  ;  acres,  5,846,400;  persons  to  a 
square  mile,  36.38. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

I790 85,425 

1800 I54,4°5 

1810 217,895 

1820 235,966 

1830 280,652 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

80.8 

41.0 

8.2 

18.9 


Census.  Pop. 

1840 291,948 

1850 314,120 

i860 315,098 

1870 330,551 

1880 332,286 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 
4.0 
7-5 
o-3 
4.9 

05 


[880  by   Classes. 


Males 166,887     Native 291,327 

Females..     165,399     Foreign....  40,959 

Dwellings 66,769 

Families 73»°92 

Voters — Males  over  21 95,621 


White...    331,218     Chinese. 
Black...         1,057     Indians. 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 

"         "     family 

Natural   militia,  18-44 


Counties.  1880. 

Addison 24,I73 

Bennington 21,950 

Caledonia 23,607 

Chittenden 32,792 

Essex 7,931 

Franklin 30,225 

Grand  Isle 4,124 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses 
i860. 


1870. 
23,484 
21,325 
22,235 
36,480 

6,8n 
30,291 

4,082 


24,010 

i9,436 
21,698 
28,171 

5,786 
27,231 

4,276 


Counties.  1 880. 

Lamoille 12,684 

Orange 23,525 

Orleans 22,083 

Rutland 41,829 

Washington 25,404 

Windham 26,763 

Windsor 35,196 


1870. 
12,448 
23,090 
21,035 
40,651 
26,520 
26,036 
36,063 


II 

..   498 

••    4-55 
64,162 


i860. 
12,311 
25,455 
18,981 
35,946 
27,622 
26,982 
37,193 


EDUCATION — Colleges,  2  ;  instructors,  22  ;  students,  97. 

Public  schools,  2,597;  value  of  school  property,  #1,427,547; 
teachers,  2,597;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $381,608;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  #462,139;    expended  for  same  (1882),  $476,- 


410  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

478;  school  age,  5-20  years;  school  population  (1880),  99,463; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  74,000;  average  attendance  (1882),  47- 
772;  average  length  of  school  year  (1882),  126.5  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  12,993,  being 
4.9  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  5,354;  foreign  white, 
10,327;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  156;  total,  15,837,  being 
6.0  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  5;  others,  JJ ;  total,  82.  Circulation,  130,- 
842. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  55,251; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  28,174;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 8,945  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  26,- 
214. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  35,522;  total  acres  in 
farms,  4,882,588;  improved  acres,  3,286,461;  average  size  of 
farms,  137  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $109,346,010; 
value  of  implements,  $4,879,285  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $22,082,656. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 267,625  bush. 

Buckwheat 356,618     " 

Butter 25,240,826  lbs. 

Cheese 1,545,789     " 

Hay 1,051,183  tons. 

Hops. 109,350  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 2,014,271  bush. 

Milk 6,526,550  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 3,742,282  bush. 

Orchard  products $640,942 

Potatoes,  Irish 4,438,172  bush. 

%e 71,733     « 

Tobacco 131,432  lbs. 

Wheat 337>257  bush. 

Wool 2,551,113  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 75,215 

Mules  and  asses 283 

Working  oxen 1 8,868 

Milch  cows 217,033 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $16,586,195 


Number. 

Other  cattle 167,204 

Sheep 439,870 

Swine 76,384 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  2,874; 
capital  invested,  $23,265,224;  hands  employed,  17,450;  wages 
paid,  $5,164,479;  value  of  material,  $18,330,677;  value  of  pro- 
ducts, ^31,354,366. 


RULING   BY   STATES.       .  41 1 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 

Agricultural  implements $718,455  I  Marble-work $1,303,700 

Cotton  goods., 915,864  i  Mixed  textiles 1,277,903 

Flour  and  mill  products 3,038,688  j  Musical  instruments 680,800 

Machinery f 783,828    Paper 1,237,484 

Hosiery 595>27°  |  Scales 2,080,474 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried...   1,614,840  j  Woollen  goods 3,217,807 

Lumber,  planed  and  sawed. .  . .  5,968,338  | 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  63,314  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Iron  ore 560  tons  $2,750 

Copper  ingots 2,647,894  lbs.   '  469,495 

Minor  minerals 48,788 

Total  value,  of  mineral  products $521,033 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  836 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  884;  cost,  $38,639,234;  total  in- 
vestment, $40,877,661.  Steam  craft,  12;  tonnage,  2,259;  value, 
$221,300.  Sail  craft,  17;  tonnage,  938  ;  value,  $23,425.  Canal 
boats,  12;  tonnage,  1,000;  value,  $20,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $106,372,797;  of  personal  property,  $46,218,508.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  10  cents  on  $100,  $278,397  ;  county  taxa- 
tion, $15,344;  city,  town  and  village,  $1,326,481.  State  debt 
(1883),  none;  county,  city  and  town  debt,  $4,348,168. 

GOVERNMENT— Capital,  Montpelier.  Governor  elected 
for  two  years.  Salary,  $1,000.  The  other  State  officers — all 
elected  for  two  years — are :  Lieutenant-Governor,  salary,  $6  a 
day;  Secretary  of  State,  $1,700;  Treasurer,  $1,700;  Auditor, 
$2,000;  Finance  Inspector,  $500;  Railroad  Commissioner, 
$500;  Adjutant-General,  $750;  two  Insurance  Commissioners, 
fees  ;  Superintendent  Public  Instruction,  $1,400;  Secretary  Board 
of  Agriculture;  State  Librarian,  $350. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  30  Senators  and  240  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $3 
a  day.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on  first  Wednesday  in 
October.     No  limit  to  length  of  session. 

State  elections  held  on  first  Tuesday  in  September.  Presi- 
dential election  held  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember. 


412 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  six  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  elected  by  the  Legislature  for  a  term  of  two  years. 
Salary  of  each,  $2,500. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  2 ;  Presidential  electors,  4. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Rep.  Dem. 

1872  President 41,487  10,947 

1874  Governor 33>582  "3»25? 

1876  President 44,091  20,254 

1878  Governor 37,312  17,247 

1880  President 45,5°7  18,316 

1880  Governor 47,848  21,245 

1S82        "         35s839  14,466 


Grbk. 


2,635 
1,215 
1,578 
1,535 


Maj. 
30,540  R. 
20,324  R. 

23,837  R- 

20,065  R. 
27,251  R. 
26,603  R. 
21,373  R- 


VIRGINIA. 


NAME.— In  honor  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  "  the  Virgin  Queen," 
in  whose  reign  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  made  the  first  attempt  to 
colonize  the  region.  Popular  names,  "  Old  Dominion,"  "  Mother 
of  Presidents,"  and  "  Mother  of  States." 

ADMISSION.— Ratified  the  Constitution,  June  25,  1788. 

AREA.— Square  miles,  40,125  ;  acres,  25,680,000;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  37.70. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Census.  Pop. 

1790 747,6lo 

1800 880,200 

1810 974,600 

1820 1,065,116 

1830 1,211,405 

1840 1,239,797 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

17.7 

•10.7 

9.2 

13-7 

2-3 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1850 1,421,661  14.6 

i860 1,596,318  12.2 

f   Va.  & 
1870 1,225,163  4.4  J  w  Va 

1880 1,512,565  23.4 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


413 


1880  by  Classes. 


Male 745,589      Native 1 ,497,869 

Female.  .766,976      Foreign.  . .       14,696 

Dwellings 265,61 1 

Families 282,355 


White 880,858      Chinese 6 

Black  ...  .631,616      Indians 85 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.69 

family 5.36 


Voters— Males  over  21 334,5°5       Natural  militia,  18-44 264,033 


By  Counties  for  three   Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Accomac 24,408 

Albemarle 32,618 

Alexandria 17,546 

Alleghany 5,586 

Amelia 10,377 

Amherst 18,7  9 

Appomattox 10,080 

Augusta 35, 710 

Bath 4,482 

Bedford 31,205 

Bland 5,004 

Botetourt 14,809 

Brunswick 16,707 

Buchanan 5,694 

Buckingham 15, 540 

Campbell 36,250 

Caroline I7,243 

Carroll 13,323 

Charles  City 5,512 

Charlotte 16,653 

Chesterfield 25,085 

Clarke 7,682 

Craig 3,794 

Culpeper 13,408 

Cumberland 10,540 

Dinwiddie 32,870 

Elizabeth  City 10,689 

Essex 11,032 

Fairfax 16,025 

Fauquier «,  22,993 

Floyd 13,255 

Fluvanna 10,802 

Franklin 25,084 

Frederick 17,553 

Giles 8,794 

Gloucester 11,876 

Goochland 10,292 

Grayson 13,068 

Greene 5,830 

Greensville 8,407 

Halifax 31,588 

Hanover 18,588 

Henrico 82,703 

Henry 16,009 

Highland 5,164 

Isle  of  Wight 10,572 

James  City 5,422 

King  and  Queen 10,502 

King  George 6,397 

King  William 8,751 


1870. 

i860. 

20,409 

18,586 

27,544 

26,625 

16,755 

12,652 

3,674 

6,765 

9,878 

10,741 

14,900 

JHi2 

8,950 

8,889 

28,763 

27,749 

3,795 

3,676 

25,327 

25,068 

4,000 

11,329 

11,516 

13,427 

14,809 

3,777 

2,793 

i3,37i 

15,212  j 

28,384 

26,197 1 

15,128 

18,464 1 

9,i47 

8,012 

4,975 

5,609  1 

14,513 

14,471  1 

18,470 

19,016  i 

6,670 

7,146  j 

2,942 

3,553  ! 

12,227 

12,063  ; 

8,142 

9,961 

30,702 

30,198 

8,303 

5,798 

9»927 

10,469 

12,952 

",834 

19,690 

21,706 

9,824 

8,236 

9.875 

io,353 

18,264 

20,098 

16,596 

16,546 

5,875 

6,883 

10. 211 

10,956 

10,313 

10,656 

9,587 

8,252 

4,634 

5,022 

6,362 

6,374 

27,828 

26,520 

i6,455 

17,222 

66,179 

61,616 

12,303 

12,105 

4,i5i 

4,3i9 

8,320 

9,977 

4,425 

5,798 

9,7o9 

10,328 

5,742 

6,571 

7,5i5 

8,53o 

Counties.  1880. 

Lancaster 6,160 

Lee 15,116 

Loudoun 23,634 

Louisa 18,942 

Lunenburg ",535 

Madison 10,562 

Mathews '. 7,501 

Mecklenburg 24,610 

Middlesex 6,252 

Montgomery 16,693 

Nansemond 15,903 

Nelson 16,536 

New  Kent 5,515 

Norfolk 58,657 

Northampton  9,152 

Northumberland 7,929 

Nottoway 11,156 

Orange 13,052 

Page 9,965 

Patrick 12,833 

Pittsylvania 52,589 

Powhatan 7,817 

Prince  Edward 14,668 

Prince  George 10,054 

Princess  Anne 9.394 

Prince  William 9,180 

Pulaski 8,755 

Rappahannock 9,291 

Richmond 7, 195 

Roanoke 13,105 

Rockbridge 20,003 

Rockingham 29,567 

Russell 13,906 

Scott 17,233 


204 
160 


8,012 
4,828 
7,211 
7,39i 


Shenandoah 

Smyth 

Southampton 
Spotsylvania. 

Stafford 

Surry 

Sussex 10,062 

Tazewell 12,861 

Warren 7,399 

Warwick 2,258 

Washington 25,203 

Westmoreland 8,846 

Wise 7,772 

Wythe 14,318 

York 7,349 


1870. 

5,355 

13,268 

20,929 

16,332 

10,403 

8,670 

6,200 

21,318 

4,98i 

12,556 

",576 

13,898 

4,38i 

46,702 

8,046 

6,863 

9,291 

10,396 

8,462 

10,161 

3i,343 

7,667 

12,004 

7.820 

8,273 

7,504 

6,538 

8,261 

6,503 

9.35o 

16,058 

23,668 

11,103 

13,036 

14,936 

8,898 

12,285 

11,728 

6,420 

5,585 

7,885 

10,791 

5,7l6 

1,672 

16,816 

7,682 

4,785 

11,611 

7,i98 


i860. 

5,i5i 

11,032 

2i,774 

16,701 

",983 

8,854 

'  7,091 

20,096 

4,364 

10,617 

13,693 

13,015 

5,884 

36,227 

7,832 

7,53i 

8,836 

10,851 

8,109 

9,359 

32,104 

8,392 

11,844 

8,4" 

7,714 

8,565 

5,4i6 

8,850 

6,856 

8,048 

17,248 

23,408 

10,280 

12,072 

13,896 

8,952 

12,915 

i6,c76 

8,555 

6,i33 

10,175 

9,920 

6,442 

i,74o 

16,892 

8,282 

4,5o8 

12,305 

4,949 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  7;   instructors,  71  ;  students,  956. 

Public  schools,  4,876;  value  of  school  property,  $1,246,283; 
teachers,  4,933  ;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $896,274;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $1,287,526;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $1,157,- 
142;   school  age,  5-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  555,- 


414  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

897;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  257,362  ;  average  attendance  (1882,, 
144,904  ;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  1 18.2  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  360,495,  be- 
ing 34  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons 
over  ten  years  who  cannot  write  :  native  white,  1 13,915  ;  foreign 
white,  777 ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  315,660;  total,  430,- 
352,  being  40.6  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  20;  others,  175  ;  total,  195.  Circulation,  258,228. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  254,099; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  146,664;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation,  30,418;    in   manufacturing,   mechanics    and   mining, 

63P59- 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  118,517;  total  acres 
in  farms,  19,835,785;  improved  acres,  8,510,113;  average  size 
of  farms,  167  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $2 16,028,- 
107;  value  of  implements,  $5,495,114;  total  value  of  all  farm 
products,  sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $45,726,221. 

Principal  Products. 

Quantity. 

Barley 14.223  bush. 

Buckwheat 136,004     " 

Butter 1 1,470,923  lbs. 

Cheese 85,535    " 

Cotton I9>595  bales. 

Hay 287,255  tons. 

Hops 1 ,599  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 29,119,761  bush. 

Milk 1 ,224,469  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 5,333,181  bush. 

Orchard  products $1,609,663 

Potatoes,  Irish 2,016,766  bush. 

"  sweet 1,901,521      " 

Rye ,*.       324,431      " 

Tobacco 79,988,868  lbs. 

Wheat 7,826,174  bush. 

Wool 1,836,673  lbs. 


Live- Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 388,414 

Sheep 497,289 

Swine 956,451 


Number. 

Horses 218,838 

Mules  and  asses 33>598 

Working  oxen 54»7°9 

Milch  cows 243,061 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  fauns,  June  I,  1880 #25>953>3I5 

MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  5,710;  cap- 
ital invested,  $26,968,990;  hands  employed,  40,184;  wages 
paid,  $7,425,261  ;  value  of  material.  $32,883,933  ;  value  of  pro- 
ducts, $51,780,992. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Agricultural  implements #602,959  1  Carnages  and  wagons #508,400 

Bakery  products 644,560  |  Clothing,  men's 584,077 


RULING   BY   STATES.  415 


Printing  and  publishing $624,975 

Slaughtering  and  packing.  . .  .    1,054,500 

Tin  and  copperware 608,150 

Tobacco  and  cigars 13,714,991 

Tobacco  stemming 1,074,005 

Woollen  goods 577^9^8 


Cotton  goods 515040,962 

Fertilizers 624,300 

Flour  and  mill  products 12,210,272 

Machinery 1,361,231 

Iron  and  steel 2,585,999 

Leather,  tanned 1, 01 1,830 

Lumber,  planed  and  sawed..  .    3,718,163 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  57,174  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $9,321 

Coal,  anthracite. 2,600  tons  7,800 

Coal,  bituminous 40,520    "  92,837 

Iron  ore 169,683    "  384,331 

Lead  ore 11,200    "  33,000 

Zinc  ore 10,448    "  24,126 

Copper  ingots 678  lbs. 

Minor  minerals 179,125 

Total  value  of  mineral  products $730,540 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  2,737 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  2,611;  cost,  $154,640,870;  total 
investment,  $174,975,172.  Total  length  of  canal  and  slack- 
water  lines,  74.56  miles ;  cost,  $4,042,363.  Steam  craft,  89  ;  ton- 
nage, 6,251;  value,  $494,400.  Sail  craft,  1,061;  tonnage,  26,- 
638;  value,  $665,950.  Canal  boats,  barges  and  flats,  131; 
tonnage,  8,731  ;  value,  $52,950. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
( 1 881),  $234,272,951  ;  of  personal  property,  $70,391,078.  State 
taxation  ( 1 881),  rate  50  cents  on  $100,  $1,523,320;  county  taxa- 
tion, $1,170,413;  city,  town  and  village,  $1,553,297.  State  debt 
(1881),  all  funded,  $29,614,793;  county,  city  and  town  debt, 
$12,754,576. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Richmond.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers,  all  chosen 
for  four  years,  or  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Governor,  are :  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, salary,  $900;  Secretary  of  State,  $2,500; 
Treasurer,  $2,000 ;  Auditor,  $3,000;  Second  Auditor,  $2,000; 
Attorney-General,  $3,500;  Superintendent  Board  Public  In- 
struction, $2,000;  Adjutant-General,  $1,100;  Commissioner  of 
Agriculture,  $1,500;  Superintendent  of  Lands,  $1,300;  Railroad 
Commissioner;  State  Librarian. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  40  Senators  and   100  Repre- 


416  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

sentatives.  Senators  are  chosen  for  four  years  ;  Representatives 
for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $540  a  year.  Legislature 
meets  biennially  on  first  Wednesday  in  December.  Session 
limited  to  90  days. 

State,  Congressional  and  Presidential  elections  held  on  Tues- 
day after  first  Monday  in  November.    « 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  President  Judge  and  four  asso- 
ciates, elected  by  the  Legislature  for  twelve  years.  Salary  of 
President  Judge,  $3,250.     Salary  of  associates,  $3,000  each. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  10;  Presidential  electors,  12. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Dem.  Rep.       Readj.  Maj. 

1872  President 91,44°        93.415       1,975  R. 

1873  Governor 127,738        93,499       34,239  D. 

1876  President 139,670         95,558       44,112  D. 

1877  Governor 101,940  4,329       97,611  D. 

1880  President 96,599         83,642       31,484       12,9570. 

1 88 1  Governor 99,757        •'•     m,473       11,716  Read. 

1882  Cong,  at  Large 94,184        99,992        5,808  Read. 


WASHINGTON  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — In  honor  of  Washington. 

ORGANIZATION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  March  2,  1853. 
AREA. — Square  miles,  66,880 ;  acres,  42,803,200;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  1.12. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.         increase. 

1880 75,n6  213.5 


Per  cent  of 
Census.  Pop.         increase. 

i860 n,594 

1870 23,955  Io6-6 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male 45,973      Native....   59,313         White 67,199      Chinese 3,187 

Female..    29,143      Foreign..    15,803  Black....        325        Indians 4,405 

Dwellings I5,512          Persons  to  a  dwelling. 4.84 

Families. 16,380  "  "     family 4.59 

Voters — Males  over  21 27,670         Natural  militia,  18-44 22,542 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.                      1880.  1870.  i860. 

Chehalis 921  401  285 

Clallam 638  408  149 

Clarke 5,49°  3>o8i  2,384 

Columbia 7,io3  


Counties.                     1880.  1870.  i860. 

Cowlitz 2,062  730  406 

Island I,o87  626  294 

Jefferson 1,712  1,268  531 

King 6,910  2,120  302 


RULING  BY   STATES.  417 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 

Counties.  1880.  1870.  i860.  ]       Counties.  1880.  1870.  1860. 

Kitsap i»738  866  544  ;  Spokane 4,262 

Klikitat 4,055  329  230  |  Stevens I,245 


Lewis 2,600 

Mason 639 

Pacific 1,645 

Pierce 3,3J9 

San  Juan 948 

Skamania 8(9 

Snohomish 1,387 


329 

230 

888 

384 

289 

162 

738 

420 

1,409 

1,115 

554 

133 

173 

599 

Thurston 3.270 

Wahkiakum 1,598 

Walla  Walla 8,716 

Whatcom 3,J37 

Whitman 7*014 

Yakima 2,811 


734 

990 

2,246 

1,507 

270 

42 

5,3  0 

1,318 

534 

352 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  2;  instructors,  12  ;  students,  244. 

Public  schools,  531;  value  of  school  property,  $161,309; 
teachers,  532;  teachers'  salaries,  $95,582;  receipts  for  school 
purposes,  $120,549;  expended  for  same,  $1 12,615  ;  school  age, 
4-21  years;  school  population  (1881),  23,899;  pupils  enrolled 
(1881),  14,754;  average  attendance,  10,456. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  3,191,  being  5.7  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten  years 
who  cannot  write:  native  white,  895;  foreign  white,  534;  col- 
ored, Chinese  and  Indians,  2,460;  total,  3,889,  being  7  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  4*  others,  25  ;  total,  29.     Circulation,  17,141. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  12,781  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  6,640 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 3,405  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining,  7,- 
296. 

AGRICULTURE., — Number  of  farms,  6,529;  total  acres  in 
farms,  1,409,421;  improved  acres,  484,346;  average  size  of 
farms,  216  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $13,844,224; 
value  of  implements,  $958,573;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $4,212,750. 

Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 566,537  bush. 

Buckwheat 2,498     " 

Butter 1,356,103  lbs. 

Cheese 109,200   " 

Hay 106,819  tons. 

Hops 703.277  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 39,183  bush. 

Milk 226,703  galls. 

27 


Quantity. 

Oats 1,571,706  bush. 

Orchard  products $127,668 

Potatoes,  Irish 1,035,177  bush. 

Rye 7,124     " 

Tobacco v  . .  6,930  lbs. 

Wheat 1,921,322  bush. 

Wool 1,389,123  lbs. 


418  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 45,848 

Mules  and  asses 626 

Working  oxen 3,821 

Milch  cows 27,622 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880 $4,852,307 


Number. 

Other  cattle 103,111 

Sheep 292,883 

Swine 46,828 


MANUFACTURES.— dumber  of  establishments,  261;  cap- 
ital invested,  $3,202,497;  hands  employed,  1,147;  wages  paid, 
$532,226;  value  of  material,  $1,967,469;  value  of  products, 
$3,250,134. 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Lumber,  sawed $1,734,742  |  All  other  industries $1,515,392 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  4,395  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 

Gold $135,800 

Silver 1,019 

Coal,  bituminous 145,01 5  tons  389,046 

Total  value  of  mineral  products $525,865 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  37  miles 
of  line  ;  miles  operated,  22;  cost,  $885,000;  total  investment, 
$885,000.  Steam  craft,  52;  tonnage,  6,805;  value,  $537,300. 
Sail  craft,  62;  tonnage,  23,389;  value,  $584,700.  Barges,  18; 
value,  $2,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  estate  (1883),  $44,107,567.  Territorial  taxation  (1883), 
$110,267;  county  taxation,  $393,150;  city,  town  and  district, 
$40,471.  Territorial  debt,  none;  county,  city  and  town  debt, 
#239,311. 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Olympia.  Governor  appointed 
by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years.  Salary,  $2,600. 
The  other  territorial  officers  are,  a  Secretary,  term  four  years, 
salary,  $1,800;  Treasurer,  two  years,  $1,200;  Auditor,  two 
years,  $1,200;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  two  years, 
$1,000;  State   Librarian,  $400. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.      Salary  of  a  Legislator, 


RULING   BY    STATES. 


419 


$4.  a  day  and  20  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially 
on  first  Monday  in  October.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  elections  held  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  the  first 
Monday  in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four 
years.      Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  1  Delegate. 

POLITICS.— Vote  for  Delegate: 

Rep.       Dem.         Maj. 

1880 8,810       7,013       1,797  R. 

1882 11,252       8,244       3,008  R. 


WEST  VIRGINIA. 


NAME. — So  named  as  lying  West  of  Virginia. 

ADMISSION.— Act  of  admission,  Dec.  31,  1862;  actual 
admission,  June  19,  1863.     Before  that  a  part  of  Virginia. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  24,645  ;  acres,  15,772,800;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  25.09. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Census.  Pop.  Per  cent,  of 

1870 442,014  increase. 

1880 618,457  39.9 

1880  by  Classes. 


Male. .  .  .314,495      Native 600,192 

Female.  .303,962      Foreign....    18,265 

Dwellings 108,349 

Families   111,732 

Voters — Males  over  21 139,161 


White 592,537      Chinese 5 

Black....    25,886      Indians 29 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5. 71 

Persons  to  a  family 5.54 

Natural  militia,  18-44 114,664 


420 


BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


By  Counties  for  th?-ee  Censuses. 


Counties.  18 

Barbour n 

Berkeley 17, 

Boone 5 

Braxton 9 

Brooke 6 

Cabell 13 

Calhoun 6 

day 3 

Doddridge 10 

Fayette n 

Gilmer 7 

Grant.... 5 

Greenbrier 15 

Hampshire 10 

Hancock 4 

Hardy 6 


Jackson 

Jefferson 

Kanawha 

Lewis 

Lincoln 

Logan 

McDowell 

Marion 

Marshall 18 

Mason 22 


,312 

,005 
,466 
,269 
,739 
,329 
,o74 
,198 
,840 
293 


1870. 
10,312 
14,900 

4,553 
6,480 

5,464 
6,429 

2,939 

2,196 

7,076 

6,647 

4,338 

4,467 

",4i7 

7,643 

4,363 

5,5i8 

16,714 

10,300 

13.219 

22,349 

10,175 

5,o53 

5,124 

i,952 

12,107 

H,94i 

15,978 


i860. 
8,958 
12,525 
4,840 
4,992 
5,494 
8,020 
2,502 
1,787 
5,203 
5,997 
3,759 


12,211 

13.9*3 

4,445 
9,864 

13,790 
8,306 

M,535 
16,150 

7,999 


4,938 
1,535 
12,722 
12,997 
9,173 


Counties.  li 

Mercer 7 

Mineral 8 

Monongalia 14 

Monroe n 

Morgan 5 

Nicholas 7 

Ohio 35 

Pendleton 8 

Pleasants 6 

Pocahontas 5 

Preston 19 

Putnam n 

Raleigh 7 

Randolph 8 

Ritchie 13 

Roane 12 

Summers 9 

Taylor 11 

Tucker 3 

Tyler u, 

Upshur 10 

Wayne 14 

Webster 3 

Wetzel 13 

Wirt 7 

Wood 25 

Wyoming 4 


,467 
,630 
,985 
,501 
,777 
,223 
.457 
,022 
,256 

,59* 
,091 

,375 
,367 
,102 
.474 
,184 
,°33 
,455 
.151 
.073 
.249 
,739 
,207 
,896 
,104 
,006 
.322 


1870. 
7,064 
6,332 
13,547 
11,124 

4,3i5 
4,458 

28,831 
6,455 
3,012 
4,069 

M,555 
7,794 
3,673 
5,563 
9,°55 
7,232 


i860. 
6,819 

I3,°48 

io,75T 
3,732 
4,627 

22,422 
6,164 
2,945 
3,958 

13,3" 
6,301 
3,367 
4,99o 
6,847 
5,38i 


9,367 
1,907 
7,832 
8,023. 
7,852 
1.730 
8,595 
4,804 
19,000 
3,i7i 


7,463 
1,428 

6,517 

7,292 

6,747 
i,555 
6,783 
3,75i 
1 1 ,046 
2,861 


EDUCATION. — Colleges,  3;  instructors,  33 ;  students,  278. 

Public  schools,  3,874;  value  of  school  property,  $1,686,999; 
teachers,  4,156;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $553,509;  receipts  for 
school  purposes,  $875,913  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $879,820; 
school  age,  6-21  years;  school  population  (1882),  216,605; 
pupils  enrolled  (1882),  155,544;  average  attendance  (1882), 
96,652  ;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1882,  99  days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  who  cannot  read,  52,041,  being  12. 1  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over  ten 
years  who  cannot  write :  native  white,  72,826  ;  foreign  white, 
2,41 1  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  10,139;  total,  85,376,  being 
19.9  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  2 ;  others,  107  ;  total,  109.  Circulation,  89,- 
283. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  107,578; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  31,680;  in  trade  and 
transportation,  10,653  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
26,288. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  62,674;  total  acres  in 
farms,  10,193,779;  improved  acres,  3,792,327;  average  size  of 
farms,  163  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $133,147,175; 
value  of  implements,  $2,699,163;  total  value  of  farm  products, 
sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $19,360,049. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


421 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 9>74Q  bush. 

Buckwheat 285,298     " 

Butter 9>30955  *  7  lbs. 

Cheese 100,303    " 

Hay 232,338  tons. 

Indian  Corn 14,090,609  bush. 

Milk 75°>279  gal- 

Oats 1,908,505  bush. 


Quantity. 

Orchard  products $934,400 

Potatoes,  Irish I>398,539  bush. 

"  sweet 87,214     " 

Rye 113,181  bush. 

Tobacco 2,296,146  lbs. 

Wheat 4,001,71 1  bush. 

Wool 2,681,444  lbs. 


Live-Stock, 


Number. 

Horses 126,143 

Mules  and  asses 6,226 

Working  oxen 12,643 

Milch  cows 156,956 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  1,  1880. $17,742,387 


Number. 

Other  cattle  288,845 

Sheep 674,769 

Swine 510,613 


MANUFACTURES. — Number  of  establishments,  2,375  ;  capi- 
tal invested,  $13,883,390;  hands  employed,  14,311;  wages  paid, 
#4,313,965  ;  value  of  materials,  #14,027,388;  value  of  products, 
#22,867,126. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Flour  and  mill  products $3,942,818 

Foundry    and    machine-shop 

products 466,862 

Glass 748,500 

Iron  and  steel 6,054,032 


Leather,  tanned  and  curried.  .$2,176,538 
Lumber,  planed  and  sawed.  .    2,784,407 

Salt 380.369 

Tobacco  and  cigars *452>993 

Woollen  goods 356,986 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  37,910  horse-power 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Value. 
1,971,847 
88,595 
4,5oo 


Coal,  bituminous 1,792,570  tons 

Iron  ore 60,37 1     " 

Minor  minerals 

Total  value  of  all  mineral  products $2,064,942 

Add  200,000  barrels  Petroleum,  @  $1.00  for  crude 200,000 

Grand  total  of  all  mineral  products $2,264,942 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883, 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  168;  cost,  #12,923,502; 
investment,  #18,182,1 16.  Steam  craft,  61  ;  tonnage,  7,497  ;  value, 
#312,600.  Barges  and  flats,  450;  tonnage,  56,707  tons ;  value, 
#206,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1882),  #106,910,444;  of  personal  property,  #39,637,735.     State 


258 
total 


422  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

taxation  (1882),  rate  30  cents  on  $100,  $600,992  ;  county  taxa- 
tion, $769,138;  city,  town  and  village,  $706,639.  State  debt, 
none ;  debt  prohibited   in   Constitution ;  county,  city  and  town 

debts,  $1,513,424. 

GO  VERNMENT— -Capital,  Wheeling.  Governor  elected  for 
four  years.  Salary,  $2,700.  The  other  State  officers,  all  chosen 
for  four  years,  or  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Governor,  are  :  Secre- 
tary of  State,  salary,  $1,000;  Treasurer,  $1,400;  Auditor,  $2,- 
000;  Superintendent  of  Schools,  $1,500;  Attorney-General,  $1,- 
000;  Adjutant-General,  $250;  State  Librarian,  $700. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  26  Senators  and  65  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  chosen  for  four  years  ;  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $4  a  day  and  10  cents  mile- 
age. Legislature  meets  biennially  on  second  Wednesday  in 
January.     Session  limited  to  45  days. 

State  elections  held  biennially  on  second  Tuesday  in  October. 
Presidential  elections  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  No- 
vember. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Presiding  Judge  and  three 
Associate  Judges,  elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of  twelve 
years.     Salary  of  each,  $2,250. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  4 ;  Presidential  electors,  6. 

POL/TICS  for  twelve  years  : 


Dem. 

Rep. 

Ind.  and  Grbk. 

Maj. 

1872  Governor 

•  40,305 

42,883 

2,578  Ind. 

1872  President 

■   29,537 

32,283 

600 

2,746  R. 

1876        «         

•   56,565 

42,001 

14,564  D. 

1876  Governor 

.    56,206 

43,477 

12,729  D. 

1880  President.. 

.   57,391 

46,243 

9,o79 

11,148  D. 

1880  Governor 

.   58,407 

43,072 

12,326 

15,335  D. 

1882  Supreme  Judge. 

.   46,661 

43>44Q 

3,221  D. 

RULING   BY    STATES. 


423 


WISCONSIN. 

NAME. — From  the  river  Wisconsin.  It  is  Indian,  according 
to  some,  and  means  "  wild  rushing  channel."  According  to 
others  it  is  a  French  corruption  of  an  Indian  word  meaning 
4<  westward  flowing."     Popular  name,  "  Badger  State." 

ADMISSION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  April  20,  1836. 
Act  of  admission  dated  March  3,  1847.  Actual  admission,  May 
29,  1848. 

AREA. — Square  miles,  54,450;  acres,  34,848,000;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  24.16. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase  : 


Per  cent,  of 
Census.  Pop.  increase. 

1840 30,945 

1850. 305,391  886.8 

i860 775,881  i54-o 


Census.  Pop. 

1870 1,054,670 

1880 1,3I5»497 


Per  cent,  of 
increase. 

35-9 
24.7 


[880  by  Classes. 


Male 680,069       Native. .  .    910,072 

Female.  ..635,428       Foreign..    405,425 

Dwellings 239,361 

Families 251,530 

Voters — Males  over  21 340,482 


White..  ..1,309,618      Chinese 16 

Black....        2,702       Indians..  ..3,161 

Persons  to  a  dwelling 5.50 

"  "    family 5.23 

Natural  militia,  18-44 25°>434 


By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 


Counties.  1880. 

Adams 6,741 

Ashland 1,559 

Barron 7,024 

Bayfield 564 

Brown 34,c78 

Buffalo 15,528 

Burnet 3,140 

Calumet 16,632 

Chippewa 15.491 

Clark 10,715 

Columbia 28,065 

Crawford 15,644 

Dane 53,233 


1870. 

6,601 

221 

538 

344 

25,168 

11,123 

706 

12,335 

8,3" 

3,45o 

28,802 

13,075 

53,096 


i860. 

6,492 

5*5 

13 

353 

",795 

3,864 

12 

7,895 

1,895 

789 

24,441 

8,068 

43>922 


Counties.  1880. 

Dodge 45,93i 

Door ",645 

Douglas 655 

Dunn 16,817 

Eau  Claire J9,993 

Fond  du  Lnc 46,859 

Grant 37,852 

Green 21,729 

Green  Lake 14,483 

Iowa 23,628 

Jackson 13,285,. 

Jefferson 32,156 

Juneau 15,582 


1870. 

i860. 

47,035 

42,8,8 

4,919 

2,948 

1,122 

812 

9,488 

2,704 

10,769 

3,162 

46,273 

34,154 

37,979 

31.189 

23,611 

19,808 

I3,i95 

12, 663 

24,544 

18,967 

7,687 

4,170 

34,040 

30,438 

*2,3'/2 

8,770 

424 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


By   Counties  for  three  Censuses — Continued. 


Counties.  iE 

Price 

Racine 30 

Richland 18 

Rock... 38 

Saint  Croix 

Sauk 

Shawano 

Sheboygan  

Taylor 

Trempealeau... 

Vernon 

Walworth 

Washington 23 

Waukesha 28 

Waupaca 20 

Waushara 12 

Winnebago 42 

Wood 8 


785 
,922 
i74 
,823 
,956 
,729 
.371 
,206 


235 
249 
,442 
957 
955 
.687 
740 
981 


1870. 

26,740 

*5.73* 

39,030 
",035 
23,860 
■3,166 
31,749 


i860. 

21,360 

9.732 
36,690 

5,392 

18,963 

829 

26,875 


10,732 
18,645 
25,972 
23,9*9 
28,274 

15,539 
11,279 

37,279 
3,912 


2,560 
11,007 
26,496 
23,622 
26,831 

8,851 

8,770 
23,770 

2,425 


Counties.                     1880.  1870.  i860. 

Kenosha 13,550  I3,I47  13,9°° 

Kewaunee I5,8o7  10,128  5,53° 

La  Crosse 27,073  20,297  12,186 

La  Fayette 21,279  22,659  I8,*34 

Langlade 685  

Lincoln 2,011  

Manitowoc 37,5°5  33,364  22,416 

Marathon 17,121  5,885  2,892 

Marinette 8,929  

Marquette 8,908  8,056  8,233 

Milwaukee 138,537  89,930  62,518 

Monroe 21,607  16,550  8,410 

Oconto 9,848  8,321  3,592 

Outagamie 28,716  18,430  9,587 

Ozaukee 15,461  15,564  15,682 

Pepin 6,226  4,659  2,392 

Pierce 17,744  9,958  4,672 

Polk 10,018  3,422  1,400 

Portage i7,73x  10,634  7,5«7 

EDUCATION. — Colleges,  7;    instructors,  109;  students,  1,- 

435. 

Public  schools,  6,588;  value  of  school  property,  $5,287,570; 
teachers,  7,000;  teachers'  salaries  (1882),  $1,437,349;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $2,701,413  ;  expended  for  same  (1882),  $.2,- 
132,807;  school  age,  4-20  years;  school  population  (1882), 
495,233;  pupils  enrolled  (1882),  303,452;  average  attendance 
(1881),  190,878;  average  length  of  school  year  in  1881,  175.6 
days. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  38,693,  being 
4  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  11,494;  foreign  white, 
42,739  ;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  1,325  ;  total,  55,558,  being 
5.8  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily    papers,    21  ;    others,    319;    total,    340.      Circulation, 

446,392. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  195,901  ; 
in  professional  and  personal  service,  97,494 ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 37,550;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
86,510. 

AGRICULTURE. — Number  of  farms,  134,322;  total  acres  in 
farms,  15,353,118;  improved  acres,  9,162,528;  average  size  of 
farms,  114  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $357,709,507  ; 
value  of  implements,  $15,647,196;  total  value  of  all  farm  pro- 
ducts, sold,  consumed  or  on  hand,  $72,779,496. 


RULING   BY   STATES. 


425 


Principal  Products. 


Quantity. 

Barley 5,043,118  bush. 

Buckwheat 299,107     " 

Butter 33.353.045  lbs- 

Cheese 2,281,411     " 

Hay 1 ,896,969  tons. 

Hops 1,966,827  lbs. 

Indian  Corn 34.23°.579  bush. 

Milk 25,156,977  galls. 


Quantity. 

Oats 32,905,320  bush. 

Orchard  products $ 639,435 

Potatoes,  Irish 8,509,161  bush. 

"         sweet 7.124     u 

Rye 2,298,573     " 

Tobacco 10,608,423  lbs. 

Wheat 24,884,689  bush. 

Wool 7,016,491  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Other  cattle 622,005 

Sheep i,336.8°7 

Swine 1,128,825 


Number. 

Horses 352,428 

Mules  and  asses 7»J36 

Working  oxen 28,762 

Milch  cows 478,374 

Value  of  all  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $46,508,643 

MANUFACTURES.-^xxmber  of  establishments,  7,674;  capi- 
tal invested,  $73,821,802;  hands  employed,  57,109;  wages  paid, 
$18,814,917  ;  value  of  material,  $85,796,178  ;  value  of  products, 
$128,255,480. 

The  principal  manufactures  are : 


Agricultural  implements...  $3,742,069 

Boots  and  shoes 1 ,736,773 

Bakery  products 697,289 

Brick  and  tile 607,609 

Carriages  and  wagons 4,350,454 

Cheese  and  butter 1,501,087 

Clothing,  men's 4,883,797 

Cooperage 1,563,208 

Flour  and  mill  products. .  .  27,639,430 

Machinery 3,965,652 

Furniture 1,225,933 

Chairs 951,240 


Iron  and  steel 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried. 
Liquors,  malt  and  distilled.. 
Lumber,  planed  and  sawed. 

Paper 

Printing  and  publishing.  .  . 

.Saddlery  and  harness 

Sashes  and  doors 

Slaughtering  and  packing. . 

Tobacco  and  cigars 

Woollen  goods 


#6,580,391 
8,821,162 
6,614,386 

l8,47L725 
1,277.736 
1,093,510 
1,064,235 
2,975,687 
6,533,926 
2,325,206 
1,480,069 


Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  106,085  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 


Iron  ore 

Lead  ore 

Zinc  ore 

Copper  ingots. .  . 
Minor  minerals. 


41,440  tons. 
1,728    " 
4,617    " 

18,087  lbs. 


Value. 

$73,000 
78,525 
64,562 

1,549 
100,000 


Total  of  all  mineral  products #317,636 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— Railroads  in  1883,  5,744 
miles  of  line;  miles  operated,  5,538;  cost,  $196,838,962; 
total  value,  $192,822,796.     Steam  craft,   177;  tonnage,  19,249; 


426  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

value,  $1,020,400.  Sail  craft,  258;  tonnage,  50,800;  value,  $1,- 
270,000.     Barges  and  flats,  45  ;  value,  $32,600. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION— Assessed  value  of  real  estate 
(1883),  $353,068,413  ;  of  personal  property,  $103,256,758.  State 
taxation  (1883),  rate  15.5  cents  on  $100,  $975,931  ;  county  tax- 
ation, $1,995,990;  city,  town  and  district,  $3,384,882.  State 
debt  (1883),  all  funded,  $2,252,057  ;  county,  city  and  town  debts, 
$9,624,935. 

GOVERNMENT.— Capital,  Madison.  Governor  elected  (after 
1885)  for  two  years.  Salary,  $5,000.  The  other  State  officers, 
their  terms  being  for  three  years  until  1885,  when  they  will  be 
in  general  for  two  years,  are:  Lieutenant-Governor,  $1,000; 
Secretary  of  State,  $5,000;  Treasurer,  $5,000;  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, $3,000;  Adjutant-General,  $500;  Superintendent  Public 
Schools,  $3,700;  Secretary  Agricultural  Society,  one  year,  $2,- 
000;  Insurance  Commissioners,  $3,000;  Railroad  Commissioner, 
$3,000;  State  Librarian,  $1,500. 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  33  Senators  and  100  Repre- 
sentatives. Senators  elected  for  four  years,  Representatives  for 
two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator,  $500  and  10  cents  mileage. 
Legislature  meets  biennially  on  second  Wednesday  in  January. 
No  limit  to  length  of  session. 

State  elections  held  biennially  after  1 885,  and  with  Congres- 
sional and  Presidential  elections  on  Tuesday  after  first  Monday 
in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  four  Asso- 
ciate Justices,  chosen  by  the  people  for  ten  years.  Salary  of  each, 
$5,000. 

Representatives  in  Congress,  9;  Presidential  electors,  II. 

POLITICS  for  twelve  years : 

Rep.  Dem.  Grbk.  Maj. 

1872  President 104,992  86,487  18,505  R. 

1873  Governor 66,224  81,653  I5,429D. 

1876  President 130,067  123,926  6,141  R. 

1877  Governor 78,753  70,482  8,271  R. 

1880  President 144,398  114,644  7,896  29,754  R. 

1881  Governor 81,754  69,797         13,225  11,957  R. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  427 

WYOMING  TERRITORY. 

NAME. — Suggested  by  valley  of  same  name  in  Pennsylvania. 
ORGANIZATION.— Erected  into  a  Territory,  July  25,  1868. 
AREA. — Square  miles,  97,575  ;  acres,  62,448,000;  persons  to 
a  square  mile,  0.21. 

POPULATION  and  rate  of  increase: 

Census.  Pop.  Per  cent  of 

1870 9,n8  increase. 

1880 20,789  127.9 

1880  by  Classes. 

Male 14,152     Native *4>939     White 19,437     Chinese..    914 

Female..         6,637     Foreign....        5,850      Black....  298     Indians..     140 

Dwellings 4,282      Persons  to  a  dwelling 4.85 

Families 4,604  "  "    family 4.52 

Voters — Males  over  21 10,180      Natural  militia,  18-44  •  • 9J51 

By  Counties  for  three  Censuses. 

Counties.  1880.  1870.  i860. 

Laramie 6,409  2,957  

Sweetwater 2,561  1,916  

Uinta 2,879  856  


Counties.  1880.  1870.           i 

Albany a 4,626  2,021 

Carbon 3, 438  1,368 

Crook 239  

Johnson 637  

EDUCATION. — Public  schools,  55;  value  of  school  prop- 
erty, $40,500;  teachers,  70;  teachers' salaries,  $25,894;  receipts 
for  school  purposes,  $36,161  ;  expended  for  same,  $28,504; 
school  age,  7-21  years;  school  population,  4,112;  pupils  en- 
rolled, 2,907;  average  attendance,  1,980. 

Persons  over  ten  years  of  age  who  cannot  read,  427,  being 
2.6  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age.  Persons  over 
ten  years  who  cannot  write:  native  white,  177;  foreign  white, 
197;  colored,  Chinese  and  Indians,  182 ;  total,  556,  being  3.4  per 
cent,  of  all  persons  over  ten  years  of  age. 

Daily  papers,  3;  others,  7;  total,  10.     Circulation,  5,686. 

OCCUPATIONS. — Persons  engaged  in  agriculture,  1,639; 
in  professional  and  personal  services,  4,01 1  ;  in  trade  and  trans- 
portation, 1,545  ;  in  manufacturing,  mechanics  and  mining, 
1,689. 

AGRICULTURE.— Number  of  farms,  457;  total  acres  in 
farms,  124,433;  improved  acres,  83,122;  average  size  of  farms, 
272  acres;  value  of  farms  and  buildings,  $835,895;  value  of 
implements,  $95,482  ;  total  value  of  all  farm  products,  sold,  con- 
sumed or  on  hand,  $372,391. 


428  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


Principal  Products. 

Quantity. 

Butter 105,643  lbs. 

Cheese 2,930   " 

Hay 23,413  tons. 

Milk 75.343  galls. 

Oats 22,512  bush. 


Quantity. 

Potatoes,  Irish 30,986  bush. 

Rye 78     " 

Wheat 4,674     " 

Wool 691,650  lbs. 


Live-Stock. 


Number. 

Horses 1I>975 

Mules  and  asses 671 

Working  oxen 7X& 

Milch  cows 3»73° 

Total  value  of  live-stock  on  farms,  June  I,  1880 $5,007,107 


Number. 

Other  cattle 273,625 

Sheep 140,225 

Swine 567 


MANUFACTURES.— Number  of  establishments,  57;  capi- 
tal invested,  $346,673;  hands  employed,  391;  wages  paid, 
$187,798;  value  of  material,  $601,214;  value  of  products,  $898,- 

494- 

The  principal  manufactures  are  : 

Iron  and  steel $491,345  |  AH  other  industries .  ..$407,149 

Total  steam  and  water  power  in  use,  755  horse-power. 
MINING.— Quantity : 

Value. 
Gold $17,321 

Coal,  bituminous 589,595  tons  1,080,451 


Total  of  all  mineral  products $1,097,772 

COMMERCIAL  FACILITIES.— -Railroads  in  1883,  315 
miles  of  line ;  miles  operated,  293 ;  cost,  $8,700,000 ;  total 
investment,  $8,730,000. 

FINANCIAL  CONDITION.— Assessed  value  of  real  and 
personal  property  (1881),  $13,866,118.  Territorial  taxation 
(1882),  rate  40  cents  on  $100,  $55,465  ;  county  taxation,  $136,- 
000;  city,  town  and  village,  $12,499.  Territorial  debt,  none; 
county,  city  and  town  debt,  $188,462. 

GOVERNMENT. — Capital,  Cheyenne.  Governor  appointed 
by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four  years.  Salary,  $2,600.  The 
other  Territorial  officers  are,  a  Secretary,  term  four  years,  salary, 
$1,800;  Treasurer,  two  years,  $1,000;  Auditor,  two  years, 
$1,000;  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  two  years,  $400: 
Librarian,  $400. 


RULING   BY   STATES.  429 

The  Legislature  is  composed  of  12  Senators  and  24  Repre- 
sentatives, all  elected  for  two  years.  Salary  of  a  Legislator  $4  a 
day  and  twenty  cents  mileage.  Legislature  meets  biennially  on 
second  Tuesday  in  January.     Session  limited  to  60  days. 

Territorial  elections  held  biennially  on  Tuesday  after  first  Mon- 
day in  November. 

The  Supreme  Court  consists  of  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  As- 
sociate Justices,  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate  for  four 
years.     Salary  of  each,  $3,000. 

Representative  in  Congress,  I  Delegate. 

POLITICS.— Vote  for  Delegate  : 

1880 

1882 


Dem. 

Rep. 

Maj. 

3.907 

3J6o 

147  D. 

5,8i3 

4,702 

I, in  D. 

RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES; 

OR, 

ADMINISTRATIONS   AND    CONGRESSES. 

| ARTIES  IN  GENERAL.— Party  names  do  not  always 
afford  an  index  to  party  principles  or  professions.  In 
this  respect  they  are  unfortunate.  "  Whig  "  was  origi- 
nally a  term  of  reproach,  and  "Democrat"  and 
"  Jacobin  "  were  mere  epithets  previous  to  1825.  So 
far  as  the  names  give  a  cue  to  principles  there  ought  to  be  no 
difference  between  the  existing  "  Republican  "  and  "  Democratic  " 
parties.  In  such  names  as  "  Federal,"  "Anti-Federal,"  "  Native- 
American,"  etc.,  one  is  provided  with  a  key  to  the  principles  pro- 
fessed. , 

Under  our  institutions  issues  are  so  transitory  that  parties 
are  short-lived.  Or  if  they  retain  their  names  a  great  while,  they 
frequently  cross  their  principles  and  change  their  professions. 
They  are  also  often"  the  victims  of  a  seemingly  inevitable  drift, 
by  which  they  get  very  far  away  from  the  intent  of  their  founders, 
and  so  lose  sight  of  original  principles  as  to  leave  nothing  but 
the  party  name  as  a  rallying  cry.  Some  of  our  best  and  purest 
parties,  in  the  beginning,  have  moved  illogically  along  in  wider 
and  wider  departure  from  their  first  intent,  until  they  either 
ruined  themselves  or  brought  trouble  to  the  country.  In  such 
instances  party  is  lost  in  party  ism,  and  blind  adherence  to  a  ban- 
ner is  mistaken  for  intelligent  devotion  to  principle. 

-USES  OF  PARTIES. — As  embodiments  of  ignorance,  preju- 
dice, passion,  as  a   means  of  holding  unthinking  crowds,  and 
wielding  arbitrary,  brutal  power,  parties  are  dangerous,  even  in 
a  Republic.     But  as  schools  of  thought,  as  orders  representing 
(430) 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  '         431 

some  vital  principle,  as  a  means  of  giving  emphatic  expression 
to  some  popular  and  useful  wish,  they  are  proper  and  necessary. 
Candid  study  of  our  institutions  must  impress  one  with  the  fact 
that  in  general  the  existence  of  political  parties  has  been  timely, 
and  their  effect  wholesome.  Each  has  answered  a  purpose, 
which,  even  if  not  presently  needful  or  apparently  good,  has 
nevertheless  served  as  a  check  on  its  opponents  or  as  a  stimulus 
to  higher  notions  of  activity.  However  much  party  principles 
may  have  ebbed  and  flowed,  however  far  toward  fanaticism, 
sectionalism  and  intrigue,  certain  minds,  and  orders  of  mind, 
may  have  drifted,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  spirit  of  liberty  has 
suffered,  or  that  respect  for  our  institutions  has  been  undermined, 
but  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  former  is  keener  and  the  latter 
broader  and  deeper.  Yet  it  is  always  well  to  remember  Wash- 
ington's words,  "  that  from  the  natural  tendency  of  governments 
of  a  popular  character,  it  is  certain  there  will  always  be  enough 
of  party  spirit  for  salutary  purposes.  And  there  being  constant 
danger  of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be,  by  force  of  public 
opinion,  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire  not  to  be  quenched, 
it  demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to  prevent  its  bursting  into  flame, 
lest,  instead  of  warming,  it  should  consume." 

PRIMITIVE  PARTIES.— -The  Colonial  period  developed  no 
parties  as  we  now  know  them.  The  Colonies  were  disjointed 
governments,  therefore  there  could  be  no  national  party.  But 
there  was  always  a  sentiment  against  the  right  claimed  by  Par- 
liament to  legislate  for  them.  This  sentiment  grew  warmer  after 
the  English  revolution  of  1688,  which  greatly  strengthened  the 
hands  of  Parliament  and  emboldened  its  assumptions.  But  it 
did  not  really  crystalize  in  the  Colonies  till  after  the  treaty  of 
1763,  by  which  Great  Britain  secured  Canada  and  the  Mississippi 
valley  from  France.  Then  it  became  a  British  policy  to  make 
the  Colonies  pay  a  part  of  the  expenses  of  the  war.*  This  policy 
brought  that  long  list  of  burdens,  such  as  customs  dues,  export 
taxes,  excises,  Tea  Acts,  Stamp  Acts,  etc.,  against  which  the 

*  An  excessive  part  of  the  expenses,  for  the  English  idea  was  that  they  should 
pay  all  they  could  be  compelled  to,  inasmuch  as  the  territory  secured  enured  to 
their  benefit. 


432        '         BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Colonies  unitedly  remonstrated,  not  more  because  they  were 
burdens,  than  because  submission  to  them  involved  a  surrender 
of  the  point  that  Parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  America  with- 
out her  consent.  The  respective  Tory  ministries  in  England 
favored  Parliament.  The  Whigs  (when  out)  favored  the  Colon- 
ists, or,  at  least,  non-interference.  Colonial  thought,  shaped  on 
these  lines,  took  these  party  expressions.  As  the  Colonial  Whigs 
grew  warm  in  their  opposition  to  Parliament,  and  the  idea  of 
union  and  independence  advanced,  "  Whig  "  and  a  Tory  "  became 
as  familiar  in  America  as  in  England,  and  the  sentiment  repre- 
sented by  each  as  bitter.  The  Whig,  who  was  at  first  only  an 
opponent  of  Parliamentary  claims,  got  to  be  a  Colonial  unionist, 
without  separation  from  the  mother  country,  then  a  unionist, 
with  separation.  The  Tory  remained  the  fast  friend  of  English 
sovereignty  on  our  soil,  in  whatever  shape  the  powers  at  home 
chose  to  present  it. 

PARTIES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.— -From  the  above  at- 
titude of  parties  one  can  readily  see  that  after  the  fact  of  Inde- 
pendence (1776)  the  Tory  party  was  without  a  mission.  If  a 
party  at  all,  its  sentiment  was  silenced  amid  arms.  The  Whig 
idea  was  uppermost  and  overwhelming.  It  meant  vastly  more 
than  in  the  beginning.  The  Whigs  were  the  revolutionary, 
armed  party.  They  were  the  government,  such  as  it  was — the 
Congress  first,  and  then  the  Confederation.  The  Tories  were 
enemies,  traitors  if  you  please.  Indeed,  the  term  Whig  began 
to  mean  so  much  that  other  words,  comprehending  more,  came 
into  use,  as  "  Popular  Party,"  "  Party  oi  Independence,"  "  Amer- 
ican Party,"  "  Liberty  Party,"  "  Patriots,"  and  so  on.  This  was 
the  party  situation  from  1774  to  1778,  in  the  Continental  Con- 
gress and  in  the  Colonial  Legislatures. 

PARTIES  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.— -The  event  of 
the  Confederation  was  forced  by  the  Whigs.  Their  party  name 
followed.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  a  decisive  advance 
of  the  federal  idea,  but  as  a  government  they  were  infinitely 
weaker  than  the  arbitrary,  revolutionary  Congress.  We  have 
already  seen  their  sources  of  weakness,  how  they  fell  into  dis- 
respect at  home  and  abroad,  why  it  became  necessary  to  sub- 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  433 

stitute  for  them  "  a  more  perfect  union."  The  Whig  party 
dominated  the  Confederation.  Less  than  ever  was  there  a  Tory- 
party.     Toryism  invited  confiscation,  proscription,  banishment. 

PARTIES  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION— With  the  peace 
of  1783,  the  Tory  cause  perished  outright.  Therefore  there  was 
no  longer  any  need  for  the  term  Whig.  The  prevalent  thought 
was  the  national  one — how  to  unite  more  firmly,  and  for  peace 
as  well  as  war  ?  This  was  Federalism — the  permanent  one  out 
of  the  disjointed  many  idea.  The  weaknesses  of  the  Confedera- 
tion forced  this  thought  along  like  a  torrent,  ripened  it  until  it 
became  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Strictly  speak- 
ing, there  were  no  more  two  parties  from  1783  to  1787,  than 
from  1774  to  1783.  Whigism  became  Federalism,  and  Whigs 
Federalists,  and  the  thought  of  "  a  more  perfect  union  "  was  as 
paramount  as  the  thought  of  Independence,  Union  under  a  Con- 
gress or  the  Articles,  and  the  victory  of  the  Revolution.  But  it 
was  a  time  of  peace,  and  Federalism  was  a  widely  varying 
theme.  It  took  all  sorts  of  shapes  in  conventions,  village  groups 
and  around  the  hearthstone.  When  it  brought  the  convention 
which  framed  the  Constitution,  it  was  variant  there.  Debate 
took  very  wide  range.  Antagonisms  were  pointed  and  bitter. 
And  debates  in  the  State  Conventions  over  the  question  of  rati- 
fication took  still  wider  range.  But  in  all  these  contentions  the 
central  thought  was  not  lost  sight  of.  Federalism,  however  col- 
ored or  twisted,  was  still  the  aim.  Starting  away  up  among 
the  few  monarchy  men  of  the  convention,  or  of  the  States,  and 
travelling  down  through  the  various  orders  of  thought  clear  to 
the  very  few  who  repudiated  union  on  any  conditions,  we  find 
Federalism  the  regnant  idea  and  crowning  hope.  All  differences 
were  as  to. form,  time,  construction,  etc.,  not  as  to  fact  or  neces- 
sity. The  party  of  Federalism,  that  is,  the  Federal  party,  became 
the  party  of  a  new  and  stronger  government,  of  the  Constitution, 
just  as  the  Whig  party  had  been  the  party  of  Independence  and 
the  Continental  Congress. 

"  The  Republicans  are  the  nation,"  said  Jefferson  in  the  flush 
of  political  triumph.  The  Federals  were  the  nation.  Their  con- 
ciliations  and  compromises  in  convention  secured  a  Constitution. 
28 


434  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Their  concessions,  surrenders  and  appeals  secured  its  ratification, 
speedily  here,  tardily  there,  reservedly  in  many  instances,  fully 
in  others.  We  therefore  regard  the  common  division  of  the 
parties  of  this  time  into  Federal  and  Anti-Federal  as  not  exact 
and  somewhat  misleading.  There  was  no  national  Anti-Federal 
party,*  certainly  no  national  sentiment  worthy  the  name  of  Anti- 
Federalism.  The  opposition  to  the  Constitution  which  sprang 
up  in  the  State  ratifying  conventions  was  not  even  unreservedly 
Anti-Federal.  It  was  a  strange,  incalculable  sentiment,  born  of 
fears,  and  visions,  and  hypotheses,  and  constructions,  and  was  as 
much  indulged  by  men  like  Patrick  Henry  and  Samuel  Adams 
who  had  all  along  been  Federalists  of  the  most  pronounced  type, 
as  by  those  who  thought  the  "  secretly  deliberating  convention  " 
could  only  hatch  a  scheme  of  monarchy.  Nor  was  it  a  final 
sentiment,  for  many  Anti-Federalists  voted  to  ratify.  It  was  not 
a  coherent  sentiment,  for  some  opposed  because  the  promised 
union  would  not  be  strong  enough,  some  because  it  would  be  too 
strong,  some  because  the  States  would  suffer,  some  because  a 
State  government  was  at  all  times  sufficient,  and  so  on.  Anti- 
Federalists  were  united  in  nothing  save  their  opposition.  When 
the  work  of  ratification  was  completed  and  the  government  came 
to  be  started,  Anti-Federalism  was  not  heard  of.  In  the  presence 
of  the  fact  of  a  Constitution  it  either  agreed  to  suspend  judg- 
ment while  the  new  experiment  was  being  tried  or  engaged  to 
help  the  trial  on. 

*  All  the  members  of  the  Convention  signed  the  Constitution  except  Edmund 
Randolph  and  George  Mason,  of  Virginia,  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  they  were  believers  in  Federalism,  i.  e.,  the  necessity  for  a  stronger  union,  but 
they  did  not  think  the  Constitution  was  the  best  means  to  secure  it.  On  signing 
Franklin  said :  "  I  confess  there  are  several  parts  of  this  Constitution  I  do  not  at 
present  approve,  but  I  am  not  sure  I  shall  never  approve  them."  And  Hamilton, 
on  moving  that  all  the  members  sign  the  instrument,  said  :  "  No  man's  ideas  were 
more  remote  from  the  plan  than  his  own  were  known  to  be,  but  is  it  possible  to 
deliberate  between  anarchy  and  convulsion  on  one  side  and  the  chance  of  good  to 
be  expected  from  the  plan  on  the  other?  "  In  the  letter  which  Washington  sent  out 
with  the  Constitution  he  says :  "  In  all  our  deliberations  we  have  kept  steadily  in 
view  that  which  appears  the  greatest  interest  of  every  American — the  consolidation 
of  our  Union,  in  which  is  involved  our  prosperity,  felicity,  safety,  perhaps  national 
existence." 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  435 

NEW  GOVERNMENT  PARTIES.— So  general  was  the 
refusal  of  the  Anti-Federals  to  adopt  a  definite  line  of  action 
after  the  Constitution  had  been  ratified  by  the  necessary  number 
of  States  (nine),  and  such  was  their  acquiescence  in  the  popular 
wish  to  see  the  new  government  fairly  tried,  that  all  animosities 
ceased,  and  all  open  opposition  was  hushed,  while  the  nation 
bowed  before  the  popularity  of  Washington,  and  unanimously 
chose  him  for  its  first  President.  This  signal  mark  of  confidence, 
and  this  supreme  triumph  of  Federalism  was  to  end  most  happily 
for  the  country.  The  passions  of  the  hour  would  have  time  to 
cool.  Though  Washington  was  a  recognized  Federalist,  he  was 
not  extreme,  and  all  could  depend  en  his  judgment  to  start  the 
machinery  on  the  broadest  and  safest  basis.  Extremists  and 
radicals  of  every  type  could  afford  to  bide  their  time.  And  they 
did,  harmlessly  but  not  inactively.  It  was  a  period  for  new 
schools  of  thought,  or  rather  for  bringing  to  bear  on  the  new 
order  of  things  old  thoughts  in  stronger  and  better  formulated 
shape.  Federalism,  which  was  affirmative,  and  Federals  who 
were  responsible  for  the  new  government,  naturally  inclined  to 
such  a  construction  of  the  Constitution,  where  points  were 
doubtful,  as  would  throw  the  doubts  in  favor  of  the  central 
authority.  Anti-Federalism,  which  was  negative,  and  Anti- 
Federals,  even  though  they  were  supporters  of  the  administra- 
tion, naturally  inclined  to  such  a  construction,  as  would  throw 
the  doubts  in  favor  of  the  States.  Thus  the  operative,  dominant 
Federalism  of  the  day  took  the  form  of  liberal  or  open  con- 
struction of  the  Constitution,  would  interpret  it  as  though  it  had 
a  spirit  as  well  as  a  letter,  saw  in  a  government  under  it  an  entity 
with  powers  and  functions  to  be  questioned  only  by  the  people 
at  large.  So  the  Anti-Federalism  of  the  day  took  the  form  of  a 
strict  or  close  construction  of  the  Constitution,  would  interpret 
it  as  though  it  were  a  simple,  inelastic  code,  saw  in  a  govern- 
ment under  it  nothing  more  than  that  aggregate  of  power  and 
function  which  the  sovereign  States  had  parted  with,  and  which 
they  were  at  liberty  to  question,  or  if  need  be  recall.  While 
these  two  schools  of  thought  did  not  immediately  branch  into 
organized   and   opposing  parties,  they   furnished   the  ground- 


436  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

work  for  nearly  all  subsequent  and  legitimate  national  party 
differences.*  A  few  years  of  experiment  with  the  new  govern- 
ment brought  up  many  questions  which  deeply  engaged  the 
respective  schools  and  gradually  led  to  the  first  organized 
antagonism  to  the  Federal  party,  which  became  known  as  the 
Democratic-Republican  party,  or  better  as  the  Republican 
party.     But  of  this  in  its  place. 


WASHINGTON'S   FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 
April  29,  1789 — March  3,  1793. 

George  Washington,  Va.,  President.  John  Adams,  Mass., 
Vice-President.  Seat  of  Government  at  New  York  and 
Philadelphia. 

Congresses.  Sesssions. 

{1,  April  6,  1789-September  29,1789,  appointed  session. 
2,  January  4,  1790-August  12,  1790. 
3,  December  6,  1790-March  3, 1791. 

SRroNn  Concrfss      /  '»  0ctober  24>  I79*-May  8,  1792. 

SECOND  CONGRESS.      j  ^  Noyember  ^  I7Q2_March  2,  1 793. 

Washington  was  nominated  by  a  Caucus  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  The  State  Legislatures  chose  electors  for  President 
and  Vice-President  on  the  first  Wednesday  of  January,  1789^ 
These  electors  voted  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  February. 

*  To  the  former  or  liberal  school  of  construction  belonged  the  Federal  party, 
which  may  be  called  its  founder.  To  the  same  school  belonged  the  Whig  party, 
which  asserted  that  internal  improvement  at  the  national  expanse  was  within  the 
purview  of  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  protective  duties  and  a  general  banking 
system.  And  so  of  the  modern  Republican  party  which  claims  for  the  central 
government  all  power  necessary  for  its  preservation  and  advancement.  To  the  lat- 
ter, or  strict  school  of  construction,  belonged  the  old  Republican  party  and  its 
successor,  the  Democratic  party.  But  all  this  is  in  general,  for  many  times  the  re- 
spective parties  have  occupied  common  ground  or  crossed  each  other's  tracks,  only 
to  back  away  again  to  their  old  places  when  motives  of  expediency  ceased  to  oper- 
ate, and  there  was  no  rallying  point  short  of  the  old  differences. 

f  The  electors  were  chosen  by  the  State  Legislatures  up  till  1824.  Under  the 
Constitution  as  it  stood  up  till  1804,  they  voted  for  two  persons,  the  one  having  the 
highest  number  of  votes  to  be  President,  the  next  highest  to  be  Vice-President. 
But  they  could  not  both  be  from  the  same  State. 


mini 


■MM— MMMIM Illl IIHIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlllllllllllllllllllllllll IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIW 


ljflTJ 


cvrrrpi-  ca. 


.    lllllfllllllllllllllllHIIIllllllllllM 

PRESIDENTS  FROM   1789  TO  1817. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  437 


ELECTORAL    VOTE. 

Basis  George 

of  Washing-      John 

States.         30,000.  Votes.  Party.  ton.  Adams. 

New  Hampshire ...  3  5  .  5  5 

Massachusetts 8  10  *  10  10 

Rhode  Island I  3  g,  . .  . .  Had    not   yet  ratified 

^3  the  Constitution. 

Connecticut 5  7  «  7  5 

New  York 6  8  U  ..  ..  Had  not  yet  passed  an 

*  electoral  law. 

New  Jersey 4  6  J~  6  1 

Pennsylvania 8  IO  ©  IO  8 

Delaware I  3  g  3 

Maryland 6  8  .2  6  . .  Two  vacancies. 

Virginia IO  12  "55  IO  5     "              " 

North  Carolina 5  7  a.  ..  ..   Had   not    yet   ratified 

o*  the  Constitution. 

South  Carolina 5  7  o  7 

Georgia _3_  _5_  5  ^ 

Totals 65  91  . .  69  34* 

Though  March  4,  1789,  had  been  fixed  as  the  time  for  start- 
ing the  new  government,  it  was  not  until  April  6  that  a  quorum 
of  Congress  was  present.  Their  first  business  was  to  count  and 
publish  the  Electoral  votes  as  above.  The  candidates,  being 
duly  notified  of  their  election,  went  to  the  seat  of  government. 
Adams  arrived  first  and  took  his  place  as  presiding  officer  of  the 
Senate.  Washington  was  sworn  into  orifice  by  Chancellor  Liv- 
ingstone on  April  29,  1789. 

THE  CABINET.^— Washington  chose  a  Cabinet  with  due 
regard  to  the  sentiment  of  the  day.  As  to  ability  it  was  unques- 
tioned. 

*  Of  the  votes  cast  fof  other  candidates,  and  usually  recorded  as  scattering,  John 
Jay  received  9;  R.  H.  Harrison,  6;  John  Rutledge,  6;  John  Hancock,  4;  George 
Clinton,  3 ;  Samuel  Huntington,  2 ;  John  Milton,  2 ;  Benjamin  Lincoln,  I ;  James 
Armstrong,  I ;  Edward  Telfair,  I. 

f  The  choice  of  a  Cabinet  was  not  an  immediate  step,  for  Congress  had  not  yet 
passed  laws  organizing  the  respective  Departments.  The  State  Department  was 
organized  by  act  of  Sept.  15,  1789,  and  Jefferson's  appointment  dates  from  Sept. 
26.  The  Treasury  Department  by  act  of  Sept.  2,  1789,  and  Hamilton's  appoint- 
ment dates  from  Sept.  11.  The  War  Department  by  act  of  Aug.  7,  1789,  and 
Knox's  appointment  dates  from  Sept.  12.  The  Attorney-General  by  act  of  Sept. 
24,  1789,  and  Randolph's  appointment  dates  from  Sept.  26.  The  Navy  Depart- 
ment was  not  separately  organized  till  April  30,  1798,  nor  the  Post-Ofhce  Depart- 
ment till  1829.  The  latter  was  conducted  till  that  time  by  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment. 


438  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Secretary  of  State Thomas  Jefferson,  Va Moderate  Anti-Federal. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Alexander  Hamilton,  N.  Y..  .  .Federal. 

Secretary  of  War Henry  Knox,  Mass " 

Attorney-General Edmund  Randolph,  Va Anti-Federal. 

Chief  Justice  Supreme  Court.  John  Jay,  N.  Y Federal. 

CONGRESS  IN  EXTRA  SESSION— The  House  organ- 
ized by  electing  Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Speaker.  This  election  had  no  political  significance.  All  were 
content  to  allow  the  work  of  organization  to  move  on  the  plane 
of  Federalism  ;  or  rather  there  had  been  no  comparison  of  ideas, 
and  consequently  no  effort  to  organize  opposition  to  Federal 
supremacy.  The  session  lasted  for  nearly  six  months,  or  till 
Sept.  29,  1789.  The  work  related  to  the  preparation  of  machinery 
and  starting  the  wheels  of  the  new  government.  The  number 
of  measures  necessary,  and  their  novelty,  invited  able  and  pro- 
tracted discussions.  In  range  and  character  they  were  not  un- 
like those  of  the  period  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tution,  and  they  foreshadowed  those  permanent  differences  of 
interpretation  which  might  readily,  and  properly  too,  afford  a 
basis  for  party  existence. 

AMENDMENTS.— So  many  States  had  ratified  the  Constitu- 
tion with  the  hope  of  early  amendment,  and  two,  Rhode  Island 
and  North  Carolina,  held  so  stubbornly  off,  that  the  Congress 
took  early  steps  toward  remedying  the  defects  of  the  instrument. 
Twelve  amendments  were  agreed  upon  (Sept.  25,  1789)  and  sub- 
mitted for  ratification.  Ten  of  these  became  a  part  of  the  Con- 
stitution, Dec.  15,  1791.  They  referred  to  freedom  of  religion, 
speech,  person  and  property.  Though  intended  to  overcome 
the  objections  of  the  States  and  to  make  more  secure  the  rights 
of  the  citizens,  strange  to  say  they  invited  bitter  opposition  from 
the  extreme  anti-Federal  element,  which  regarded  them  as  de- 
ceptive, and  calculated  to  lure  the  States  and  people  into  false 
expectations  of  national  unity  and  strength. 

COMMERCE  AND  TARIFF.— Bills  for  the  regulation  of 
Commerce  and  the  adjustment  of  a  Tariff  were  fully  considered 
and  passed.  The  Tariff  act  was  generally  acquiesced  in,  so  far 
as  it  provided  a  means  of  raising  revenue  by  indirect  taxation. 
But  when  it  was  suggested  that  such  an  act  could  also,  and 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  439 

should,  be  made  a  means  of  protection,  the  strict  constructionists 
decried  it  as  unconstitutional.  However,  some  of  the  extreme 
anti-Federals  sought  to  make  the  measure  discriminate  against 
England,  by  favoring  the  products  of  other  nations.  A  Tariff 
bill  was  finally  passed  July  4,  1789,  against  strong  opposition. 
Though  it  imposed  a  very  low  rate  of  duty,  it  was  nevertheless 
dignified  in  the  preamble  as  an  "  act  for  the  encouragement  and 
protection  of  manufactures."  Thus  as  to  one  of  the  objects  of  a 
Tariff,  and  in  the  character  of  opposition  it  met  with,  there  were 
foreshadowed,  at  the  very  beginning  of  our  government,  the 
spirited  and  strictly  party  controversies  over  the  same  subject  a 
generation  afterwards,  and  for  that  matter,  at  the  present  day. 
The  matter  of  adjusting  the  public  debt  was  left  in  the  hands  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  future  action.  This  extra  ses- 
sion adjourned  Sept.  29,  1789.  During  the  vacation,  Nov.  21, 
1789,  North  Carolina  ratified  the  Constitution  and  entered  the 
Union. 

FIRST  CONGRESS— -First  Regular  Session.— Seat  of  gov- 
ernment at  Philadelphia.  Met  Jan.  4,  1790.  Hamilton's  Report 
on  the  adjustment  of  the  public  debt  furnished  the  leading  sub- 
ject for  deliberation.  This  great  State  paper,  which  involved 
the  national  credit  at  home  and  abroad,  was  presented  January 
9.  The  plan  proposed  was  (1)  for  the  national  government  to 
fund  and  pay  the  foreign  debt  of  the  Confederacy  in  full.  (2) 
To  likewise  fund  and  pay  the  domestic  debt  of  the  Confederacy, 
at  par.  This  debt  was  then  floating  about  in  the  shape  of  nearly 
worthless  promises.  (3)  That  the  government  should  assume 
and  pay  the  unpaid  debts  of  the  respective  States.  To  the  first 
proposition  there  was  no  opposition.  Against  the  second  the 
extreme  anti-Federals  rallied,  and  they  were  reinforced  by  such 
as  Madison,  and  many  others,  of  Federal  leaning.  Their  logic 
was  that  this  debt  was  largely  held  by  speculators,  who  had 
bought  it  for  a  song,  and  who  would  realize  enormously  if  it 
were  paid  at  par.  Against  this  Hamilton  urged  that  the  only  way 
to  permanently  raise  the  broken  national  credit  was  to  pay  all 
honest  promises  in  full,  and  thus  teach  the  first  holders  of  them 
the  folly  of  parting  with  a  valuable   security  at  a  ruinous  dis- 


440  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

count.  This  second  proposition  finally  carried.  The  third 
proposition  was  looked  upon  as  a  stretch  of  power  on  the  part 
of  the  government.  It  was  an  assumption  to  do  what  the  States 
only  could  and  should  do.  The  entire  anti-Federal  sentiment 
was  united  against  it.  Still  it  was  carried  by  a  close  vote  in  the 
House  (31  to  26).  It  was  however  reconsidered  a  short  time 
afterwards,  on  the  arrival  of  the  seven  anti-Federal  representa- 
tives from  North  Carolina,  and  defeated.  But  it  was  finally  car- 
ried by  the  vote  of  two  anti-Federals,  who  agreed  to  favor  it,  in 
turn  for  Federal  support  of  the  measure  to  locate  the  National 
Capitol,  after  it  had  remained  ten  years  in  Philadelphia,  on  the 
Potomac.  Though  this  bargain  clouded  somewhat'the  brilliancy 
of  Hamilton's  success  in  getting  his  propositions  through,  they 
resulted  in  an  instant  rebound  of  the  national  credit,  and  the 
establishment  of  government  finance  on  a  substantial  working 
basis.  The  Tariff  act  of  the  previous  session  was  amended  on 
Aug.  10,  1790,  by  increasing  the  previous  rates  of  duty.  The 
other  measures  of  this  Congress  had  no  party  significance.  The 
body  adjourned  Aug.  12,  1790,  after  a  session  of  over  seven 
months.  It  had  witnessed  the  coming  of  Rhode  Island  into  the 
Union,  by  the  ratification  of  the  Constitution,  May  29,  1790. 

FIRST  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  6,  1790, 
at  Philadelphia.  The  leading  subject  was  a  financial  agent  for  the 
government  in  the  shape  of  a  National  Bank.  Over  this  subject 
controversy  was  heated,  and  party  lines  came  to  be  more  clearly 
defined.  The  Federals  in  general,  and  all  who  inclined  to  a  liberal 
or  open  construction  of  the  Constitution,  claimed  that  if  Congress 
could  pass  laws  for  revenue  and  taxes,  it  could  make  those  laws 
effective  through  such  an  agency  as  a  bank.  The  anti-Federals,  and 
all  strict  constructionists,  denied  the  necessity,  and  therefore  the 
constitutionality,  of  such  an  agent.  The  controversy  thus  begun 
has  continued  under  one  form  and  another,  almost  to  the  present 
day.  The  personal  bitternesses  and  jealousies  it  then  engendered 
were  never  healed,  but  were  carried  down  to  the  people  and  soon 
became  the  basis  of  permanent  party  separation.  Even  the 
Cabinet  was  divided,  and  it  was  known  that  Jefferson  stood  ready, 
in  that  august  body,  to  oppose  Hamilton  in  all  his  financial  plans. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  441 

The  bill  to  charter  a  National  Bank  passed,  but  so  conservative 
was  Washington  that  he  would  not  sign  it  till  he  had  secured 
the  written  opinions  of  his  Cabinet  officers.  That  of  Hamilton, 
in  favor  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  act,  had  greater  weight 
than  those  of  Jefferson  and  Randolph,  against  it,  and  the  bill 
secured  the  President's  signature.  It  chartered  a  National  Bank 
for  twenty  years,  i.  e.f  until  1811,  when  the  Republican  party 
refused  to  recharter  it,  only,  however,  to  retrace  their  steps  in 
1816,  when,  under  the  influence  of  liberal  construction  notions, 
and  the  seemingly  imperative  needs  of  the  hour,  they  instituted 
another  National  Bank  which  met  its  downfall  in  1836.*  The 
financial  legislation  of  the  session  was  supplemented  by  an  Ex- 
cise law,  which  excited  much  opposition  and  became  very  un- 
popular. The  first  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1791. 
Altogether  it  had  been  an  able  body,  and  had  done  its  work 
with  as  little  jar  and  as  effectively  as  was  possible  for  men  who 
had  no  exact  instructions  from  constituents  and  no  elaborate 
political  chart  to  steer  by.  The  event  of  March  4  was  the  admis- 
sion of  Vermont  as  a  State. 

SECOND  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Oct.  24, 
1 79 1,  at  Philadelphia.  The  country  had  passed  successfully 
through  the  excitement  of  Congressional  elections,  and  the 
position  of  the  Federals  had  been  maintained,  though  their 
membership  in  the  new  body  was  slightly  reduced.  This,  how- 
ever, did  not  matter,  for  there  were  still  many  of  the  Anti- 
Federal,  or  strict  construction,  turn  who  supported  the  adminis- 
tration. The  House  organized  by  the  election  of  Jonathan 
Trumbull  of  Connecticut,  as  Speaker. 

THE  EIRST  REBELLION.— Opposition  to  the  excise  law 
of  the  previous  Congress,  which  was  fanned  by  the  Anti-Federal 
element,  culminated  in  the  "  Whiskey  Rebellion,"  among  the  dis- 
tillers of  Western  Pennsylvania.  The  same  element  also  was  now 
opposing  a  National  Militia  Law.     But  the  latter  passed,  and  in 

*  From  that  time  on,  all  attempts  to  establish  a  National  Bank  failed,  till  in  1862 
the  exigencies  of  civil  war  resulted  in  a  strictly  national  currency  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  a  system  of  National  Banks  whose  credit  is  based 
on  that  of  the  government. 


442  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

time  for  the  President  to  use  it,  so  as  to  bring  the  armed  dis- 
putants of  the  national  authorities  to  terms.  The  victory 
was  a  moral  and  bloodless  one,  achieved  through  the  show  of 
an  unsuspected  vigor  and  resource  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

THIRD  TARIFF  ACT— On  May  2,  1792,  an  amended 
tariff  act  was  passed  which  raised  the  ad  valorem  rates  of  duty 
some  2)4  to  5  per  cent.  It  incurred  the  opposition  of  the  Anti- 
Federals,  and  called  for  a  repetition  of  their  former  arguments. 
An  apportionment  bill,  the  first  under  the  new  Constitution,  was 
also  passed.  It  fixed  the  ratio  of  representation  at  33,000,  under 
the  census  of  1790,  increased  the  membership  of  the  House  to 
105,  and  the  electoral  vote  to  1 35,  there  being  fifteen  States, 
counting  Kentucky,  which  was  admitted  June  I,  1792.  Congress 
adjourned  its  first  session,  May  8,  1792. 

POLITICAL  CONDITION.— The  country  was  about  to 
pass  through  the  crisis  of  a  Presidential  election,  the  first  under 
the  new  Constitution.  The  government  had  been  started,  and 
maintained  thus  far  under  a  wholesome  division  of  sentiment 
which  has  been  popularly,  but  not  exactly,  described  as 
Federal  and  Anti-Federal.  It  was  more  exactly  that  division 
which  is  better  described  as  Liberal  Interpreters  and  Strict  Inter- 
preters of  the  Constitution;  the  former  as  they  were  antagonized, 
or  as  their  principles  demanded,  drifting,  perhaps  unconsciously, 
toward  larger  powers  and  a  fuller  exercise  thereof  on  the  part  of 
the  national  government ;  the  latter  as  they  antagonized,  or  as 
their  principles  demanded,  drifting,  perhaps  unconsciously, 
toward  the  doctrine  which  afterwards  became  known  as  State 
Sovereignty  or  State  Rights.  For  the  former,  and  because  they 
were  acting  affirmatively,  the  term  Federal  must  still  apply.  For 
the  latter  there  is  now  no  need,  except  conventionally,  of  retain- 
ing the  term  Anti-Federal.  Indeed  the  first  ten  amendments 
to  the  Constitution,  which  were  regarded  as  in  the  nature  of  a 
declarative  Bill  of  Rights,  so  disarmed  all  opposition  to  the  in- 
strument itself  as  to  render  the  term  Anti-Federal  a  misnomer. 
Jefferson  felt  that  it  was  an  empty  term,  and  that  if  the  varying, 
and  often  discordant,  sentiments  represented  by  it  were  ever  to 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  443 

be  crystalized,  some  new  and  more  comprehensive  name  must 
be  adopted.  The  old  name  was  a  perpetual  reminder  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  fact  of  government.  As  there  was  no  longer  any  such 
opposition,  but  only  questions  as  to  how  it  should  be  managed 
and  with  what  powers  it  should  be  endowed  by  the  creative  in- 
strument, the  new  name  must,  in  no  degree,  be  a  reminder  of 
the  old  political  status,  but  must,  on  the  contrary,  be  both  an 
appeal  to  popular  affection  and  comprehensive  enough  to 
embrace  every  form  of  antagonism  to  the  party  which  was  still  to 
be  called  Federal. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.— The  situation  gave  birth 
to  the  new  party  name.  Feeling  was  intense  on  all  sides  in  favor 
of  the  French  Revolutionists.  Jefferson,  who  was  fresh  from 
the  scenes,  taught  that  it  was  the  direct  outcrop  of  our  own 
Revolution,  and  none  chose  to  gainsay  it.  But  as  the  Republi- 
cans of  France  drifted  toward  wild,  ungovernable  liberty,  and 
evinced  more  and  more  a  fierce  leveling  and  communistic  spirit, 
the  Federals  checked  their  ardor  and  grew  cold.  In  that  pro- 
portion the  Anti-Federals  grew  warm.  Their  admiration  took 
even  the  fantastic  shape  of  dress  and  manner  imitation.  Here 
were  differences  mental  and  visual.  To  crown  them  with  the 
term  Republican  was  something,  but  not  quite  original.  To 
group  all  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  Federals  under  the  term 
Democratic-Republican  would  prove  original  and  striking. 
That,  therefore,  became  the  new  party  name.  But  the  Federals 
heaped  contempt  on  the  Democrats,  classed  them  as  Jacobins, 
and  altogether  daunted  them  in  the  use  of  their  compound  title. 
So  the  first  part  was  gradually  dropped,  and  the  new  party 
passed  into  active  politics  as  the  Republican  party;  which  was 
all  curious  enough,  seeing  that  at  this  very  juncture  its  tendency 
was  rather  toward  a  Democracy  than  toward  a  strong  central 
Republic.  Nor  were  the  Republicans  less  abusive  of  the 
Federals.  These  latter  were  roundly  denounced  as  fellows  with 
a  leaning  toward  monarchy,  and  full  of  all  aristocratic  notions. 
It  is  very  likely  that  the  sentiment  among  the  masses  was  an 
exaggeration  of  that  existing  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  though 
even  there  the  President  spoke  grievously  of  the  antagonisms, 


444  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  complained  that  the  old  spirit  of  compromise  had  turned 
into  one  of  unjust  suspicion  and  personal  antipathy. 

ELECTION  OF  1792. — Fortunately  for  the  country  party 
spirit  was  not  yet  deep  enough,  or  bold  enough,  to  affect  the 
Presidency.  The  one  Republican  who  could  have  made  a  re- 
spectable showing  in  the  Presidential  race  was  Jefferson,  and 
both  he  and  Washington  were  from  the  same  State.  Therefore, 
both  could  not  be  voted  for,  without  the  loss  of  the  vote  of  that 
State.  Besides  many  staunch  Republicans  had  joined  with  the 
Federals  to  request  Washington  to  serve  a  second  term,  a  course 
he  had  not  intended  to  pursue,  till  persuaded  that  the  country 
demanded  it.  This  left  only  the  Vice-Presidency  open  to  party 
contention,  and  for  this  office  the  Federals  supported  John 
Adams,  Mass.,  and  the  Republicans  George  Clinton  of  New 
York.  The  election  took  place  Nov.  6,  1792,  and  resulted  in 
the  success  of  the  Federal  ticket. 

SECOND  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  5, 1792, 
at  Philadelphia.  Revenue  questions  occupied  most  of  the  time 
of  the  session,  and  the  Federals  had  comparatively  easy  suc- 
cesses, the  Republicans  not  being  a  unit  in  their  opposition.  But 
they  figured  conspicuously  for  political  position,  and  made  a 
direct  but  unsuccessful  attempt  to  censure  Hamilton's  manage- 
ment of  the  Treasury  Department.  The  count  of  the  electoral 
vote*  was  made  in  February,  1793,  and  Washington  was  de- 
clared elected  President,  and  John  Adams  Vice-President.  They 
were  sworn  into  office  on  March  4,  1793,  Congress  having 
adjourned  March  2. 

II. 

WASHINGTON'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 
March  4,  1793 — March  3d,  1797. 

George   Washington,   Va.,   President.      John  Adams,   Mass., 
Vice-President.     Seat  of  Government  at  Philadelphia. 

*  For  full  electoral  returns  see  always  the  succeeding  administration. 


RULING  THROUGH  PARTIES.  445 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Third  Congress.      {  h  December  *.  i793-J»ne  9,  1794- 

(  2,  November  3,  1794-March  3,  1795. 

Fourth  Congress.    {  "•  December  7,  ;795~June  1    1796 
(  2,  December  6,  1796-March  3,1797. 

ELECTORAL  VOTE* 

Federal. 

,  , 1 ,  Republican. 

States.                Basis  of  Geo.  Wash-  J.  Adams,  Geo.  Clinton, 

33,000.  Votes.  ington,  Va.  Mass.              N.  Y. 

New  Hampshire 4  6  6  6 

Massachusetts 14  16  16  16 

Rhode  Island 2  4  4  4 

Connecticut 7  9  9  9 

New  York 10  12  12  ..               12 

New  Jersey 5  7  7  7 

Pennsylvania 13  15  15  14                 I 

Delaware 1  3  3  3 

Maryland 8  10  8  8              . .  Two  vacancies. 

Virginia 19  21  21  ..                21 

North  Carolina.  . . .    10  12  12  . .               12 

South  Carolina 687  6  Scattered.  One  vacancy. 

Georgia 2  4  4  ..                 4 

Vermont 2  4  4  4 

Kentucky ^2  _4  4  .  .  Scattered. 

Totals T05  I35  732  "77             ~50 

THE  NEW  ADMINISTRATION.— Washington,  in  pursu- 
ance of  his  conciliatory  policy,  made  no  immediate  changes  in 
his  cabinet.  He  had,  however,  active  and  delicate  work  on  hand. 
France  had  (April,  1793)  declared  war  against  Great  Britain  and 
Holland.  The  Republicans  gave  reins  to  their  sympathy  for 
their  French  namesakes,  and  claimed  that  the  treaty  of  1778, 
which  bound  France  and  the  United  States  to  an  alliance  offen- 
sive and  defensive,  was  still  in  existence  and  ought  to  be  re- 
spected. It  looked  as  if  war  with  Great  Britain  were  certain, 
with  the  United  States  as  an  ally  of  France.  Notwithstanding 
the  unpopularity  of  the  act,  Washington  decided  that  the  treaty 
was  null,  and  issued  a  decree  of  neutrality  f  between  the  con- 
tending parties.  This  step  brought  upon  his  administration,  and 
on  himself  personally,  the  bitterest  assaults  of  the  Republicans. 
He  was  denounced  as  an  enemy  of  Republican  France,  as  a  vio- 

*  Of  the  votes  indicated  as  "  scattered,"  four  were  cast  for  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
one  for  Aaron  Burr. 

f  This  was  the  beginning  of  a  foreign  policy  from  which  there  have  been  few 
departures  since. 


446  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

later  of  sacred  faith,  as  a  usurper  of  the  powers  of  Congress. 
To  further  complicate  and  intensify  matters,  citizen  Genet  arrived 
as  Minister  to  the  United  States,  April  8,  1793.  Deceived  by 
the  warmth  of  his  reception  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  he  foolishly 
went  about  the  business  of  raising  money,  recruiting  men  and 
commissioning  cruisers  for  the  French  cause.  Jefferson  ordered 
him  to  desist,  but  removing  to  Philadelphia  and  encouraged  by 
the  Republican  clubs  of  that  city,  which  organizations  carried 
their  sympathy  into  wild  excess,  he  continued  to  act  as  if  on 
French  soil.  The  French  Consul  at  Boston  rescued  a  libeled 
vessel  from  the  United  States  Marshal.  An  American  privateer 
sailed  from  Philadelphia  under  French  colors,  against  the  orders 
of  the  government.  Military  organizations  were  being  formed  in 
Georgia  against  the  Spanish  American  possessions.  Genet  was 
so  inflated  with  his  Republican  support  that  he  privately  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  appealing  to  the  people  for  a  general 
uprising  in  behalf  of  France.*  Timely  exposure  of  this  inten- 
tion speedily  alienated  even  his  warmest  friends,  and  his  meteoric 
career  was  ended  by  his  recall. 

THIRD  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  2,  1793,  at 
Philadelphia,  and  organized  by  electing  F.  A.  Muhlenberg,  of 
Pennsylvania,  Speaker.  He  was  a  Republican,  but  it  was  only 
when  party  lines  were  closely  drawn,  which  was  possible  on  but 
a  very  few  questions,  that  a  small  Republican  majority  could  be 
counted  on.  The  President's  action  respecting  American  neu- 
trality and  the  Genet  affair  was  coldly  approved,  but  Republican 
sentiment  took  another  turn.  If  it  could  not  directly  favor 
France,  it  could  at  least  antagonize  England.  It  therefore  very 
justly  called  England  to  account  for  not  carrying  out  the  treaty 
of  1783,  by  which  she  was  to  give  up  her  Lake  military  posts  on 
American  soil.  The  Indian  wars  of  the  Northwest  were  attri- 
buted to  British  intrigue.  So  were  the  Algerine  piracies.  All 
in  all,  it  looked  as  if  the  country  were  about  to  be  plunged  into 
war  with  England,  for  the  Republican  course  proved  to  be  very 

*  This  announcement  was  made  public  by  Chief  Justice  Jay  and  Senator  King, 
who  published  it  over  their  signatures  in  a  New  York  newspaper.  Its  truth  was 
vehemently  denied  by  the  Republicans. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  447 

popular.  England  began  to  judge  the  country  by  it,  and  to  act 
as  though  the  United  States  were  already  a  secret,  and  soon  to 
become  an  open,  ally  of  France.  She  ordered  her  ships  of  war 
to  stop  all  vessels  laden  with  French  supplies  and  to  turn  them 
into  British  ports  (June  8,  1793).  She  began  her  system  of  im- 
pressing American  seamen  suspected  of  being  Englishmen.  She 
aimed  a  further  blow  at  American  commerce  by  actually  seizing 
ships  carrying  French  supplies  and  instituting  trials  against  them 
in  English  courts.  She  justified  her  holding  the  Lake  forts  on 
the  ground  that  our  government  had  refused  to  pay  certain 
debts  due  British  subjects.  Thus  the  Republican  sympathy  for 
France  had  brought  ruinous  commercial  retaliation.  Jefferson,  in 
an  official  report  of  December  16,  1793,  wisely  called  a  halt  by 
proposing  an  effort  at  amicable  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  be- 
fore proceeding  to  counter  retaliation.  The  Federals,  especially 
those  of  the  cabinet,  were  anxious  for  the  first  part  of  this  propo- 
sition, but  the  Republicans,  especially  the  extreme  ones,  were 
implacable,  and  Madison  (January  4,  1794)  introduced  resolu- 
tions imposing  prohibitory  duties  on  English  goods.  This 
measure  invited  long  debate  and  served  to  straighten  Repub- 
lican lines,  but  it  failed  of  passage.  Jefferson  retired  from  the 
cabinet  in  December,  1793,  and  was  succeeded  by  Edmund  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  as  Secretary  of  State,  January  2,  1794.  The 
former  premier  retired  to  his  Virginia  plantation,  and  amid  his 
political  writings  and  plans  for  the  further  development-  of  the 
new  Republican  party,  of  which  he  was  the  acknowledged 
founder,  he  escaped  responsibility  for  the  mistakes  due  to  the 
enthusiasm  of  his  political  friends  in  the  Congress. 

WASHINGTON  ACTS.— In  accordance  with  the  peaceful 
policy  outlined  in  Jefferson's  report,  Washington  nominated 
(April  16,  1794)  Chief  Justice  Jay  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
England,  with  a  view  to  a  treaty.  The  Federal  Senate  confirmed 
the  nomination.  In  order  to  balk  the  mission  the  House  Re- 
publicans moved  to  prohibit  trade  with  England.  This  the 
Senate  rejected,  and  Jay  started  on  his  mission,  arriving  in  Eng- 
land in  June,  1794. 

FURTHER  PARTY  CONTESTS.— The  Federals  fought  all 


448  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

through  the  session  for  their  policy  of  neutrality  between  France 
and  England,  the  Republicans  for  intervention  of  some  kind  or 
in  some  way,  and  the  ardor  of  the  latter  often  drew  them  into 
inconsistencies.  Thus  while  they  invited  war  with  England  by 
measures  to  prohibit  commercial  intercourse  with  her,  they  at 
the  same  time  opposed  the  Federals  in  their  attempts  to  found 
a  navy,  the  most  effective  weapon  with  which  to  carry  on  such 
war.  And  so  when  the  Federals  sought  to  escape  the  odium  of 
Excise  taxation  by  a  system  of  indirect  taxes,  and  a  thereby 
increased  revenue,  the  Republicans  voted  for  direct  taxes. 
Another  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  the  Republicans  to 
censure,  by  resolution,  Hamilton's  management  of  the  Treasury. 
They  likewise  bitterly  but  ineffectually  opposed  the  Federal  bill 
designed  to  approve  of  Washington's  admonitions  against  "  self- 
created  political  societies,"*  and  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  Genet's 
attempts  to  engage  a  people  in  warlike  enterprises  without  the 
consent  of  their  government.  This  attitude  was  the  more  re- 
markable because  the  French  government  had  already  disavowed 
Genet's  conduct,  and  sent  Fanchet  as  minister  in  his  stead.  But 
it  was  a  formative  period  for  the  Republicans.  Much  must  be 
excused  to  their  enthusiasm,  to  their  lack  of  definite  policy,  to 
the  newness,  oddness  and  swiftness  of  the  situations  they  were 
called  upon  to  confront.  Neither  party  had  yet  had  very  profi- 
cient schooling  in  diplomacy.  The  Federals  had  all  the  advan- 
tage of  a  purpose.  They  could  hew  to  a  line,  however  roughly. 
The  Republicans  had  to  agitate  and  deny,  work  a  negative  situa- 
tion for  all  it  was  worth,  and  at  the  disadvantage  of  youth  and 
inexperience.  As  yet  they  had  invented  no  distinctive  affirma- 
tive American  measure  on  which  they  could  consistently  unite, 
or  risk  their  future  success. 

XITH  AMENDMENT.— Could  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
sue  a  State  ?  The  Supreme  Court  had  decided  that  a  State  was 
suable  like  any  other  corporation,  and  that  too  by  a  citizen  of 
another  State.     This  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the  members  of  the 

*  The  allusion  was  to  the  various  secret  associations  formed  for  working  up  an 
American-French  sentiment,  and  popularizing,  if  not  justifying,  such  conduct  as 
Genet  had  been  guilty  of. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  449 

strict  construction  school.  The  Republicans  therefore  proposed 
the  XI.  Amendment,  which  limited  the  judicial  power  of  the 
United  States,  and  exempted  a  State  from  suit  in  the  Federal 
courts,  instituted  by  a  citizen  of  another  State,  or  by  a  foreign 
citizen.  The  wisdom  of  this  amendment  was  not  much  mooted 
at  the  time,  but  the  advantage  taken  of  it  by  States  which  have 
felt  inclined  to  repudiate  their  debts  has  shaken  public  faith  in 
its  justice.  It  was  proposed  March  5,  1794,  and  declared  in  force 
Jan.  8,  1798,  having  been  ratified  by  the  necessary  number  of 
States. 

TARIFF  ACT — The  Fourth. — The  Federals  succeeded  in 
amending  the  Tariff  Act  of  1792,  by  increasing  the  ad  valorem 
rates  of  duty,  June  7,  1794.  The  imperative  need  of  revenue, 
the  quiet  and  general  distribution  of  taxation  in  this  form,  and 
the  sure  and  easy  manner  of  collection,-  reconciled  many  of 
the  Republicans  to  it,  so  long  as  it  was  unmixed  with  the 
affirmative  doctrine  of  protection.  Congress  adjourned  June  9, 
1794. 

THIRD  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  3,  1794, 
at  Philadelphia.  The  session  opened  by  warm  debate  on  Hamil- 
ton's plan  of  Internal  Taxation.  These  debates  continued  at 
intervals  throughout  the  session,  and  resulted  in  the  passage  of 
the  measure,  the  Republicans  not  being  able  to  keep  their  opposi- 
tion solid.  Hamilton  resigned  from  the  Cabinet  in  January,  1795, 
and  was  succeeded  (Feb,  2)  by  Oliver  Wolcott,  of  Connecticut. 
Congress  adjourned  sine  die  March  3,  1795. 

EXCITING  INTERVAL.— Minister  Jay  had  succeeded  in  a 
treaty  with  England  by  November,  1794.  It  reached  America 
March  7,  1795.  The  Senate  was  called  to  consider  it,  June  8, 
1795.  It  was  ratified  by  a  two-third  majority,  and  while  await- 
ing the  President's  signature  its  contents  (June  29)  were  pre- 
maturely divulged  by  one  of  the  Senators.  Its  appearance  was 
the  signal  for  a  Republican  attack  on  the  administration,  and  on 
all  concerned  in  its  negotiation  and  ratification,  which  for  the 
directness  and  bitterness  of  its  personalism  has  probably  never 
been  surpassed.  Meetings  were  called  in  the  cities  to  denounce 
it,  and  to  present  appeals  to  the  President  not  to  sign  it.  It  was 
29 


450  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

denounced  as  not  covering  any  of  the  causes  of  grievance.  It 
left  England  at  liberty  to  impress  American  seamen,  to  interfere 
with  our  commerce,  to  shut  off  our  West  India  trade,  and  so 
on.  The  President  signed  it.  This  turned  denunciation  of  the 
treaty  into  abuse  of  his  administration  and  himself.  He  was 
charged  with  usurpation,  with  indifference  to  American  prisoners 
in  Algiers,  with  embezzlement  of  public  funds,  with  official 
incapacity  then  and  during  the  Revolution,  with  hostility  to  his 
country's  interests,  and  even  with  treason.  Malignity  took  the 
form  of  threats  to  impeach,  and  even  to  assassinate  him.  On 
Republican  lips  he  was  no  longer  "  the  Father,"  but  "  the  Step- 
father of  his  Country."  "  He  would  rather  be  in  his  grave  than 
in  the  Presidency,"  was  his  sad  comment  on  these  thoughtless 
and  vulgar  drives  at  his  private  character.  The  treaty  itself 
came  to  his  vindication.  England  speedily  removed  her  Lake 
forts  from  American  soil.  In  less  than  a  year  American  com- 
merce took  a  rebound.  Jay's  much  denounced  treaty  passed 
into  political  history  with  the  approval  of  its  bitterest  opponents. 
FOURTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  December  7, 

1795,  at  Philadelphia.  Senate  contained  a  Federal  majority: 
House  a  Republican,  though  not  united,  majority.  Jonathan 
Dayton,  Federal,  of  New  Jersey,  was  elected  Speaker.  The 
President's  message  was  approved  by  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of 
14  to  8.  The  Republicans  of  the  House  refused  to  agree  to  a 
resolution  which  contained  an  expression  of  "  confidence  in  the 
President  and  approval  of  his  course." 

A   CONFLICT.— The  President  sent  to  Congress,  March   1, 

1796,  his  proclamation  that  the  Jay  treaty  had  been  duly  ratified 
and  was  law.  Mr.  Livingstone,  of  New  York,  against  the  ad- 
vice of  the  more  liberal  members  of  his  party,  moved  that  the 
President  be  requested  to  send  to  the  House  a  copy  of  the  treaty 
and  all  the  papers  connected  with  it.  After  an  acrimonious  de- 
bate the  resolution  passed  by  a  vote  of  57  Republicans  to 
35  Federals.  Washington  refused  to  comply,  saying  that 
the  House  was  not  a  part  of  the  treaty-making  power.*     This 

*  This  answer  of  Washington  involved  the  principle  which  has  ever  since  been 
accepted  as  the  correct  one  regarding  treaties. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  451 

stirred  the  animosity  of  the  Republicans  still  deeper.  Word 
was  passed  to  the  country  that  a  u  British  party  "  existed,  and 
that  the  administration  had  been  corrupted  with  British  gold. 
Indignation  meetings  were  again  called.  The  House  resolved 
that  it  had  a  right  to  the  papers  because  it  was  a  judge  of  the 
necessity  of  a  treaty  wherever  an  expenditure  of  public  money 
was  involved.  The  Federals,  under  the  lead  of  Fisher  Ames, 
of  Massachusetts,  rallied  to  the  support  of  a  counter  resolution, 
declaring  that  provision  should  be  made  for  carrying  out  the 
treaty.  This  was  distracting  to  the  Republicans,  and  they 
fought-  it,  at  first  very  desperately,  through  the  month  of  April 
(to  April  29th).  In  the  meantime  the  country  was  responding, 
but  not  in  a  way  the  Republicans  had  hoped  for.  The  people 
were  tired  of  the  agitation  and  did  not  want  the  treaty  set  aside. 
A  Presidential  election  was  coming  on.  It  might  not  be  prudent 
to  push  a  doubtful  question  further  at  such  a  time.  The  Repub- 
lican majority  weakened,  fell  into  a  deliberative  mood,  and 
finally  helped  to  pass  the  Ames  resolution  by  a  vote  of  51 
to  48. 

Questions  of  revenue  occupied  the  rest  of  the  session.  One 
of  them  related  to  a  further  increase  of  Tariff  rates,  on  which 
political  lines  were  closely  drawn,  and  the  Federals,  who  fa- 
vored the  increase,  were  beaten.  Tennessee  became  a  State 
of  the  Union  June  I,  1796,  and  on  that  day  the  Congress  ad- 
journed. 

FAREWELL  ADDRESS.— On  September  17,  1796,  Wash- 
ington gave  to  the  American  people  his  farewell  address.  He 
had  been  solicited  by  men  of  both  political  parties  to  become 
for  the  third  time  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  had  been 
assured  of  the  support  of  the  people.  But  his  determination  to 
retire  to  private  life  could  not  be  altered.  His  address,  care- 
fully drawn  and  solemnly  worded,  was  his  vindication  against 
attack,  which  was  to  stand  for  all  time,  and  his  appeal  to  his 
countrymen  to  be  true  to  the  government,  to  beware  of  foreign 
influences,  to  avoid  party  strife,  and  to  cultivate  religion,  educa- 
tion, and  patriotic  devotion  to  their  institutions.  It  was  a  full 
reflex  of  the  man,  conservative,  yet  firm ;  solemn,  yet  hopeful ; 


452  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

plain,  yet  elegant;  great,  yet  unselfish.*  It  was  received  every- 
where with  approbation,  and  ranks  to-day  as  a  political  classic, 
well  worth  study  by  every  young  man. 

ELECTION  OF  1796. — The  mission  of  Washington  had 
been  to  hold  sentiment  together,  or  see  that  every  conspicuous 
shade  was  represented,  till  the  experimental  period  of  the  new 
government  had  passed.  It  had  now  passed,  and  his  retirement 
left  the  field  open  to  the  square  contention  of  parties.  By  mu- 
tual understanding,  rather  than  by  Congressional  caucus  nomina- 
tion, the  candidates  of  the  Federals  became  John  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  and  Thomas  Pinckney,  of  Maryland,  and  those 
of  the  Republicans  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  and  Aaron 
Burr,  of  New  York. 

There  was  no  platform  announcement  of  party  principles,  but 
the  Federals  claimed  to  represent  Washington's  policy  of  peace, 
neutrality,  finance,  progress,  safety,  and  the  right  as  founders  of 
the  government  to  place  its  existence  beyond  hazard  before  being 
called  upon  to  part  with  their  high  trust.  The  Republicans 
claimed  to  be  the  advocates  of  economy,  enlarged  liberty,  the 
rights  of  man,  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  charge  the  Federals  with  every  real  and  conceivable  sin  of 
commission  and  omission,  among  them  an  inclination  toward  an 
English  policy  and  form  of  government.  Though  this  latter 
was  in  manifest  forgetfulness  of  their  own  well-known  favoritism 
for  France,  the  country  was  reminded  of  it  by  a  presumptuous 
paper  issued  by  the  French  Minister,  called  an  "Address  to  the 
American  People,"  and  designed  to  influence  the  Presidential 
contest,  in  which  the  hint  was  thrown  out  that  France  would 
have  to  withhold  intercourse  with  the  United  States  if.  the 
Republicans  were  unsuccessful. 

*  One  characteristic  of  the  address  is  its  delicate  undertone  of  vindication  and 
complaint.  The  former  was  designed  and  exquisitely  incorporated.  The  latter 
seems  foreign  to  a  man  of  Washington's  iron  will.  But  he  was  withal  very  sensi- 
tive, and  it  must  have  been  well-nigh  impossible  for  even  one  of  his  high,  unbend- 
ing character,  and  though  the  paper  were  studied  and  stately  to  the  last  degree,  to 
avoid  all  shadow  of  complaint.  He  had  previously  spoken  of  the  attacks  on  him 
as  aggravatingly  malicious  and  personal,  and  made  "in  terms  so  exaggerated  and 
indecent  as  could  scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero,  a  notorious  defaulter,  or  even  a 
common  pickpocket." 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  453 

The  Presidential  election  was  held  in  November,  1796,  the 
electors  being  chosen  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States, 
a  practice  which  continued  till  1824,  and  in  some  States  till  a 
later  period. 

FOURTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— The  Congress 
met  December  5,  1796.  It  was  a  comparatively  quiet  session, 
and  void  of  party  interest.  In  February  the  count  of  the  elec- 
toral votes  was  made,  and  the  result  showed  a  glaring  defect  in 
the  method  of  choosing  the  President.  Adams  received  71  votes, 
Jefferson  68,  Pinckney  59,  and  Burr  30.  Thus  there  was  a  Fed- 
eral President  and  a  Republican  Vice-President,  with  all  the  con- 
fusion incident  to  a  change  of  administration  in  mid-term,  in 
case  of  the  death  or  disability  of  the  former,  and  all  the  danger 
to  be  apprehended  from  a  like  change  if  partisanship  or  corrup- 
tion should  accomplish  his  impeachment  or  removal.  The  ex- 
perience furnished  by  the  next  Presidential  election  brought  a 
much  needed  amendment  of  the  method  of  voting.  An  amended 
Tariff  act  was  passed  March  3,  which.made  a  slight  increase  in 
the  duty  on  manufactures  of  cotton.  Congress  adjourned  sine 
die  March  3,  1797,  and  on  March  4  Adams  and  Jefferson  were 
sworn  into  office. 

III. 

ADAMS'   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1797 — March  3,  1801. 

John  Adams,  Mass.,  President.     Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  Vice- 
President.     Seat  of  Government  at  Philadelphia. 


Congresses.  Sessions. 

{1,  May  15,  1797-July  10,  1797,  extra  session. 
2,  November  13,  1797-July  16,  1798. 
3,  December  3,  1798-March  3,  1799. 

Sixth  Congress.      I  *'  DTeceml?er  2>  1799-May  14,  1800. 

(  2,  November  17,  1800-March  3,  1801. 

ELECTORAL   VOTE. 

Federals.  Republicans. 


Basis  of  J.  Adams,  Thos.  Pinck-  Thos.  Jeffer-  A.  Burr,  Scat- 
States.                   33»°°o-  Votes.        Mass.           ney,  Md.  son,  Va.  N.  Y.  tering. 
New  Hampshire.  .. .     4  6             6             ..  ..  ..              6 

Massachusetts 14  16            16               13  ..  ..               3 

Rhode  Island 2  4             4             ..  ..  ..             4 


454  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Electoral  Vote — Continued. 

Federals.  Republicans. 


Basis  of                  J.  Adams.  Thos.  Pinck-    Thos.  Jeffer-    A.  Burr,    Scat- 
States.                  33,°°o-  Votes.  Mass.  ney,  Md.          son,  Va.          N.  Y.       tering. 

Connecticut 7  9  9  4  ..  ..              e 

New  York 10  12  12  12 

New  Jersey 5  7  7  7 

Pennsylvania 13  15  I  2  14  13           . . 

Delaware I  3  3  3 

Maryland 8  IO  7  4  4  32 

Virginia 19  21  I  I  20  I            19 

North  Carolina 10  12  I  1  n  65 

South  Carolina 6  8  ..  8  8 

Georgia 2  4  ..  ..  4  ..             4 

Vermont 2  4  4  4 

Kentucky 2  4  ..  ..  4  4 

Tennessee I  3  ..  ..  3  3 

Totals .k>6  138  7?  59  68  30          48* 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State Timothy  Pickering,  Pa Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury.  ..Oliver  Wolcott,  Conn " 

Secretary  of  "War James  McHenry,  Md " 

Secretary  of  Navy To  Department  of  War  till  1798. 

Attorney-General Charles  Lee,  Va " 

Postmaster-General Joseph  Habersham,  Ga With  Treas. Depart,  till  1829. 

Continued. 

THE  INAUGURAL.— President  Adams  in  his  inaugural 
broadly  affirmed  the  policy  of  the  Washington  administrations, 
and  made  a  calm  and  studied  denial  of  the  oft-repeated  charges 
that  the  Federal  party  was  influenced  by  English  patronage  or 
any  love  for  England.  It  did  not  serve  to  mellow  the  bitterness 
of  the  Republicans.  On  the  contrary,  they  seemed  to  share  the 
bad  feeling  now  openly  manifested  by  the  French  Republic  on 
account  of  Republican  defeat  in  America. 

ARMED  NEUTRALITY.— Adams  found  his  administration 
between  an  upper  and  nether  millstone  of  excitement.  He  must 
act  and  that  promptly.  Steps  were  taken  toward  preserving  the 
neutrality  established  by  the  previous  administrations,  peaceably 
if  possible,  forcibly  if  necessary.  A  navy  was  improvised. 
Monroe,  an  ardent  Republican  and  Minister  to  France,  was  re- 
called,  and    C.   C.  Pinckney  sent  in  his    stead.     The    French 

*  Of  those  marked  as  scattering  Samuel  Adams  received  15;  Oliver  Ellsworth, 
11 ;  George  Clinton,  7 ;  John  Jay,  5  ;  James  Iredell,  3;  George  Washington,  2  ;  John 
Henry,  2;   S.  Johnson,  2;   and  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  I. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  455 

Directory  parted  with  Monroe,  expressing  admiration  for  the 
American  people,  and  contempt  for  the  American  government. 
They  at  the  same  time  ordered  Pinckney  to  quit  their  country, 
and  declared  they  would  receive  no  more  American  ministers 
till  their  grievances,  prominent  among  which  was  the  Jay  treaty, 
were  redressed. 

FIFTH  CONGRESS— Extra  Session.— On  hearing  of  the 
French  attitude,  the  President  called  the  Fifth  Congress  into 
Extra  Session,  May  15,  1797.  It  organized  by  electing  Jonathan 
Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  Speaker.  He  was  a  Federal,  and  that 
party  had  a  majority  in  both  branches.  The  President  developed 
his  foreign  policy  in  an  address.  It  meant  neutrality,  even  at  the 
expense  of  war  with  offenders.  But  three  envoys  were  proposed, 
to  go  to  France  and  exhaust  all  reasonable  efforts  for  peace. 
These  were  approved  by  both  Houses,  and  they  departed  on  their 
mission.     Congress  adjourned  July  10,  1797. 

AN  EMPTY  MISSION— While  the  envoys  were  absent  the 
respective  parties  kept  their  feelings  ablaze  by  the  old  charges 
of  English  and  French  influence  and  favoritism.  "  The  country 
contained  few  Americans,  but  very  many  English  and  French," 
was  remarked  of  the  situation  by  a  foreign  observer.  The 
envoys,  after  a  fruitless  effort  at  peace,  submission  to  conduct 
they  regarded  as  humiliating,  and  refusal  on  their  part  to  listen 
to  a  request' for  a  loan  to  the  French  Republic  as  a  preliminary 
to  negotiations,  came  back  to  report  their  failure,  and  meet  the 
ridicule  of  the  Republicans. 

A  CONDITION  OF  WAR.~- While  the  envoys— the  X.  Y. 
Z.  mission*  as  they  were  called — had  been  treated  hardly  by 
the  French,  and  no  better  by  their  opponents  at  home,  the 
country  was  forced  to  confront  the  solemn  fact  that  France  was 
making  not  only  secret  attack  upon  its  commerce,  under  cover 
of  law,  but  open  attack  as  well,  which  nothing  but  a  state  of  war 
would  excuse.  Any  vessel  carrying  American  shipping  papers 
was  deemed  fit  subject  for  seizure  and  confiscation. 

*  Agents  of  the  French  Directory  over  the  initials  X.  Y.  Z.  had  intimated  to  the 
envoys  the  possibility  of  their  success,  provided  they  could  offer  some  substantial 
money  inducement. 


456  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

FIFTH  CONGRESS— First  Regular  Session.— Met  at  Phila- 
delphia, Nov.  13,  1797.  The  juncture  was  critical.  The  Re- 
publicans were  so  pronouncedly  in  favor  of  France,  and 
were  so  strong,  that  it  looked  as  if  a  policy  of  "  Armed 
Neutrality "  would  at  any  moment  go  to  the  wall.  Early  in 
1798  they  were  able,  in  the  House,  to  vote  down  a  proposition  to 
arm  American  vessels.  But  the  Senate,  April  8,  made  public 
the  attempted  negotiations  of  the  envoys  to  France.  They  sur- 
prised both  parties.  The  Federals  became  furious  at  the  insult 
heaped  on  their  accredited  agents  and  at  the  double-dealing,  not 
to  say  corrupt  overtures,  of  the  French  Directory.  The  Re- 
publicans stood  aghast  at  the  revelation.  They  could  not  brook 
conduct  so  flagrant,  much  as  their  sympathies  had  been  enlisted 
in  behalf  of  their  struggling  brethren  of  France.  The  more 
patriotic  and  shrewder-minded  turned  in  with  the  Federals.  A 
respectable  minority  found  silence  golden.  American  self- 
respect  and  American  danger  impelled  to  a  common  political 
sentiment,  and  that  sentiment  found  popular  outburst  in  the  cry 
of  "  millions  for  defence,  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute." 

ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LA  WS.— Congress  co-operated 
with  the  administration  in  placing  the  government  on  a  war 
footing.  The  navy  was  strengthened,  and  orders  were  issued  to 
seize  French  vessels  operating  against  American  commerce. 
Letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  were  authorized.  Treaties  with 
France  were  declared  abrogated.  A  temporary  army  was 
ordered,  to  be  commanded  by  Washington  as  Lieutenant- 
General.  Thus  far  all  was  popular  and  unquestioned.  But 
France  was  to  be  fought  not  only  on  the  ocean  and  on  the  field. 
It  was  felt  that  she  was  stronger  in  the  country  through  her 
secret  emissaries  than  in  any  other  spot.  Hence,  the  Alien  Law, 
passed  June  25,  1798,  giving  the  President  power  to  order  aliens, 
whom  he  should  adjudge  dangerous,  out  of  the  country,  and 
providing  for  the  fine  and  imprisonment  of  those  who  refused  to 
go.  This  was  followed  by  the  Sedition  Law  of  July  14,  to  re- 
main in  force  till  March  3,  1801.  It  imposed  fine  and  imprison- 
ment on  conspirators  to  resist  government  measures,  and  on 
libellers  and  scandalizers  of  the  government,  Congress  or  Presi- 
dent. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  457 

NATURALIZATION  LAW.— -This  law  required  an  alien  to 
reside  fourteen  years  in  the  United  States  before  he  could  be 
naturalized.  The  Federals  favored  it  on  general  principles  of 
safety  to  the  country,  and  because  they  felt  that  they  could  not 
hope  for  accessions  to  their  party  from  any  foreign  element  then 
likely  to  become  immigrant.  The  Republicans  fought  for  a  five- 
year  probation,  on  the  ground  that  America  was  properly  an 
asylum  for  all  nations,  that  a  longer  term  would  cause  too  many 
of  the  inhabitants  to  owe  no  allegiance,  and  because  they 
knew,  with  the  Federals,  that  immigrants  would  naturally 
augment  their  political  ranks.  The  Congress  adjourned  July 
1 6,  1798. 

STORMY  INTER  VAL.— War  action  had  been  set  into  feverish 
reaction  by  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.,  which  the  Republicans 
regarded  as  a  violent  stretch  of  constitutional  authority,  and  as 
arming  the  government  with  altogether  too  much  power,  even 
for  war  times.  Not  choosing  to  distinguish  between  themselves 
and  those  at  whom  the  laws  were  aimed,  they  claimed  that  they 
were  a  menace  to  all  Republicans,  that  they  abridged  liberty  of 
speech  and  the  press,  that  they  were  unconstitutional  out  and 
out.  They  had  the  best  of  the  argument  before  the  country, 
for  the  Federals  could  only  justify  them  by  the  necessities  of  the 
hour.  Constitutional  construction  was  then  in  its  infancy,  and 
any  new  step  was  likely  to  excite  jealousy  and  alarm.  As  a 
matter  of  policy,  they  were  a  step  beyond  what  the  Federals  need 
have  taken.  They  had,  without  them,  a  patriotic  and  permanent 
standpoint,  and  they  had  for  it  a  strong  Republican  support, 
especially  among  the  people,  caused  by  the  action  of  the  French 
Directory.  Their  execution  gave  greater  offence  than  their 
enactment.  Having  gone  too  far  to  retract,  the  administration 
insisted  on  carrying  them  out,  even  though  France  had  come 
forward  to  deny  any  knowledge  of  bribery  and  corruption  on  the 
part  of  her  agents,  and  had  expressed  a  desire  for  peace.  Thus 
they  became  a  torment  to  the  Federals,  present  and  recurring. 
Aware  of  their  keenness  as  a  political  weapon  the  Republicans 
drove  it  home  on  every  occasion. 

CONGRESSIONAL   ELECTIONS.— -Though  the  enforce- 


458  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

meat  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  was  a  source  of  weakness 
to  the  Federals,  the  Republicans  soon  felt  they  could  not  hope 
by  their  opposition  to  them  to  carry  the  fall  (1798)  Congressional 
elections.  They  therefore  turned  their  attention  to  the  State 
Legislatures,  feeling  that  there  their  opposition  could  be  made 
effective  in  the  next  Presidential  election.  Effort  took  the  shape 
of  denunciatory  resolutions  (really  proclamations)  passed  by  the 
Legislatures  of  two  States.  They  are  noteworthy  as  being  the 
first  formal  declaration  of  strict  construction  views  of  the  day, 
and  are  worthy  of  study  as  containing  the  doctrine  on  which  all 
subsequent  strict  constructionists  have  relied  for  their  advocacy 
of  State  sovereignty,  nullification  and  secession. 

RESOLUTIONS  OF  1798.— The  Kentucky  resolutions  were 
drawn  by  Jefferson,  the  Virginia  resolutions  by  Madison.  Both 
were  adopted  by  the  respective  State  Legislatures.  The  Vir- 
ginia resolutions  declared  the  Constitution  to  be  a  compact  made 
by  the  States  and  to  form  which  the  States  had  agreed  to  sur- 
render only  a  part  of  their  own  powers.  The  Federal  govern- 
ment could  not  exceed  the  authority  delegated  to  it  by  the 
States.  If  it  did  the  States  had  a  right  to  stop  it,  and  to  main- 
tain the  powers  they  had  reserved  to  themselves.  The  Alien 
and  Sedition  Laws  were  usurpations  of  powers  not  granted  to 
the  Federal  government,  for  the  Constitution  forbade  any  abridg- 
ment of  liberty  of  speech  or  the  press.  The  State  of  Virginia 
declared  them  unconstitutional,  and  appealed  to  the^  other  States 
to  join  her.  The  governor  was  ordered  to  lay  the  resolutions 
before  the  other  State  Legislatures.  They  were  repeated  in 
1799. 

The  Kentucky  resolutions  repeated  those  of  Virginia  in  sub- 
stance, and  added  that  the  Federal  compact  was  as  if  a  contract 
between  two  parties,  the  States  being  one,  and  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment the  other;  and  that  each  party  was  to  be  the  judge  of 
any  breach  of  the  agreement,  as  well  as  of  the  manner  of  redress. 
These  were  also  repeated  in  1799,  but  with  the  wonderfully  bold 
amendment,  designed  to  draw  the  line  between  party  opposition 
and  criminal  or  treasonable  opposition  to  the  government,  that 
the  rightful  remedy  on  the  part  of  a  State  was  "  nullification  of 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  459 

all  unauthorized  acts  (by  the  Federal  government)  done  under 
color  of  that  instrument  (the  Constitution)."  It  ought  to  be 
observed,  in  justice  to  Jefferson,  ever  diplomatic,  if  very  ardent 
in  his  Republicanism,  and  who,  at  this  time  a  prospective  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency,  would  not  willingly  have  jeopardized 
his  chances,  however  anxious  he  might  have  been  to  force  home 
on  the  Federals  their  mistake, in  passing  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws,  that  the  final  position  taken  in  the  Kentucky  resolutions 
was  far  more  ultra  than  his  own,  and  that  it  was  not  regarded  as 
good  strict  construction  doctrine,  till  other  causes,  times  and 
men,*  conspired  to  give  it  sanction  and  render  it  operative. 

FIFTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  at  Philadelphia, 
Dec.  3,  1798.  Irregular  ocean  warfare  was  still  going  on  be- 
tween American  and  French  privateers.  There  was  scarcely 
any  opposition  to  an  increase  of  the  navy,  but  the  Republicans 
antagonized  every  measure  for  an  increase  of  the  army,  alleging 
that  none  was  needed  and  that  the  matter  was  only  an  ingenious 
Federal  scheme,  gotten  up  for  the  sake  of  providing  places  for 
their  party  leaders.  The  President,  who  had  hitherto  been  firm, 
but  who  began  to  feel  that  his  firmness  was  really  a  source  of 
weakness  so  far  as  his  aspirations  to  succeed  himself  in  office 
were  concerned,  departed  from  his  determination  not  to  negotiate 
further  with  France,  and,  without  consulting  his  Cabinet,  sent 
three  other  envoys  to  treat  for  peace.  This  action  led  to  a  divi- 
sion in  the  Cabinet,  and  the  protesting  members  met  with  the 
approval  of  the  Federal  party  at  large.  The  effort  of  the  Presi- 
dent to  recover  lost  ground  with  the  Republicans  lost  him  more 
ground  within  his  own  party.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die 
March  3,  1799. 

SIXTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  at  Philadelphia, 
Dec.  2,  1799.  Theodore  Sedgwick  of  Massachusetts  was  chosen 
Speaker.  He  was  a  Federal,  and  the  Federals  had  a  good  work- 
ing majority  in  both  Houses.  They  represented  the  war  feeling 
of  the  country,  and  had  been  chosen  before  sentiment  began  to 
revolt  against  the  enforcement  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws, 
at  least  before  such  revolting  sentiment  could  be  made  effective 

*  Notably  1832,  Calhoun's  time;  and  i860,  the  era  of  open  secession. 


460  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  the  Congressional  districts.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  Repub- 
licans to  avoid  all  party  contests.  Drawing  their  inspiration 
from  Jefferson,  they  kept  quiet,  conscious  that  the  ferment  of 
opposition  already  active  in  the  body  politic  would  work  favor- 
ably to  them,  and  by  no  means  displeased  witnesses  of  the 
estrangement,  gradually  growing  wider,  between  the  President, 
and  such  prominent  Federal  leaders  as  Hamilton  and  others. 
The  Federals  in  Congressional  caucus  nominated  as  their  candi- 
dates for  the  Presidency  John  Adams,  of  Mass.,  and  C.  C. 
Pinckney,  of  S.  C.  The  Republicans,  in  a  Congressional  Con- 
vention* at  Philadelphia,  nominated  Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  and 
Aaron  Burr,  N.  Y.     Congress  adjourned  May  14,  i8oo.t 

ELECTION  OF  1800.— Though  the  Legislatures  of  the 
States  did  not  meet  to  choose  Presidential  electors  till  Novem- 
ber, the  fact  that  those  bodies  chose  them  made  the  Presidential 
result  turn  on  their  political  complexion.  The  Presidential  elec- 
tion was  therefore  in  reality  scattered  over  a  great  part  of  the 
year  previous  to  November.  Adams  was  unfortunate  in  not 
having  the  undivided  support  of  his  party.     The  State  election 

*  This  term  "  Congressional  Convention  "  implies  what  we  would  now  under- 
stand to  be  a  Congressional  Caucus.  It  was  full,  formal  and  called,  and  therein 
differed  from  those  informal  caucuses  of  members  which  had  bespoke  former  nom- 
inations. The  first  political  platform,  and  the  only  one  till  the  Clintonian  address 
or  platform  of  1 812,  was  that  of  this  Republican  Congressional  Convention  of  1800 
which  nominated  Jefferson.  It  announced  (1)  "  Preservation  of  the  Constitution  in 
the  sense  in  which  it  was  adopted  by  the  States;  "  (2)  "  Opposition  to  monarchizing 
its  features;"  (3)  "Preservation  to  the  States  of  the  powers  not  yielded  to  the 
Union,  and  to  the  Legislature  of  the  Union  its  constitutional  share  in  division  of 
powers;"  (4)  "A  rigorously  frugal  administration  of  the  government;"  (5)  "Re- 
liance for  internal  defence  solely  on  the  militia,  until  actual  invasion,  and  for  such 
naval  force  only  as  may  be  sufficient  to  protect  our  coasts  and  harbors ;  "  (6)  "  Free 
commerce  with  all  nations,  political  connection  with  none,  and  little  or  no  diplo- 
matic establishment;"  (7)  "No  linking  ourselves  with  the  quarrels  of  Europe;  " 
(8)  "Freedom  of  religion;"  (9)  "Freedom  of  speech  and  the  press;"  (10) 
"  Liberal  naturalization  laws;  "   (11)  "  Encouragement  of  science  and  art." 

f  On  May  13,  1800,  the  sixth  amended  Tariff  act  was  passed,  raising  the  duty  on 
sugar  one-half  cent  per  pound,  and  on  silk  2^  per  cent.  The  rates  on  the  leading 
articles  now  ranged  as  follows :  Sugar,  2)^  cents  per  pound ;  coffee,  5  cents  per 
pound  ;  tea,  18  cents  per  pound;  salt,  20  cents  per  bushel;  pig  iron,  15  per  cent.; 
bar  iron,  15  per  cent.;  glass,  20  per  cent.;  cotton  goods,  15  per  cent.;  woollens, 
\2]/2  to  15  per  cent.;  silk,  2J^  per  cent. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  461 

in  New  York,  April  28,  resulted  in  a  Republican  Legislature. 
This  result,  due  more  to  Hamilton's  estrangement  than  to  either 
Jefferson's  or  Burr's  popularity,  was  a  bad  omen  for  the  Federals. 
Adams  was  so  piqued  that  he  dismissed  Hamilton's  friends  from 
the  cabinet,  and  they  went  forth  branded  as  British  factionists. 
The  Republicans  had  been  making  their  ground  solid  in  the 
States  by  such  means  as  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions 
for  two  years.  But  despite  their  seeming  advantage  of  harmony 
and  popular  hue  and  cry,  the  returns  in  November  were  doubt- 
ful till  South  Carolina  was  heard  from.  Her  vote  settled  the 
election  in  favor  of  the  Republicans. 

SIXTH  CONGRESS- -Second  Session.— Met  at  Washing- 
ton, Nov.  17,  1800.*  This  short  session  had  a  problem  on  hand 
which  loomed  up  in  the  Fourth  Congress,  and  which  in  certain 
shapes  has  returned  periodically  to  plague  Congress  and  the 
people.  The  electors  had  voted  under  the  then  existing  consti- 
tutional provision,  each  for  two  candidates  not  of  the  same 
State.  In  February,  1 801,  when  Congress  came  to  count  the 
returns,  it  was  found  that  Jefferson  and  Burr  each  had  73  votes, 
Adams  65  and  Pinckney  64.  There  was  therefore  no  choice,  for 
no  one  candidate  had  the  highest  vote. 

CONTESTED  ELECTION— The  election  passed  to  the 
House,  where  a  protracted  struggle  resulted,  and  one  full  of  bit- 
terness and  danger.  The  Federal  element  had  to  choose  between 
two  Republicans,  one  of  whom,  Jefferson,  the  Republicans  were 
bent  on  making  the  President,  the  other,  Burr,  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Some  of  the  Federals  preferred  to  reverse  this,,  not  only 
to  balk  the  Republican  plan,  but  because  they  regarded  Jefferson 
as  a  more  formidable  opponent  than  Burr.  Burr  himself  fell,  of 
course,  to  this  idea,  and  fostered  it  by  all  the  arts  of  which  he 
was  the  well-known  master.  Balloting  began  Feb.  1 1,  and,  after 
running  for  several  days,  the  Federals  proposed  to  confess  their 
inability  to  elect  by  vote  of  the  States.  Against  this  the  Repub- 
licans threatened  armed  resistance.     After  other  days  were  con- 

*  The  Capitol  building  was  ready  in  June,  1 800,  and  the  ten  years  during  which 
the  seat  of  government  was  to  remain  at  Philadelphia  having  expired,  it  was  form- 
ally removed  to  Washington  at  this  session  of  Congress. 


462  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sumed  in  idle  balloting,  the  Federals  were  charged  with  a  wish 
to  put  off  the  election  till  after  the  4th  of  March  and  thus  to 
make  John  Jay,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  tempo- 
rary President.  The  result  proved  that  this  charge  had  no 
foundation.  Burr  finally  lost  caste  in  his  attempts  to  dicker  with 
the  Federals,  and  Jefferson  won  on  the  36th  ballot,  Feb.  17,  by 
securing  ten  States,  leaving  four  for  Burr  and  two  blank.  This 
contention  so  clearly  proved  the  defects  and  dangers  of  the  plan 
of  electoral  voting  that  the  Twelfth  Amendment  was  proposed 
to  the  Constitution,  Dec.  12,  1803,  and  declared  in  force  Sept. 
25,  1804.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1801.  Jeffer- 
son was  sworn  in  as  President  and  Burr  as  Vice-President, 
March  4. 

IV. 

JEFFERSON'S   FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 
March  4,  1801 — March  3,  1805. 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  President.     Aaron  Burr,  N.  Y.,  Vice- 
President.     Seat  of  Government  at  Washington. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Seventh  Congress.     /  \  December  7,  '801-May  3,  1802. 
(  2,  December  6,  1802-Marcn  3,  1803. 

Ftphth  Conprfss         I  l*  °ctober  r7>  1803-March  27,  1804.  . 
EIGHTH  CONGRESS.  j  ^  Noyember  ^  l8o4-March  3,  1805. 

ELECTORAL  VOTE. 

Republicans.  Federals. 

Basis  ot  Thos.  Jeffer-  A.  Burr,  J.  Adams,     C.  C.  Pinclc- 

States.                         33»ooo.  Votes.  son,  Va.          N.  Y.  Mass.           ney,  S.  C. 

Connecticut 7  9  .  •                ..    •  9                   9 

Delaware I  3  ..               ..  3                  3 

Georgia 2  4  4                 4 

Kentucky...*. 2  4  4                4  .. 

Maryland 8  IO  5                 5  5                   5 

Massachusetts 14  16  . .                . .  16                 16 

New  Hampshire. .. .     4  6  ..               ..  6                  6 

New  Jersey 5  7  ..               ..  7                  7 

New  York 10  12  12               12 

North  Carolina 10  12  884  4 

Pennsylvania 13  15  6                 8  7                   7 

Rhode  Island 2  4  ..             Sc*  4                   3 

South  Carolina 6  8  8                8 

Tennessee I  3  5                 3  .. 

Vermont 2  4  ..                ..  4                   4 

Virginia 19  21  21                21  .. 

Totals 106  138  73               73  65                64f 

*  This  one  vote  was  thrown  for  John  Jay. 

f  No  choice.  See  contested  election  on  p.  461. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  463 

CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State James  Madison,  Va. 

Secretary  of  Treasury..  .Samuel  Dexter,  Mass Continued. 

Secretary  of  War Henry  Dearborn,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  Navy Benjamin  Stoddard,  Md Continued. 

Attorney-General Levi  Lincoln,  Mass. 

Postmaster-General. Joseph  Habersham,  Ga Continued. 

POLITICAL  REVOLUTION.— The  Republican  sweep  was 
clean,  up  to  the  door  of  the  Judiciary.  Adams'  defeat  was  keenly 
felt,  though  not  unexpected.  He  had  many  admirers  who  remem- 
bered with  pride  his  eloquence  in  behalf  of  Independence,  and 
his  bold  stand  in  favor  of  Federalism.  But  the  loss  of  a  Presi- 
dent was  as  nothing  compared  with  the  permanent  oreak  in  the 
Federal  lines.  The  breaches  were  too  wide  for  healing.  The 
prestige  it  had  acquired  in  placing  the  government  on  a  firm 
basis,  in  anxious  controversy  for  such  power  as  would  make  it 
respected  at  home  and  abroad,  in  spirited  contention  for  a  policy 
of  neutrality,  and  in  timely,  though  not  very  masterly,  effort  to 
restrain  the  French  Republican  influence,  had  been  badly  clouded 
by  some  of  its  later  efforts  to  hold  political  place,  or  at  least  pre- 
vent certain  of  its  opponents  from  holding  the  same.  Its  internal 
weaknesses  were  now  in  sad  contrast  with  that  former  boldness 
which  successfully  dared  the  most  intricate  financial  problems, 
provided  an  ample  revenue,  and  established  an  enduring  national 
credit. 

NEW  POWER. — Jefferson's  inaugural  address  laid  down  the 
policy  of  the  Republican  party.  After  attempting  to  remove 
asperities  and  smooth  differences,  he  announced  the  intention 
to  continue  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  reduce  the  army  and 
navy,  lower  taxes,  restrict  the  power  of  Federal  government  to 
the  lowest  limit  permitted  by  the  Constitution,  and  preserve  the 
State  governments  in  all  their  rights.  While  the  message  had 
the  effect  of  abating  party  spirit  somewhat,  the  old  outcrops  of 
enmity  were  still  frequent.  Federals  were  still  "  Black  Cockade 
Federals."  Republicans  were  still  "  Democrats  and  Jacobins." 
The  wealth,  intellect  and  culture  of  the  country,  largely  of  Fed- 
eral type,  naturally  felt  apprehensive  of  a  situation  now  com- 
manded by  those  it  had  learned  to  look  upon  with  distrust  and 


404  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  associate  with  what  was  foreign  and  revolutionary  in  spirit. 
Perhaps  they  saw  in  Jefferson  himself  all  they  feared  from  his 
party,  when  they  spoke  of  him  as  "  an  atheist  in  religion  and  a 
fanatic  in  politics." 

REMOVALS  FROM  OFFICE.— The  President  proceeded 
immediately  to  undo  some  of  the  centralizing  measures  of  the 
preceding  administration  by  pardoning  those  imprisoned  under 
the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  Then  he  turned  his  attention  to 
his  party  friends  anxious  for  office.  His  removal  of  Elizur 
Goodrich,  Federal,  from  the  Collectorship  of  New  Haven,  and 
the  appointment  of  Samuel  Bishop,  Republican,  in  his  stead,  was 
looked  upon  as  a  proscriptive  innovation,  and  brought  a  Federal 
storm  about  his  ears.  Washington  had  made  his  appointments 
without  reference  to  political  opinions.  Adams  had  made  few 
removals  and  none  for  political  reasons.  Why  should  the  old 
rule  be  broken?  And  especially  why  should  it  be  broken  in 
this  instance  when  Goodrich  was  competent  and  Bishop  was  78 
years  old  and  incompetent?  To  all  which  Jefferson  made  the 
memorable  reply  whose  spirit  was,  in  Jackson's  time,  incorpo- 
rated into  the  aphorism,  "  To  the  victor  belongs  the  spoils." 
With  rare  sagacity,  he,  however,  drew  a  fine  line  of  distinction 
between  removals  for  retaining  opinions  and  removals  for  using 
influence.  The  former  he  would  not  make,  the  latter  he  would 
make.  And  again  he  would  rebuke  President  Adams,  by  re- 
moving all  his  appointees  after  the  result  of  the  Presidential 
election  became  known.*  All  of  this  is  interesting  as  the  rather 
cautious  beginning  of  that  policy  of  removal  from  office,  and 
appointment  thereto,  which  grew  by  slow  degrees  until  Jackson 

*  Jefferson  said  that  it  was  not  "  political  intolerance  to  claim  a  proportionate  share 
in  the  direction  of  public  affairs.  If  a  due  participation  of  office  is  a  matter  of  right, 
how  are  vacancies  to  be  obtained  ?  Those  by  death  are  few,  by  resignation  none." 
He  would  base  his  causes  for  removal  as  "  much  as  possible  on  delinquency,  on 
oppression,  on  intolerance,  on  ante-revolutionary  adherence  to  our  enemies."  After 
thus  getting  a  fair  quota  of  the  offices  for  his  party,  and  thus  correcting  what  he 
charged  as  erroneous  procedure  on  the  part  of  his  predecessor,  he  said,  "  that  done, 
I  will  return  with  joy  to  that  state  of  things  when  the  only  questions  concerning  a 
candidate  shall  be  :  Is  he  honest  ?  Is  he  capable  ?  Is  he  faithful  to  the  Constitu- 
tion ?" 


RULING   THROUGH     PARTIES.  465 

claimed  the  policy  to  be  an  indisputable  right,  and  which  has  been 
exercised  since  by  all  political  parties  as  such,  until  questioned 
by  the  civil  service  reform  spirit  of  the  present  day. 

SEVENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  7,  1801. 
Organized  by  electing  Nathaniel  Macon,  Republican,  of  North 
Carolina,  Speaker,  there  being  a  small  Republican  majority  in 
both  branches.  Instead  of  delivering  his  message  in  person  to 
the  Congress  as  Washington  and  Adams  had  done,  Jefferson 
presented  it  in  writing  and  thus  established  a  custom  which  has 
ever  since  been  maintained,  for  convenience  sake  as  well  as  for 
its  accordance  with  republican  simplicity.  The  Congress  went 
manfully  to  work  to  modify  previous  Federal  legislation.  The 
limit  for  naturalization  was  fixed  at  five  years,  with  privilege  of 
declaration  of  intention  after  a  residence  of  three  years.  The  act 
of  1798  required  a  residence  of  fourteen  years.  A  sinking  fund 
was  established.  The  army,  navy  and  taxes  were  reduced. 
Perhaps  the  most  direct  blow  at  the  Federals  was  the  repeal  of 
the  Judiciary  law.  The  law  of  the  previous  session  had  estab- 
lished twenty-four  new  Circuit  Courts,  the  officers  for  which 
Adams  had  appointed  the  last  thing  before  retiring.  The  Re- 
publicans said  this  was  an  abuse  of  his  power,  in  that  the  com- 
missions had  been  made  out  and  signed  after  the  results  of  the 
Presidential  election  had  become  known.  They  called  them 
"midnight  judges,"  and  though  the  Federals  declared  that  there 
was  judicial  work  for  all  of  them,  and  further  that  Adams  had 
not  exceeded  his  authority  in  granting  their  commissions,  the 
Republicans  found  a  way  to  overcome,  for  the  time  being,  their 
strict  construction  notions  and  repeal  the  bill.  This  drove  the 
Federals  from  their  last  hold  on  the  government,  and  they  never 
recovered  their  lost  ground.  Ohio  entered  the  Union  Nov.  29, 
1802.     Congress  adjourned  May  3,  1802. 

LOUISIANA  PURCHASE.— Republican  zeal  for  France  and 
the  French  Republican  cause  received  a  blow  early  in  1802  when 
it  was  announced  that  Spain  had  secretly  ceded  the  Louisiana 
Territory  to  France.  Our  government  had  been  making  war 
preparations  against  Spain  in  order  to  settle  the  right  to  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  equal  privileges  about  the 
30 


466  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

Gulf  entrance.  By  the  cession  to  France,  the  entire  programme 
changed.  The  government  was  confronted  with  a  new  and  more 
formidable  owner  of  this  vast  country  of  Louisiana,*  and  proba- 
bly with  a  new  set  of  complications.  Minister  Livingston  was 
instructed  to  remonstrate  with  the  French  Emperor  and  to  say 
that  France's  possession  of  this  territory  would  drive  the  Ameri- 
can Republic  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  England.  James 
Monroe  was  sent  to  Livingston's  aid,  with  instructions  to  buy 
Florida  and  the  Island  of  Orleans,  which  Jefferson  mistakingly 
supposed  had  been  embraced  in  the  Spanish  cession  to  France. 
Monroe  found  France  in  need  of  money  for  contemplated  war 
on  England  and  not  averse  to  selling  all  of  Louisiana.  A  bar- 
gain was  at  once  struck  for  $15,000,000,  and  though  Monroe 
had  exceeded  his  instructions  and  no  authority  existed  anywhere 
for  the  transaction,  Jefferson  agreed  to  the  contract,  trusting  to 
the  Congress  and  the  people  to  stand  by  him.  In  this  he  was 
not  disappointed.  The  treaty  of  purchase  was  ratified  by  the 
Senate,  Oct.  20,  1803. 

SEVENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  6, 
1802.  The  respective  parties  were  so  watchful  of  each  other  and 
so  resolute  that  each  failed  to  accomplish  any  significant  political 
legislation.  The  action  of  Spain  was  censured  by  the  Republi- 
cans. Attempts  to  amend  the  Constitutional  mode  of  electing  a 
President,  to  abolish  the  mint,  and  to  fasten  a  charge  of  mis- 
management on  the  Treasury  Department,  failed.  Congress 
adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1803. 

EIGHTH  CONGRESS — First  Session. — This  Congress  was 
called  together  Oct.  17,  1803,  in  order  that  the  treaty  for  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana  might  be  disposed  of.  The  Republican 
majority  had  been  increased,  the  Federals  having  lost  some  of 
their  best  leaders.  Nathaniel  Macon  was  again  chosen  Speaker. 
The  debates  on  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  were  similar  to  those 
over  the  Jay  treaty  of  1795,  but  parties  were  turned  right  round, 
the  Republicans  using  the  old  Federal,  and  the  Federals  the  old 
Anti-Federal  logic.  As  observed  above,  the  treaty  was  ratified 
by  the  Senate  Oct.  20,  1803,  and  the  House  made  the  appropria- 

*  For  fuller  account  of  this  purchase,  see  ante,  page  92. 


RULING    THROUGH   PARTIES.  467 

tion  to  carry  it  into  effect.*  The  Twelfth  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  changing  the  mode  of  Presidential  election  was 
passed  Dec.  12,  1803,  and  ratified  by  the  States  by  Sept.  25, 
1804.  The  first  articles  of  impeachment  under  the  new  govern- 
ment were  voted  by  the  House  against  Judge  Pickering  of  the 
United  States  District  Court  of  New  Hampshire,  for  occasional 
drunkenness.  The  articles  were  sustained  and  the  judge  dis- 
missed. Other  articles  were  voted  against  Judge  Chase,  of  Md., 
and  Judge  Peters,  of  Pa.,  for  arbitrary  conduct  in  trying  cases 
under  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  The  Federals  took  alarm 
at  these  steps  and  boldly  charged  the  Republicans  with  a  design 
to  make  places  for  their  party  judges,  and  to  impair  if  not 
destroy  the  judiciary.  An  amended  tariff  bill  was  passed 
March  26,  which,  if  anything,  increased  the  average  rate  of 
duties  then  existing.     Congress  adjourned  March  27,  1804. 

ELECTION  OF  1804. — Burr  had  never  secured  Jefferson's 
confidence  after  the  suspicion  that  he  had  tried  to  barter  with  the 
Federals  for  his  defeat  during  the  previously  disputed  Presi- 
dential election.  Besides  he  had  then  come  too  near  the  Presi- 
dency to  suit  Jefferson's  idea  of  his  own  success.  He  was  there- 
fore sacrificed  in  the  Congressional  caucus,  and  Jefferson  and 
George  Clinton  of  New  York  became  the  Republican  nominees 
for  President.  The  nominees  of  the  Federals  were  C.  C.  Pinck- 
ney,  S.  C,  and  Rufus  King,  N.  Y.  The  Federals  were  vanquished 
in  every  State  except  Connecticut,  Delaware  and  part  of  Mary- 
land. 

EIGHTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  5, 
1804.  The  session  was  not  complimentary  to  the  Republican 
majority.  The  impeachment  trial  of  Judge  Chase  came  on 
under  the  articles  previously  drawn  in  the  House.  It  took  a 
decided  partisan  turn  and  awakened  the  bitterest  sentiment. 
Burr,  who  was  under  a  cloud  for  having  killed  Hamilton,  and 
who  felt  keenly  the  disappointment  of  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
his    Republican    friends,  did  much,  as  presiding  officer  at  the 

*  Senate  vote  for  ratification  was  24  to  7  ;  and  House  vote  for  the  appropriation 
was  90  to  25,  so  that  the  purchase,  notwithstanding  its  irregularity,  was  abundantly 
confirmed. 


468 


BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


trial,  by  his  refusal  to  hearken  to  the  demands  of  his  party,  to 
re-establish  his  lost  reputation.  This  angered  the  Republicans 
all  the  more,  and  when  their  determination  to  convict  was  met 
by  a  square  verdict  of  acquittal  on  all  the  charges,  they  proposed 
several  Constitutional  amendments  (none  of  which  carried), 
making  impeachment,  conviction  and  removal  from  office  easier. 
The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February.  Jefferson  and 
Clinton  had  162,  and  Pinckney  and  King,  14.  The  Eighth 
Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1804.  The  success- 
ful Presidential  candidates  were  sworn  into  office  March  4, 
1804. 

V. 


JEFFERSON'S   SECOND   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1805 — March  3,  1809. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Va.,  President.     George  Clinton,  N.  Y., 

Vice-President. 


Congresses. 
Ninth  Congress. 

Tenth  Congress. 


Sessions. 

f  1,  December  2,  1805- April  21,  1806. 
\  2,  December  I,  1806-March  3,  1807. 

j  1,  October  26,  1807-April  25,  1808. 
(  2,  November  7,  1808-March  3,  1809. 


ELECTORAL   VOTE* 


Basis  of 
33,000. 

7 


States. 
Connecticut . . . 

Delaware I 

Georgia 4 

Kentucky 6 

Maryland 9 

Massachusetts 17 

New  Hampshire. ...  5 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 17 

North  Carolina.  ...  12 

Ohio 1 


Votes. 
9 


Republicans. 


Federals. 


Thos.  Jeffer- 
son, Va. 


G.  Clin- 
ton, N.Y. 


C.  C.  Pinck- 
ney, S.  C. 

9 
3 


R.  King, 

N.Y. 


*  While  the  nominations  did  not  distinguish  between  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, the  candidates  were  voted  for  as  if  they  had  been  so  distinguished,  the  Con- 
stitutional amendment  (the  twelfth)  having  been  ratified  in  September  in  time  for 
the  vote  to  be  cast  under  its  provisions. 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES.  460 

Republicans.  Federals. 


Basis  of 

Thos.  J« 

iffer- 

G.  Clin- 

C. C.  Pinck- 

R.Kim 

States. 

33,000. 

Votes. 

son,  V 

a. 

ton,  N.Y. 

ney,  S.  C. 

N.Y. 

Pennsylvania ...  . 

...    18 

20 

20 

20 

Rhede  Island..  . 

.  ..       2 

4 

4 

4 

South  Carolina.. 

...     8 

10 

10 

IO 

Tennessee    .... 

•  ••     3 

5 

5 

5 

Vermont 

...     4 

6 

6 

6 

Virginia.  .  . 

. . .   22 

24 
176 

24 
162 

24 
162 

Totals 

..  T42 

~I4~ 

~H 

THE  cabinet. 

Secretary  of  State James  Madison,  Va Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury.  .  .  .Albert  Gallatin,  Pa " 

Secretary  of  War Henry  Dearborn,  Mass.  ...  " 

Secretary  of  Navy Jacob  Crowninshield,  Mass. 

Attorney-General Robert  Smith,  Md. 

Postmaster-General Gideon  Granger,  Conn. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— The  Congressional  elections 
had  been  nearly  as  disastrous  to  the  Federals  as  the  Presidential 
election.  They  were  strong  only  in  New  England,  and  even 
there  Vermont  had  turned  Republican.  Federalism  was  clearly 
moribund.  The  Republicans  had  the  affirmative.  The  times 
were  prolific  of  new  situations,  which  could  be  turned  to  popular 
account.  Jefferson  understood  the  art  of  keeping  his  party  on  a 
happy  vantage  ground  better  than  any  statesman  in  it,  and  as  he 
had  its  entire  confidence,  so  far  as  the  masses  were  concerned, 
he  exercised  a  control  which  was  quite  autocratic. 

NINTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  2,  1805. 
Organized  by  re-electing  Nathaniel  Macon  Speaker.  Both 
Houses  strongly  Republican.  A  notable  event  was  the 
estrangement  of  John  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  from  the  President. 
His  ambition  to  go  as  Minister  to  England  had  not  been  grati- 
fied, and  he  had  failed  also  in  his  aspirations  to  be  the  leader  of 
the  administration  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  He  therefore  with 
a  small  following  threw  his  strength  to  the  Federals,  and  thus 
augmented  they  became  a  brilliant,  determined  and  useful  mi- 
nority. The  Spanish  Mississippi  situation  was  still  delicate.  It 
was  decided  that  the  best  way  to  settle  it  was  to  buy  out  the  re- 
maining interest  of  Spain  in  our  soil.  The  President  was  author- 
ized to  make  the  purchase,  but  it  was  not  effected  till  18 19. 
Though  both  England  and  France  were  violating  the  rights  of 


470  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

neutrals,  the  President  would  not  sanction  the  building  of  an 
American  navy,  but  compromised  on  a  system  of  gunboats, 
which  was  much  ridiculed  by  his  opponents.  Republican  par- 
tiality for  France  was  shown  by  the  passage  of  a  measure  pro- 
hibiting the  importation  of  English  goods  after  Nov.  15, 
1 806.  This  was  designed  to  be  retaliatory  of  England's  violation 
of  the  rights  of  neutrals.  As  France  had  been,  and  was  still, 
equally  guilty,  the  blow  might  very  justly  have  been  aimed  at 
both.  Not  yet  tired  of  efforts  to  Republicanize  the  Judiciary, 
another  attempt  was  made  to  clear  out  the  old  Federal  incum- 
bents, but  it  failed.  A  strained  situation  for  the  Republicans 
grew  out  of  the  proposition  to  build  a  National  Road  from  the 
Potomac  to  the  Ohio.  Contrary  to  all  their  previous  views  of  a 
rigid  construction  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  vivid  contrast  with 
the  notions  of  their  school  which  prevailed  for  fifty  years  after- 
wards respecting  internal  improvement,  they  enacted  to  lay  out 
and  build  such  road.  An  adjournment  took  place  April  21, 
1806. 

NINTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  1,  1806. 
During  the  vacation  Burr's  enterprise  of  a  Southwest  Empire 
became  public,  and  the  President  had  ordered  his  arrest.  Infor- 
mation of  the  scheme  was  laid  before  Congress,  and  the  Senate 
enacted  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  for  three  months, 
but  the  House  did  not  concur.  Financial  management  had  been 
such  as  to  produce  an  excess  of  receipts  over  expenditures. 
This  excellent  condition  the  President  proposed  to  turn  to  the 
account  of  the  country  by  devoting  the  surplus  to  education  and 
national  road  and  canal  making.  He  was  however  too  far  in 
advance,  or  outside,  of  his  party  in  this  matter  to  be  able  to  per- 
suade it  to  any  such  general  undertaking.  A  revulsion  of  sen- 
timent had  set  in  on  the  discriminating  act  against  England, 
passed  at  the  previous  session,  and  the  President  was  given 
power  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  law  till  December,  1 807. 
Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1807. 

BURR  BUBBLE.— -In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1807  the 
Burr  bubble  burst,  and  he  returned,  under  arrest,  to  Virginia,  the 
scene  of  his  plots,  for  trial.     What  he  designed  to  accomplish 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  471 

by  his  expedition  down  the  Mississippi  has  never  been  accurately 
known.  His  enemies  regarded  his  scheme  as  treasonable,  having 
for  its  object  the  establishment  of  an  empire  in  the  Southwest  so 
as  to  control  the  commerce  of  the  Mississippi.  His  friends — 
rather  his  excusers,  for  friends  were  hardly  possible — gave  him 
the  credit  of  a  far-sighted  enterprise  to  expel  all  foreign  influence 
from  the  region  of  the  Gulf,  provide  an  inviting  field  for  immi- 
gration, and  thus  establish  Federal  sovereignty  in  a  distant  and 
dangerous  part  of  the  public  domain.  However  it  may  all  be, 
his  trial  was  now  (May,  1807)  on  at  Richmond,  before  Chief 
Justice  Marshall.  It  was  far  more  political  than  judicial.  The 
Federals,  who  had  denounced  the  President's  order  for  arrest  as 
a  usurpation  of  authority,  now  heaped  personal  invective  on  him 
for  his  anxious  letters  to  the  District  Attorney  and  his  open  at- 
tempts to  influence  the  trial.  Nothing,  however,  served  to  deter 
Jefferson.  He  had  no  love  for  Burr,  and,  further,  he  felt  that  his 
conviction  was  to  be  his  own  vindication  for  a  procedure  which 
was  so  bitterly  denounced  as  arbitrary  and  without  precedent. 
The  result  was  Burr's  acquittal  for  want  of  jurisdiction.  The 
defeat  of  the  administration  was  humiliating  in  proportion  to  its 
anxiety  to  impress  the  trial. 

TENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Oct.  26,  1807, 
and  organized  by  electing  Joseph  B.  Barnum,  Republican, 
of  Massachusetts,  Speaker,  there  being  again  a  Republican  ma- 
jority in  both  branches.  An  early  session  was  called  to  consider 
the  attitude  of  England.  The  foreign  outlook  was  by  no  means 
assuring.  The  English  treaty  of  1806  had  been  rejected  by  the 
President  on  his  own  responsibility,  because,  like  the  Jay  treaty 
of  1795,  it  left  England  at  liberty  to  search  American  ships  and 
impress  American  seamen.  This  the  Federals  stoutly  opposed 
as  a  bold  assumption  on  the  part  of  the  President  and  because 
they,  being  largely  the  commercial  part  of  the  community,  were 
most  anxious  for  some  kind  of  a  treaty  with  England.  But 
above  all  the  snubbing  of  England  by  the  President  led  her  to 
stubborn  and  retaliatory  renewal  of  her  aggressions.  In  June, 
1807,  the  Leopard,  a  British  frigate,  attacked  the  Chesapeake,  an 
American  frigate,  in  Hampton  Roads,  and  forcibly  removed  four 


472  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

seamen,  ostensibly  English.  Here  parties  swung  to  and  fro  and 
almost  embraced.  The  Federals  became  indignant  at  England 
for  this  outrage.  The  Republicans  had  grown  lukewarm  toward 
France,  who,  though  not  so  boldly,  was  practising  the  same  in- 
vasions of  neutral  rights.  Our  commerce  suffered  most  from 
English  aggressions,  only  because  England  was  stronger  than 
France  on  the  water.  So  great  was  the  destruction  of  our  com- 
merce that  Jefferson  privately  wrote  how  he  had  come  to  regard 
"  England  as  a  den  of  pirates  and  France  as  a  den  of  thieves." 

EMBARGO  ACT. — England's  prohibition  of  all  commerce 
with  France,  a  similar  prohibition  by  France,  blockades  by  .each, 
searches  of  neutrals  by  both,  led  the  President  to  a  proclamation 
against  British  armed  ships  entering  American  ports.  To  sup- 
port him- in  this  was  the  object  of  the  called  session.  The  Re- 
publicans passed  his  Embargo  bill,  against  the  opposition  of  the 
Federals  supported  by  the  Randolph  Republicans,  or  quids  y  as 
they  were  facetiously  called,  both  of  whom  argued  that  it  would 
retroact  on  the  United  States  and  lead  to  more  complete  com- 
mercial ruin  than  direct  aggression  by  either  England  or  France 
had  done.  The  Republicans  averred  it  must  be  either  an  Em- 
bargo or  war,  and  chose  the  former,  not  without  a  modification, 
however,  to  the  extent  of  making  it  operative  during  the  Presi- 
dent's pleasure.  The  Embargo  Act  passed  Dec.  21,  1807,  by  a 
vote  of  87  to  35  in  the  House  and  19  to  9  in  the  Senate.  It 
prohibited  American  vessels  sailing  from  foreign  ports,  foreign 
vessels  taking  cargoes  from  American  ports,  and  all  coasters 
from  landing  cargoes  elsewhere  than  in  the  United  States.  It 
proved  to  be  a  veritable  boomerang,  as  the  Federals  had  pre- 
dicted.    Congress  adjourned  April  25,  1808. 

ELECTION  OF  1808. — During  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1808  sentiment  was  shaping  for  the  Presidential  contest.  For 
a  long  time  (since  1806)  Randolph  had  been  actively  engineer- 
ing the  cause  of  Monroe,  who  was  Minister  to  England,  against 
Madison,  whom  Jefferson  had  been  coaching  for  his  successor. 
But  the  Congressional  caucus  nominations  at  the  called  session 
had  resulted  in  the  nomination  of  James  Madison,  Va.,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  George  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President,  on  the  part 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  47;; 

of  the  Republicans,  and  C.  C.  Pinckney,  S.  C,  for  President,  and 
Rufus  King,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President,  on  the  part  of  the  Fed- 
erals. Jefferson,  like  Washington,  had  been  requested  to  accep4 
a  third  term  but  declined.  The  issue  turned  on  the  Embargo 
Act,  the  Federals  denouncing  it  as  unconstitutional,  as  destructive 
of  American  commerce,  and  as  tending  to  help  England  as 
against  France — a  cunning  argument  in  view  of  previous  Re- 
publican favoritism  for  France,  yet  one  whose  truth  was  daily 
becoming  apparent.  They  carried  their  opposition  to  the  verge 
of  physical  resistance  along  the  New  England  coast,  and  really 
lost  sight  of  the  political  situation  in  their  vehement  desire  to 
force  the  repeal  of  a  destructive  and  obnoxious  law.  The  result 
in  November  was  a  majority  of  Republican  electors,  though  by 
no  means  as  large  as  that  for  Jefferson. 

TENTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  7,  1808. 
Opened  with  protests  against  English  and  French  aggressions, 
and  an  attempt  of  the  Federals  to  repeal  the  odious  Embargo 
Act,  whose  operation  had  by  this  time  driven  them  to  commer- 
cial despair.  The  President  was  informed  by  John  Q.  Adams, 
who  had  resigned  from  the  Legislature  of  his  State  (Mass.)  be- 
cause his  advocacy  of  the  Embargo  had  drawn  public  censure, 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  further  enforce  the  act  in  New 
England,  and  that  a  scheme  of  open  resistance  was  already  in 
course  of  preparation.  However  truthful  this  might  have  been — 
it  was  stoutly  denied, — and  however  much  it  may  have  been  a 
part  of  Adams'  wish  to  thus  secure  administrative  favor — he  was 
soon  after  sent  as  minister  to  Russia, — it  is  certain  Jefferson 
changed  front  on  the  question,  and  with  him  the  entire  Repub- 
lican party.  The  bill  was  repealed,  the  repeal  to  operate  on  and 
after  March  4,  1809,  and  a  simple  Non-Intercourse  Act  substi- 
tuted. The  Republicans  even  went  so  far  as  to  pronounce  in 
favor  of  an  American  navy,  and  full  protection  of  American 
rights  on  the  high  seas.  Had  this  wonderful  surrender  taken 
place  a  few  months  earlier,  the  Federals  must  have  swept  the 
country  in  the  Presidential  contest.  But  it  was  shrewdly  post- 
poned till  after  the  verdict  had  been  recorded. 

The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February.     Madison  had 


474 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


for  President  122,  and  George  Clinton  6.  Pinckney  had  for 
President  47..  For  Vice-President  Clinton  had  113,  King  47, 
and  15  were  scattering.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die  March  4, 
1809.  Madison  and  Clinton  were  sworn  into  office  March  4, 
1809. 

VI. 

MADISON'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 
March  4,  1809 — March  3,  18 13. 
James  Madison,  Va.,  President.     George  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  Vice- 
President. 

Sessions. 

1,  May  22,  1809 — June  28,  1809,  extra  session. 

2,  November  27,  1809 — May  1,  18 10. 

3,  December  3,  1810 — March  3,  181 1. 
I,  November  4,  181 1 — July  6,  181 2. 

3> 


Congresses. 
Eleventh  Congress. 

Twelfth  Congress. 


\  2,  November  2,  1812 — March  3,  1S13. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Basis  of 

States.                33,000.  Votes. 

Connecticut 7  9 

Delaware I  3 

Georgia 4  6 

Kentucky 6  8 

Maryland 9  II 

Massachusetts 17  19 

New  Hampshire..  ..     5  7 

New  Jersey 6  8 

New  York 17  19 

North  Carolina.  ...    12  14 

Ohio 1  3 

Pennsylvania 18  20 

Rhode  Island 2  4 

South  Carolina. ...     8  10 

Tennessee 3  5 

Vermont 4  6 

Virginia 22  24 

Totals .T42  176" 

THE  CABINET.^ 


Republicans. 


Federals. 


J.  Madi- 
son, Va. 


G.  Clinton,  C  C.  Pinck-  R.  King, 


*3 

II 

3 

20 


6 

24 

122 


N.  Y. 


13 
II 

Sc. 
20 

10 

5 

24 
m 


ney,  S.  C 
9 


N.  Y 

9 

3 


vacancy. 


Sc. 


Sc. 


Sc. 


47 


47 


Secretary  of  State Robert  Smith,  Md. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Albert  Gallatin,  Pa Continued. 

*  Of  those  marked  scattering  Clinton  received  6  for  President,  and  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent Madison  received  3,  John  Langdon  9,  and  James  Monroe  3. 

f  The  Cabinets  as  here  found  are  those  first  organized  by  the  incoming  administra- 
tions. Eor  the  changes  and  all  incumbents  see  the  respective  department  heads  under 
"  Ruling  Nationally." 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES.  475 

The  Cabinet — Continued. 

Secretary  of  War William  Eustis,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  Navy Paul  Hamilton,  S.  C. 

Attorney-General C.  A.  Rodney,  Pa Continued. 

Postmaster-General Gideon  Granger,  Conn " 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— The  Republicans  were  on  the 
eve  of  an  entire  change  of  policy.  Jefferson  had  adroitly  handled 
the  old  Federal  policy  of  neutrality  so  as  to  keep  a  show  of  firm- 
ness, and  at  the  same  time  avoid  armed  conflict  with  England 
or  France.  On  the  score  of  economy  he  opposed  high  taxes, 
a  navy,  an  army.  Madison  fell  heir  to  this  policy.  When 
Erskine,  British  Minister,  mistakingly  informed  him  that  Eng- 
land desired  peace,  Madison  immediately  suspended  the  Non- 
Intercourse  Act,  as  he  was  authorized  by  its  terms  to  do,  so  far 
as  England  was  concerned.  But  when  England  repudiated  the 
conduct  of  Erskine,  the  President  had  to  restore  the  operation 
of  the  act.  Whether  this  was  sheer  double-dealing  on  the  part 
of  England,  or  only  a  Republican  trick  to  influence  sentiment, 
as  the  Federals  claimed,  from  that  time  on  the  drift  toward  war 
was  too  strong  for  the  Republicans  to  resist.  The  schism  in  the 
ranks  of  the  party  left  an  active  minority  to  operate  on  the  strict 
party  flanks.  It  was  a  time  when  a  body  of  new  leaders,  active 
and  strong,  could  walk  away  with  the  organization  and  shift  its 
ancient  policy.  From  this  time  on,  too,  we  begin  to  hear  popular 
mention  of  the  word  Democrat.  As  admiration  for  France,  which 
had  made  the  word  Republican  popular,  subsided,  as  Jacobin 
and  Democrat  were  no  longer  offensively  identical,  and  further 
as  there  were  two  schools  of  thought  in  the  Republican  ranks, 
one  newer  and  more  aggressive  than  the  other,  it  became  com- 
mon for  the  older  to  designate  themselves  as  Democrats,  that  is, 
the  true  Republicans,  the  primitive  Democratic-Republicans. 

ELEVENTH  CONGRESS— Extra  Session.— Met  May  22, 
1809,  with  a  Republican  majority.  Organized  by  re-electing 
Joseph  B.  Varnum,  Mass.,  Speaker.  The  only  matter  before  it 
was  the  President's  suspension  and  reassertion  of  the  Non-Inter- 
course Act.  After  affirming  his  action  Congress  adjourned,  June 
28,  1809. 

ELEVENTH    CONGRESS—  First    Regular    Session.— Met 


476  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

Nov.  27,  1809.  The  Non-Intercourse  act  was  continued,  and 
the  British  Minister  was  censured  for  contradictory  statements 
and  obtrusive  conduct.  France  had  shrewdly  shaped  her  com- 
mercial policy  so  as  to  receive  all  the  benefits  of  the  American 
position.  This  galled  England  all  the  more,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence her  attitude  became  more  hostile.  In  advocacy  of  her 
right  to  search  American  vessels  for  deserted  British  seamen, 
she  announced  as  final  the  doctrine,  "  Once  an  Englishman,  al- 
ways an  Englishman."  During  the  session  the  Republicans  had 
a  large  majority  and  shaped  legislation  without  much  dissent 
from  the  Federals.     Adjourned  May  1,  18 10. 

ELEVENTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  3, 

18 10.  The  Non-Intercourse  Act  was  repealed  as  to  France  and 
continued  as  to  England.  This  threw  both  England  and  Amer- 
ica on  their  mettle.  But  the  administration  was  not  yet  done 
with  its  economic  and  peace  ideas.  The  National  Bank,  char- 
tered in  1 79 1  for  twenty  years,  was  asking  for  a  new  lease  of 
life.  It  had,  as  we  have  seen,  secured  the  favor  of  a  charter 
through  a  momentary  spasm  of  liberal  construction  on  the  part 
of  strict  interpreters  of  the  Constitution.  Such  a  spasm  was 
not  now  on,  though  it  had  so  many  Republican  friends  in  both 
branches  that  the  bill  granting  a  new  charter  was  defeated  by 
only  one  vote  in  the  House  and  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice- 
President  in  the  Senate.  It  therefore  wound  up  its  business  and 
ceased  to  exist.  The  attitude  of  Federal  and  Republican  on 
this  question  of  a  national  bank  became,  in  after  years,  that  of 
Whig  and  Democrat  on  the  same  question.  Congress  adjourned 
sine  die,  March  3,  181 1. 

TWELFTH     CONGRESS— Eirst    Session.— Met     Nov.    4, 

181 1.  Either  the  administration  must  accept  the  idea  of  forcible 
resistance  to  England  or  go  to  the  wall.  American  vessels,  es- 
timated at  900,  had  been  captured  since  1803.  American  com- 
merce had  become  a  thing  of  the  past.     It  would  not  do  to  allow 

^  the  idea  to  grow  further  that  the  Republicans  were  aiming  a  blow 
at  commercial  New  England  by  persistence  in  their  suicidal 
policy  of  dilly-dallying  diplomacy  and  devouring  peace.  A  new 
order  of  men  came  to  the  front.     Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  was  elected 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  477 

Speaker.  John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C,  became  an  ambitious  and  able 
leader  in  the  House,  as  did  William  H.  Crawford,  Ga.,  in  the 
Senate.  Fortunately  none  of  these  new  leaders,  fully  imbued 
with  the  war  spirit,  thoroughly  determined  on  a  change  from 
the  economic,  hesitating,  and  now  cowardly,  policy  of  Jefferson 
and  Madison,  were  mistrusted  by  Madison.  Clay  had  been  his 
firm  friend,  and  had  come  out  of  a  two-term  career  in  the  Senate 
the  better  to  lead  on  the  wider  plane  of  the  House.  Therefore 
their  work  of  swinging  the  administration  and  the  party  from 
its  peace  moorings  was  comparatively  easy.  During  the  session, 
and  against  the  opposition  of  the  Federals  and  a  Republican 
minority,  bills  for  increasing  the  navy  and  organizing  the  militia 
were  passed.  Whatever  scruples  the  President  may  still  have 
had  about  accepting  the  situation  and  affirming  this  heterodox 
legislation  was  overcome  by  the  intimation  that  his  renomination 
depended  on  his  acquiescence.  He  therefore  fell  fully  in  with 
the  new  leaders,  and  made  his  expose  of  the  Henry  documents  * 
which  so  outraged  the  sentiment  of  New  England,  but  which 
brought  from  Congress  the  action  designed,  viz.,  a  resolution  de- 
nunciatory of  England  for  an  attempt  to  divide  a  friendly  nation. 

This  was  followed  by  an  Embargo  on  American  shipping  for 
ninety  days,  which  of  course  brought  an  announcement  from 
the  English  Minister  (May  30,  181 2),  which  was  supported  by 
the  Parliament,  that  England  would  not  change  her  policy 
toward  neutrals. 

DECLARATION  OF  WAR.— A  message  from  the  Presi- 
dent, June  1,  18 12,  referred  to  a  committee,  brought  a  report 
which,  as  a  summary  of  grievances,  complained  of  the  British 
orders  in  council,  of  the  unfair  system  of  blockades  o^the  French 
ports,  of  the  refusal  to  settle  claims  for  damages,  and,  last  but 
not  least,  of  the  searching  of  American  ships  and  impressment 
of  American  seamen.    It  recommended  a  declaration  of  war.    A 

*  The  President  made  this  expose  in  a  special  message.  The  documents,  he 
said,  he  bought  of  one  John  Henry  for  $50,000.  They  purported  to  show  how- 
Henry  had  been  a  Canadian  agent  sent  to  influence  New  England  Federals  to  join 
their  cause  with  that  of  England.  The  British  Minister  denied  all  knowledge 
of  such  agent  or  agency. 


» 


478  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

war  act  was  consequently  passed  and  promptly  signed  by  the 
President  (June  18,  1812),  who  had  by  this  time  received  a  second 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  and  who  was  acting  in  strict  con- 
cert with  the  war  wing  of  his  party.  At  first  the  declaration  of 
war  was  received  with  applause.  But  a  reaction  soon  set  in. 
The  Federals  of  New  England  published  a  protest  against  it  as 
sectional  and  not  national,  the  act  of  a  party  and  not  of  the 
country.  Strictly  construing  the  Constitution,  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  refused  to  permit  their  militia  to  go  beyond  the 
boundary  of  their  States  till  an  actual  invasion  had  taken  place. 
To  answer  them  the  Republicans  became  liberal  interpreters  of 
the  Constitution  and  would  obliterate  State  lines  and  forget  all 
about  State  rights  in  order  to  present  a  solid  national  front 
to  the  foe.  Louisiana  had  become  a  State  in  the  Union,  April 
30,  1812. 

TARIFF  OF  1 8 12. — Madison  had  urged  in  his  message  a  re- 
vision of  the  Tariff.  The  new  leaders  took  it  up.  Calhoun  and 
Lowndes  favored  Clay's  new  doctrine  that  the  Protective  idea 
ought  not  any  longer  to  be  secondary  to  the  Revenue  idea. 
South  Carolina  was  then  a  high  protection  State,  England  hav- 
ing levied  exorbitant  duties  on  raw  cotton.  Here  was  a  marvel- 
lous shifting  of  party  doctrine.  The  Republicans  became  such 
liberal  interpreters  of  the  Constitution  that  they  not  only  swung 
to  the  Protective  notion,  but  actually  used  the  report  of  Hamil- 
ton, which  brought  the  earliest  Tariff  acts,  in  vindication  of  their 
position.  The  Federals,  in  their  weakness,  forgetfulness  of  party 
traditions  and  determination  to  see  nothing  good  in  the  adminis- 
tration, swung  clear  over  to  the  abandoned  strict  construction 
doctrine  of  their  political  enemies,  and  through  such  as  Webster 
(then  in  the  House)  and  others  opposed  the  Protective  thought. 
Sentiment  on  this  Tariff  act  ought  to  be  carefully  noted.  It  was 
the  beginning  of  that  division  in  the  Republican  party  which 
prepared  the  way  for  "  The  American  Idea,"  for  "  Internal  Im- 
provement," and  for  the  Whig  organization,  which  was  Clay's 
outlet  from  the  strict  construction  columns.  Indeed,  even  at 
this  session  a  bill  for  internal  improvement  was  passed  under 
Clay's  leadership,  which   Madison  vetoed.     The  tariff  act  was 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  479 

passed  July  I,  1812,  and  it  marks  the  highest  rates  of  duty 
reached  from  the  foundation  of  the  government  till  1842.  Sugar 
went  from  2x/2  cents  per  pound  to  5  ;  coffee  from  5  cents  per 
pound  to  10;  tea  from  18  cents  per  pound  to  36;  pig  iron  from 
lyyi  per  cent,  to  30;  bar  iron  from  ijl/i  per  cent,  to  30;  glass 
from  22  ]/2  per  cent,  to  40;  manufactures  of  cotton  from  17% 
per  cent,  to  30;  woollens  from  17  per  cent,  to  30;  silk  from  15 
per  cent,  to  25.     Congress  adjourned  July  6,  18 12. 

ELECTION  OF  1812. — We  have  seen  the  conditions  upon 
which  Madison  was  permitted  to  become  a  candidate  for  a  second 
term.  But  he  still  had  opposition.  De  Witt  Clinton,  N.  Y.,  who 
would  have  been  the  candidate  in  case  Madison  had  declined  to 
wheel  into  the  war  line,  refused  to  be  bound  by  the  bargain.  The 
other  Republican  States  had  become  jealous  of  Virginia's  claim 
to  be  "  the  home  of  Presidents."  Clinton  moved  on  this  line, 
secured  the  nomination  of  the  New  York  Legislature  and  issued 
an  address  ("  Clinton's  Platform ")  protesting  against  caucus 
nominations  of  Presidential  candidates,  the  continuance  of  public 
men  in  office  for  long  periods,  the  claim  of  particular  States  to 
monopolize  principal  offices,  and  "  that  official  regency  which 
prescribed  tenets  of  political  faith."  His  followers  became 
known  as  Clintonian  Democrats. 

Madison  was  nominated  in  May,  18 12.  John  Langdon  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  but  declining  on  account  of  age, 
Elbridge  Gerry,  Mass.,  was  substituted.  The  Federals,  taking 
advantage  of  the  schism  in  the  Republican  ranks,  met  in  caucus 
in  New  York  city  and  nominated  De  Witt  Clinton  for  President, 
with  Jared  Ingersoll,  Pa.,  for  Vice-President*  The  election 
came  off  in  November.  A  large  majority  of  Republican  electors 
was  chosen.  The  Congressional  elections  resulted  also  in  a 
majority  of  Republican  members  favorable  to  the  war. 

TWELFTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  2, 
181 2.     There  was  a  slight  adjustment  of  parties  on  account  of 

*  Eleven  States  were  represented  in  this  caucus  or  convention.  It  was  a  bitterly 
partisan  body,  determined  to  see  nothing  good  in  any  act  of  Madison,  and  as  an 
evidence  of  its  desperation,  willing  to  support  a  soured  Republican  in  order  to  de- 
feat the  regular  Republican  nominee. 


480  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE    REPUBLIC. 

the  war.  Some  Republicans  voted  with  the  Peace  Federals,  but 
they  were  more  than  offset  by  War  Federals  voting  with  the 
straight  Republicans.  There  was  but  little  opposition  from  any 
source  to  an  increase  of  the  navy,  which  had  already  won  the 
right  to  be  encouraged  by  proving  a  match  for  the  best  equipped 
ships  of  England.  Other  measures  of  war  were  carried  by  Re- 
publican votes.  The  count  of  the  electoral  vote  was  made  in 
February,  and  showed  128  for  Madison  and  89  for  Clinton.  For 
Vice-President  131  for  Gerry  and  86  for  Ingersoll.  Congress 
adjourned  March  3,  1813.  The  candidates  elect  were  sworn  into 
office,  March  4,  18 12. 

VII. 

MADISON'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  181 3 — March  3,  18 17. 
James  Madison,  Va.,  President.     Elbridge  Gerry,  Mass.,  Vice- 
President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

41 

Fourteenth  Congress.  {  \>  December  4,  1815-April  30,  1816. 
\  2,  December  2,  1816 — March  3,  1817. 

ELECTORAL   VOTE 

Republicans.  Fed.  or  Clinton  Dem. 

Basis  of  J.  Madi-  Elbridge  Ger-  De  Witt     Tared  Inger- 

States.                 35,o°o-  Vote.       son,  Va.      ry,  Mass.  Clinton, N.Y.    soil,  Pa. 

Connecticut 7  9              ..              ..                9                 9 

Delaware 2  4             ..              ..                4                 4 

Georgia 6  8              8              8 

Kentucky 10  12             12             12 

Louisiana 1  3               3               3 

Maryland 9  11               6               6               5                 5 

Massachusetts 20  22 

New  Hampshire.          6  8 

New  Jersey 6  8 

New  York 27  29 

North  Carolina 13  15 


[,  May  24,  1813 — August  2,  1813,  extra  session. 
Thirteenth  Congress.  ■{  2,  December  6,  1813 — April  18,  1814. 
3,  September  19,  1814 — March  3,  1815. 


5  15 


2  22  20 

1  8  7 

.88 
29  29 


Ohio 6  8  7  7             ..                ..1  Vacancy 

Pennsylvania 23  25  25  25 

Rhode  Island 2  4  ..  ..                4                 4 

South  Carolina....     9  11  11  n 

Tennessee 6  8  8  8 

Vermont 6  8  8  8 

Virginia 23  25  25  25 

Totals .182  218  T28  T31           ~89~           ~86 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  481 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State James  Monroe,  Va Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Albert  Gallatin,  Pa " 

Secretary  of  War John  Armstrong,  N.  Y.    .  . .  ** 

Secretary  of  Navy William  Jones,  Pa " 

Attorney-General William  Pinckney,  Md " 

Postmaster-General Gideon  Granger,  Conn " 

THIRTEENTH  CONGRESS—  Extra  Session.— Called  May 
24,  1813,  to  provide  means  for  the  war.  House  organized  by  re- 
electing Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  Speaker.  Republican  majority  greatly 
reduced  in  both  House  and  Senate,  the  vote  on  the  Speakership 
being  89  to  54,  though  the  latter  were  not  all  Federals,  but. partly 
anti-war  Republicans.  In  the  Senate  there  was  a  strong  faction 
of  anti-administration  Republicans.  After  meeting  the  object  of 
its  call  the  Congress  adjourned,  Aug.  2,  18 13. 

WAR  SENTIMENT— It  was  already  manifest  that  the  war 
was  destined  to  be  unpopular  with  the  country.  Do  their  best 
the  Republicans  could  not  keep  up  a  furore  respecting  it.  The 
Federal  sentiment,  still  strong  in  the  Eastern  States,  was  pro- 
nouncedly against  it.  The  Embargo,  while  it  may  not  have 
been  designed  as  such,  was  a  cruel  blow  at  the  centres  of  com- 
merce. The  peace  faction  in  the  Republican  ranks  was  grow- 
ing more  out-spoken.  England,  in  order  to  encourage  a  wider 
division  of  sentiment  between  the  Eastern  and  other  States,  had 
actually  gone  so  far  as  to  exempt  them  from  her  blockade  of  the 
Atlantic  coast,  and  it  was  charged  by  the  Republicans  that  at 
the  port  of  New  London,  Conn.,  the  departure  of  American  ves- 
sels was  secured,  notwithstanding  the  Embargo,  by  means  of 
blue  light  signals  to  the  English  blockading  fleet. 

THIRTEENTH  CONGRESS— -First  Regular  Session.— Met 
Dec.  6,  1813.  Financial  subjects,  relating  to  the  war,  were  chiefly 
uppermost.  But  in  view  of  alleged  violations  of  the  Embargo 
Act  by  New  England  mariners  a  stricter  act  was  passed,  embrac- 
ing all  ships,  large  and  small.  The  war  was  in  the  midst  of  its 
greatest  activity.     Congress  adjourned  April  18,  1 8 14. 

THIRTEENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Called  as 
early  as  Sept.  19,  1 8 14,  to  consider  negotiations  for  peace  which 
had  been  begun  in  August,  soon  after  the  capture  and  burning 
31 


482  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  Washington  by  the  English,  and  when  it  had  become  appa- 
rent that  the  provisions  to  meet  vigorous  and  protracted  war 
were  as  inadequate  as  was  the  popular  sentiment  to  further  sus- 
tain it.  England  had  gotten  rid  of  her  home  adversary,  Napo- 
leon, and  was  at  liberty  to  direct  her  undivided  attention  to 
America.  She  had  long  since  revoked  her  orders  in  council  and 
was  only  insisting  on  her  right  to  search  American  ships  and 
impress  her  deserting  seamen.  The  administration,  in  view  of 
the  entire  situation,  had  therefore  wisely  instructed  its  commis- 
sioner abroad  to  negotiate  for  peace  without  insisting  on  rectifica- 
tion of  the  "  search  and  impressment "  grievances.  But  as  this 
showed  weakness,  the  English  grew  bold,  and  would  not  only 
have  no  American  fleets  or  military  posts  along  the  Great  Lakes, 
but  a  permanent  Canadian  barrier  erected  in  the  shape  of  an 
Indian  Confederacy. 

HARTFORD  CONVENTION.— Tat  administration  and  its 
active  Republican  support  were  in  a  quandary.  The  weakness 
of  abject  surrender  must  be  confessed,  or  resort  must  be  had  to 
those  reserved  powers  which  strict  interpreters  of  the  Constitu- 
tion had  ever  denied  to  the  government.  The  War  Department 
favored  a  more  imposing  and  effective  army,  by  means  of  a 
draft  and  the  enlistment  of  minors.  The  Navy  Department  pro- 
posed to  impress  seamen,  after  the  English  fashion.  Every 
effort  was  made  by  the  administration  to  recover  lost  ground, 
put  on  a  front  worthy  the  American  name,  and  fight  the  war  to 
a  successful  end.  But  it  was  too  late  in  the  day.  The  Presi- 
dent's own  party  could  not  be  imbued  with  his  suddenly  assumed 
liberal  construction  notions.  His  radical  war  measures  were 
either  defeated  or  coldly  favored.  Beyond,  the  situation  was 
appalling.  England  held  vantage  ground  in  Maine  and  along 
the  northern  border.  New  England  had  been  almost  entirely 
neglected  by  the  government.  Every  war  measure  thus  far  had 
been  more  destructive  to  her  industry  and  wealth,  and  more  dis- 
paraging to  her  people,  than  to  the  overt  enemy.  Massachu- 
setts invited  a  conference  (Oct.,  1814)  of  the  New  England 
States  "  to  confer  on  the  subject  of  their  public  grievances." 
This  met  at  Hartford  in  December,    18 14,  and   sat   for  three 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  483 

weeks.  It  was  the  historic  Hartford  Convention,  so  odious  to 
Republicans,  so  dear  to  Federals.  Its  secret  proceedings 
aroused  suspicion  and  drew  on  its  members  and  their  cause  a 
denunciation  than  which  nothing  could  be  more  bitter,  and  a 
proscription  even,  which  was  the  knell  of  their  party  importance. 
So  far  were  the  charges  of  treasonable  design  carried  that,  years 
afterwards,  it  was  deemed  proper  to  break  the  seal  of  secresy 
and  publish  the  entire  proceedings,  but  too  late,  of  course,  to 
remove  the  stigma  which  inflamed  partisanship  had  fastened  to 
the  event.* 

WELCOME  PEACE.— The  treaty  of  Ghent  had  been  signed 
Dec.  14,  1 8 14,  and  in  February,  181 5,  the  text  reached  the 
country.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  was  a  barren  paper, 
scarcely  touching  on  the  causes  of  the  war  and  securing  not  one 
of  the  objects  for  which  it  had  been  declared,  it  was  received  with 
universal  rejoicing.  The  President  felt  that  it  was  a  happy 
escape  for  himself  and  party  from  dire  financial  straits,  and  the 
Federals  regarded  it  as  the  lifting  of  a  heavy  load  from  our 
commercial  industry  and  the  end  of  a  farcical  and  iniquitous 
proceeding  throughout.  Rut  the  latter  never  escaped  from  the 
political  issues  the  war  had  raised.  Their  decay,  as  a  power, 
was,  thenceforth  rapid.  Peace  eventuated  in  a  return  of  pros- 
perity and  plenty  to  the  land. 

*  Judged  by  the  proceedings  the  convention  was  not  only  timely  and  orderly,  but 
representative  of  grievances  which  were  hardly  to  be  borne,  and  which  ought  never 
to  have  existed.  It  was  simply  unfortunate  in  its  manner  of  deliberation,  and  in  the 
fact  that  the  close  of  the  war  shut  off  public  presentation  of  its  protest  and  resolu- 
tions to  the  government.  The  resolutions  opposed  (1)  drafts,  conscriptions  or  im- 
pressments not  authorized  by  the  Constitution.  (2)  A  plan  whereby  the  respective 
States  or  sections  might  defend  themselves  against  the  enemy  and  pay  for  the  same, 
the  central  government  to  reimburse  them.  (3)  A  full  militia  for  each  State,  with 
power  to  detach  a  portion  at  the  request  of  other  States,  when  invaded.  (4)  Seven 
amendments  recommended  to  the  Constitution:  (1)  Representatives  and  direct 
taxes  to  be  apportioned  among  the  States  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  free 
persons.  (2)  Admission  of  States  only  on  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses. 
(3)  No  embargo  beyond  sixty  days.  (4)  No  interdiction  of  commercial  intercourse 
except  by  two-third  votes  of  both  Houses  of  Congress.  (5)  No  declaration  of  war 
except  by  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses.  (6)  No  naturalized  person  to  be 
eligible  to  Congress.  (7)  No  second  term  for  the  President,  nor  any  President  from 
the  same  State  twice  in  succession.  A  fifth  resolve  provided  for  the  reassembling 
of  the  convention  in  case  these  resolutions  did  not  bring  redress. 


484  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Congress  had  easy  work  the  balance  of  the  session,  repealing 
war  legislation  and  reducing  everything,  except  the  navy,  to  a 
peace  footing.     It  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  181 5. 

POLITICAL  RESULTS.— The  war  had  been  a  lesson  to  the 
Republicans.  It  taught  them  that  however  captivating  the  strict 
construction  notions  of  their  party  had  been,  and  however 
pleasant  it  was  to  indulge  them  as  theories  in  time  of  peace, 
exigencies  might  arise  when  they  would  prove  a  source  of  weak- 
ness to  their  professors.  As  a  consequence,  they  had  advanced 
up  to  the  old  Federal  plane,  and  many  of  them  were  firmly 
entrenched  on  it.  The  Federals,  having  no  cohesive  force,  not 
even  a  reason  for  their  name,  after  their  mission  in  successfully 
establishing  the  government  had  ended,  and  after  the  acceptance 
of  the  fact  of  its  existence  as  well  as  their  cardinal  principles, 
by  the  Republicans,  floundered  about  on  the  negative  of  issues 
presented  by  their  opponents,  and  at  last  were  ready  to  dis- 
integrate. It  might  be  said  that  so  far  as  the  old  lines  went, 
there  was  no  political  party  after  the  war.  The  Federal  name 
was  hardly  used  or  usable.  The  Republican  name  was  used  to 
hold  together  a  sentiment  which  was  widely  variant  from  and  far 
in  advance  of  its  authors. 

FOURTEENTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec.  4, 
181 5.  The  situation  had  enured  to  the  benefit  of  the  Republi- 
cans, and  they  had  a  pronounced  majority  in  both  branches. 
The  House  organized  by  re-electing  Henry  Clay,  Speaker. 
April  27,  1 8 16,  an  amended  tariff  act  was  passed,  which  reduced 
the  duties  imposed  by  the  act  of  181 2.  Discussion  of  it  brought 
a  distinct  announcement  of  the  idea  of  protecting  the  Ameri- 
can industries  which  had  sprung  up  since  the  war  and 
whose  existence  was  threatened  by  the  importation  of  cheaper 
English  goods.  But  this  idea  failed  to  influence  the  bill  favor- 
ably. 

A  NEW  BANK. — Madison  had  vetoed  a  bill  to  recharter  a 
National  Bank,  only  the  year  before  (18 15).  Clay  took  the 
ground  that  the  experiences  of  the  war  showed  the  necessity  for 
a  national  currency  and  for  a  national  financial  agency  like  a 
bank.     Though  this  was  again  counter  to  the   traditional  strict 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  485 

construction  views  of  the  Republicans,  and  though  it  met  the 
determined  opposition  of  the  once  liberal  construction  Federals, 
and  of  a  minority  of  the  Republicans,  a  National  Bank  charter 
was  authorized,  April,  1816,  to  run  for  twenty  years,  or  until 
1836.  Strange  to  say  it  was  modeled  on  that  of  1 791  which  the 
Anti-Federals  had  unsuccessfully  opposed,  and  on  that  of  181 1, 
which  the  Republicans  had  successfully  opposed,  and  the  argu- 
ments for  its  support  were  a  repetition  of  those  framed  and  used 
by  Hamilton,  together  with  those  supplied  by  the  success  of  his 
first  financial  experiment.  The  bill  was  promptly  signed  by  the 
President,  and  a  new  National  Bank  became  a  fact.  The  rest 
of  the  session  was  consumed  in  legislation  on  internal  affairs. 
Congress  adjourned  April  30,  18 16. 

ELECTION  OF  18 16. — The  administration  favored  James 
Monroe,  Va.,  then  Secretary  of  State,  for  President.  The  Con- 
gressional caucus  of  the  last  session  carried  out  its  wishes,  but 
against  an  earnest  party  protest,  which  secured  fifty-four  votes  in 
the  caucus  for  W.  H.  Crawford,  Ga.  to  sixty-five  for  Monroe. 
This  action  did  not  satisfy  Burr  and  some  other  extremists,  who 
attempted  to  break  the  caucus  nomination  by  denouncing  the 
caucus  system,  opposing  Virginia's  attempts  to  dominate  the 
politics  of  the  country,  and  finally  favoring  the  nomination  of 
Andrew  Jackson.  The  original  nomination  stood,  and  that  of 
Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  N.  Y.,  was  added  to  it  as  Vice-President. 
The  Federals  nominated  Rufus  King,  N.  Y.,  but  divided  their 
votes  for  Vice-President.  The  result  in  November  was  their 
overwhelming  defeat,  they  carrying  only  Massachusetts,  Con- 
necticut and  Delaware. 

FOURTEENTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
2,  1 8 16.  No  measures  of  party  interest  came  up.  The  Electoral 
count,  in  February,  showed  183  votes  for  Monroe  for  President, 
and  34  for  King;  183  for  Tompkins  for  Vice-President,  and  34 
scattering.  Indiana  was  admitted  as  a  State  Dec.  1 1,  1 8 16. 
Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  18 17.  The  President  and 
Vice-President  were  sworn  into  office  March  4,  1 8 17. 


486 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 


VIII. 

MONROE'S   FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1817-March  3,  1821. 

James  Monroe,  Va.,  President.      Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  N.  Y. 


Congresses. 
Fifteenth  Congress. 

Sixteenth  Congress. 


Vice-President. 

Sessions. 


(  I,  December  I,  1817-April  20,  18 18. 
\  2,  November  16,  1818-March  3,  1819. 

f  1,  December  6,  1819-May  15,  1820. 
(2,  November  13,  1820-March  3,  1821. 

ELECTORAL    VOTE* 


Republican. 


Federal. 


Daniel  D. 

James  Mon- 

Tompkins, 

Rufus  King, 

No  nom- 

Votes. 

roe,  Va. 

N.  y. 

N 

Y. 

ination. 

9 

9 

SC. 

4 

3 

SC. 

8 

8 

8 

3 

3 

3 

12 

12 

12 

3 

3 
8 

3 
8 

•• 

22 

22 

SC. 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

29 

29 

29 

15 

15 

15 

8 

8 

8 

,  . 

25 

25 

25 

4 

4 

4 

11 

11 

11 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

.  . 

25 

25 

25 

221 

183 

183 

34 

States.  Basis  of 

35.000. 

Connecticut 7 

Delaware 2 

Georgia 6 

Indiana I 

Kentucky 10 

Louisiana 1 

Maryland 9 

Massachusetts 20 

New  Hampshire, .   .     6 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York.    27 

North  Carolina 13 

Ohio  6 

Pennsylvania 23 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina 9 

Tennessee 6 

Vermont 6 

Virginia 23 

Totals 183" 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State John  Quincy  Adams,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Wm.  H.  Crawford,  Ga Continued. 

Secretary  of  War   George  Graham,  Va. 

Secretary  of  Navy B.  W.  Crowningshield,  Mass.  ...         " 

Attorney-General Richard  Rush,  Pa " 

Postmaster-General R.  J.  Meigs,  Ohio " 

THE  INAUGURAL. — Monroe  ushered  in  what  was  popu- 
larly known  as  "  The  era  of  good  feeling."     The  asperities  of 

*  There  were  4  vacancies.     Of  the  scattering  votes,  John  E.  Howard   received 
22;  James  Ross,  5;  John  Marshall,  4;  Robert  G.  Harper,  3. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  487 

the  war  were  passing  away.  Party  differences  were  subsiding, 
or  rather  there  were  no  longer  two  confronting  parties,  for  the 
last  election  had  settled  the  matter  of  organized  Federal  oppo- 
sition. That  party  passed  away,  seeing  its  primary  glory  repeated 
in  the  triumph  of  the  Republicans,  and  many  of  its  ruling  tenets 
adopted  by  them  as  a  matter  of  principle,  or  put  into  practice  by 
them  as  a  matter  of  necessity.  Monroe's  inaugural  was  so 
liberal  in  tone  that  it  satisfied  men,  of  whatever  shade  of  political 
opinion.  Like  Washington,  he  made  a  tour  of  the  Northern 
States  (June,  1817),  which  added  greatly  to  his  popularity.  To 
help  "  The  Era,"  business  was  meeting  with  a  rebound,  and  the 
people  were  prosperous  amid  most  welcome  peace. 

FIFTEENTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec.  I, 
1 8 17,  with  a  large  Republican  majority.  The  Federals  were  so 
few  in  number,  or  so  lukewarm  in  opposition,  that  the  House 
organized  by  the  unanimous  election  of  Clay  to  the  Speakership. 
Discussion  of  the  Tariff  resulted  in  extending  the  act  of  18 16 
for  seven  years.  Propositions  to  use  the  dividends  of  the 
National  Bank,  instead  of  appropriations,  and  to  recognize -the 
revolting  colonies  of  Spain  in  South  America,  as  Republics, 
were  voted  down.  Mississippi  entered  the  Union  Dec.  10,  1 8 17. 
Congress  adjourned  April  20,  18 18. 

THE  RECESS. — During  the  summer  Jackson  made  his 
celebrated  invasion  of  Florida,  then  belonging  to  Spain,  in  order 
to  punish  the  Indians  who  had  retreated  from  Georgia.  Here 
he  captured  and  put  to  death  the  notorious  Arbuthnot  and  Am- 
brister,  whom  he  charged  as  outlaws.  They  happened  to  be 
British  subjects,  and  this  fact,  united  with  the  danger  of  re-open- 
ing the  feuds  of  the  late  war,  made  the  matter  a  delicate  one  to 
handle.  But  the  most  important  political  feature  of  the  time 
was  the  shaping  of  sentiment  in  the  direction  of  a  new  party. 
Monroe  had  followed  the  new  school  of  Republican  leaders,  as 
Clay  and  Calhoun,  through  their  advocacy  of  a  Protective  Tariff, 
but  he  could  not  follow  Clay  in  his  advocacy  of  internal  improve- 
ment, though  his  first  inaugural  inclined  to  it.  Clay's  position 
had  always  been  conspicuous  and  his  leadership  pronounced. 
Pie  and  Calhoun  had  changed  the  tardy  and  damaging  peace 


488  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

policy  of  Madison  to  one  of  war,  and  Clay  especially  had  stood 
head  and  shoulders  above  all  others  in  advocating  a  stronger 
army  and  navy.  During  the  last  session  he  had  gone  still 
further,  and  suggested  a  new  use  for  the  Bank,  as  well  as  a  new 
foreign  policy  with  reference  to  the  South  American  Republics. 
The  Federals  and  liberal  Republicans  looked  with  favor  on  his 
advanced  doctrines,  but  the  old  school  of  strict  interpreters 
looked  on  them  with  alarm.  These  latter  defeated  his  favorite 
measures  of  the  last  session,  and  thereby  threw  him  on  his  own 
never  failing  resources.  It  was  more  than  ever  evident  that  the 
germs  of  a  new  party  were  pushing  in  the  loins  of  the  dominant 
organization. 

^FIFTEENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  16, 
1 8 1 8.  The  matter  of  Jackson's  conduct  of  the  Indian  (Seminole) 
war  came  conspicuously  forward.  It  was  proposed  to  censure 
him  for  his  execution  of  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  but  after  long 
debate,  the  matter  was  postponed  indefinitely  by  the  Senate, 
though  a  majority  against  censure  was  obtained  in  the  House. 
As  long  as  Jackson  lived,  his  opponents  refused  to  be  quieted 
about  what  they  thought  an  arbitrary  and  high-handed  pro- 
cedure. The  controversy  resulted  in  one  good.  The  govern- 
ment, tired  of  the  ever  recurring  complications  with  the  Indians, 
Spaniards,  and  British  adventurers  in  Florida,  determined  to  buy 
the  territory,  authority  to  do  so  having  been  given  by  Congress 
years  before  (1806).  Then  came  one  of  those  unaccountable 
blunders  which,  supplemented  in  after  years  by  the  pride  of 
undoing  and  by  the  fierce  sectional  and  aggrandizing  spirit  of 
the  time,  cost  the  country  the  sacrifices  of  a  war.  In  considera- 
tion of  $5,000,000  and  the  abandonment  of  all  claims  to  French 
Louisiana  west  of  the  Sabine  by  the  United  States,  Spain  ceded 
Florida,  Feb.  22,  1 8 19.  West  of  the  Sabine  meant  Texas,  and 
the  recovery  of  Texas  meant  the  Mexican  war  (1846). 

MISSOURI  AND  SLAVERY.— Illinois  became  a  State  of 
the  Union  Dec.  3,  18 18.  Long  before  this  the  policy  of  off- 
setting a  free  by  a  slave  State  prevailed.  This  at  first  was  de- 
signed to  keep  up  a  balance  of  parties  and  to  take  full  and  legal 
advantage  of  the  Constitutional  clause  which  gave  representa- 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  489 

tion  to  three-fifths  of  the  slave  population.  But  it  had  gotten  to 
mean  vastly  more,  as  sentiment  divided  on  the  rightfulness  of 
slavery,  and  was  to  mean  more  and  more  as  time  went  on.  Mis- 
souri asked  the  Congress  to  admit  her  as  a  State.  The  one 
thing  unusual  about  her  situation  was  that  she  was  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  whither  the  recognized  lines  of  division — Mason  and 
Dixon  line  of  360  3c/,  and  the  Ohio  River — between  the  Slave  and 
Free  States  did  not  extend.  An  amendment  was  offered  to  the 
bill  to  admit  her,  drawn  in  the  language  of  the  ordinance  of  1787 
for  the  government  of  "  The  Territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio 
River,"  prohibiting  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in  Missouri, 
except  as  a  punishment  for  crime.  The  amendment  was  so  sud- 
den and  unexpected  that  parties  sat  for  a  time  with  bated  breath 
and  never  recovered  their  lines  on  the  question.  It  became  a 
test  of  Free  States  against  Slave  States,  and  the  former  proved 
strongest  in  the  House,  carrying  the  amendment.  The  latter 
proved  strongest  in  the  Senate,  and  defeated  it.  This  was  the 
injection  of  slavery  into  politics,  and  the  beginning  of  its  ex- 
tinction. A  common,  or  almost,  Colonial  existence  for  it  had 
been  gradually  narrowed  to  a  line,  south  of  which  it  had  come 
to  be  regarded  civilly  as  a  necessary  and  entailed  evil,  industri- 
ally as  a  source  of  profit,  and  politically  as  a  potential  force.* 
The  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1 8 19. 

SIXTEENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  6, 
1 8 19.  Clay  was  again  elected  Speaker  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  The  advance  made  by  his  liberal  construction  views  may 
be  measured  by  the  passage  in  the  House  of  a  Tariff  bill  which 

*  Historically,  the  first  sectional  debate  over  slavery  arose  in  1793,  on  the  presen- 
tation of  a  petition  to  Congress  from  a  "  Philadelphia  Society,"  appealing  to  it  "to 
use  its  influence  to  stop  the  traffic  in  slaves."  At  that  time  members  arrayed  them- 
selves in  debate,  not  according  to  party,  but  according  to  States,  and  some  Southern 
debaters,  of  ultra  turn,  went  so  far  as  to  protest,  even  to  the  extent  of  civil  war, 
against  interference  with  slavery.  All  saw  the  possibility  of  the  question  becoming, 
at  no  remote  date,  a  political  if  not  a  dangerously  partisan  and  sectional  one.  The 
apprehensions  of  the  hour  were  quieted  by  the  passage  of  the  first  Fugitive  Slave 
law,  Feb.  12,  1793.  This  date  is  significantly  coincident  with  the  invention  of 
Whitney's  cotton  gin,  which  gave  to  slave  labor  a  profit  never  before  realized,  and 
cemented  it  into  an  institution  to  be  defended  at  all  hazard. 


490  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

definitely  affirmed  the  Protective  idea,  but  which  the  Senate  re- 
jected. As  the  discussion  of  this  bill  was  dispassionate,  and  the 
large  Republican  majority  fairly  divided  on  it,  it  is  a  proper 
place  to  get  such  a  view  of  the  politics  of  the  Tariff  as  will  ex- 
tend even  to  the  present  day.  The  Protective  idea  as  projected 
into  the  Tariff  legislation  of  that  time  was  justified  by  those  who 
favored  a  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution.  They  found 
in  the  power  "  to  regulate  commerce  and  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence  "  a  warrant  not  only  to  raise  necessary  revenue  by 
means  of  a  Tariff,  but  a  right  to  make  that  Tariff  a  protective 
one,  that  is,  a  means  of  fostering  domestic  manufactures  and 
thus  creating  a  home  market  for  home  agricultural  products. 
As  a  corollary  to  this  hung,  or  grew,  the  plan  of  Internal  Im- 
provement, which  depended  not  more  on  a  liberal  construction 
of  the  Constitution,  but  which  was  thought  by  its  opponents  to 
belong  to  the  States.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  clung  to  a 
rigid  construction  of  the  Constitution  granted  the  right  of  the 
government  to  provide  for  its  expenses  and  pay  its  debts  by 
means  of  money  raised  by  a  Tariff  on  imports,  but  they  regarded 
a  Tariff,  so  arranged  as  to  protect  American  manufactures  against 
foreign  competition,  as  a  usurpation  of  the  powers  conferred,  or 
intended  to  be  conferred,  by  the  Constitution.* 

MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.— -Maine  applied  for  admission 
into  the  Union.  She  was  populous,  ready,  and  anxious  to  es- 
cape her  Massachusetts  allegiance.  But  the  Free  States  would 
then  preponderate  in  the  Senate.  Missouri  again  asked  for 
leave  to  form  a  State  government.  Maine  was  voted  in  by  the 
House.  Missouri  was  granted  permission,  but  with  the  amend- 
ment of  the  last  session,  prohibiting  slavery,  the  vote  being  en- 
tirely sectional.  The  Senate  threw  the  responsibility  back  on 
the  House  by  combining  the  bills,  as  originally  presented  (the 

*  The  terms  "  Free  Trade,"  "  Tariff  for  Revenue  "  and  "  Tariff  for  Revenue 
only  "  were  not  then  as  common  as  now.  Then  the  question  of  Tariff,  in  the  af- 
firmative, was  a  question  of  Constitutional  construction  and  a  national  policy ;  in 
the  negative,  a  question  of  Constitutional  construction  and  a  State  policy.  Now, 
so  generally  do  the  liberal  construction  views  prevail,  the  question  is  no  longer  one 
of  right  or  wrong  construction  of  the  Constitution,  but  one  of  policy  entirely,  a 
policy,  however,  which  still  divides  sentiment  and  supports  parties. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  491 

Missouri  bill  with  slavery),  and  passing  them.  This  action  the 
House  rejected.  Clay,  ever  full  of  expedients,  came  forward 
with  his  compromise — the  historic  "  Missouri  Compromise  of 
1820."  It  brought  about  the  admission  of  Maine,  March  15, 
1820,  and  gave  leave  to  Missouri  to  form  a  State  government 
with  slavery.  It  also  prohibited  slavery  in  all  territory  of  the 
United  States  north  of  360  30',  in  other  words,  it  extended  the 
already  familiar  Mason  and  Dixon  line  through  to  the  Pacific,* 
or  at  least  as  far  as  the  western  boundary  of  Missouri.  Con- 
gress adjourned  May  15,  1820. 

ELECTION  OF  1820. — This  election  passed  off  without 
nominations  by  either  party.  The  electors  chosen  cast  their 
votes  by  common  consent  for  Monroe  and  Tompkins,  one  how- 
ever voting  for  John  Q.  Adams. 

SIXTEENTH  CONGRESS— -Second  Session.— Met  Nov.  13, 
1820.  Clay's  resignation  of  the  Speakership  gave  opportunity 
for  a  square  test  of  strength  between  the  liberal  and  strict  schools 
of  Republicans.  A  warm  fight  for  his  successor  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  John  W.  Taylor,  N.  Y.,  who  was  equally  advanced  with 
Clay  in  the  matter  of  Protective  Tariff  and  Internal  Improvement, 
and  who  was  opposed,  far  more  earnestly  than  Clay,  to  the 
extension  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.f  The  heat  of  this  con- 
test was  transferred  to  Missouri's  claim  for  admission  as  a  State, 
she  having  now  prepared  a  State  government,  with  a  clause  in 
the  Constitution  prohibiting  free  negroes  from  entering  her 
bounds.     As  a  free  negro  was  a  citizen  in  some  of  the  Northern 

*  Clay's  compromise  barely  got  through  the  Congress.  In  the  Senate  il  was  car- 
ried by  Senators  from  the  Southern  and  Slave  States,  against  fifteen  Senators  from 
the  Free  States.  In  the  House  it  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  86  to  82,  thirty-five  of 
the  latter  being  from  Slave  States  and  its  bitterest  opponents.  Randolph  denounced 
it  as  a  "  dirty  bargain,"  and  called  those  M  Northern  men  with  Southern  principles" 
who  were  ashamed  of  them  or  afraid  to  stand  up  for  them  "  doughfaces,"  a  term 
which  was  in  convenient  and  sarcastic  use  for  forty  years.  The  compromise  bill 
was  then  regarded  by  its  opponents  as  unconstitutional.  The  seeds  of  repeal  were 
in  its  passage. 

f  So  offensive  was  this  election  to  the  extreme  Southern  members,  or  rather  so 
significant  was  it  of  the  growth  of  liberal  construction  ideas  in  the  Republican 
ranks,  that  they  chose  to  see  in  it  a  menace  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  actually 
debated  a  proposition  to  secede  from  the  Union. 


492  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

States,  this  was  regarded,  in  its  unqualified  form,  as  unconstitu- 
tionally and  offensively  restrictive.  Debate  over  the  matter  took 
all  the  latitude  incident  to  discussion  of  the  slave  question  and 
involved  all  its  bitterness.  Not  until  Clay  again  came  forward 
with  measures  of  peace  did  the  contention  subside.  His  propo- 
sition admitted  the  State,  provided  the  Constitution  were  so 
amended  as  to  recognize  all  the  citizens  of  other  States.  Her 
Legislature  did  this  in  June,  182 1,  and  she  became  a  State  Aug. 
10,  1821. 

The  electoral  vote  was  counted  in  February,  and  the  status  of 
Missouri  came  up.  Denying  the  right  of  Congress  to  interfere 
with  slavery  within  her  borders,  the  Southern  members  claimed 
that  she  was  already  a  State,  and  so  determined  to  count  her 
electoral  vote.  The  Northern  members,  claiming  authority  of 
Congress  over  all  Territories  for  any  purpose,  until  fully  qualified 
to  enter  as  States,  determined  that  her  electoral  vote  should  not 
be  counted.  After  an  angry  discussion,  another  compromise  was 
effected,  which  counted  the  vote  with  an  "  if."  "If"  her  vote 
were  counted,  James  Monroe  would  have  234,  out  of  235,  and 
John  Adams  1,  for  President,  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  would 
have  221  for  Vice-President,  with  13  scattering.  "  If,"  on  the 
contrary,  her  vote  were  not  counted  there  would  be  a  total  of 
only  232,  and  the  Monroe  and  Tompkins  vote  would  be  reduced 
to  231  and  218,  respectively.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die, 
March  3d,  1821.  The  candidates-elect  were  sworn  into  office 
March  5,  1821,  the  4th  falling  on  Sunday. 

IX. 

MONROE'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  5,  1821— March  3,  1825. 

James  Monroe,  Va.,  President.     Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  N.  Y., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

S  Concrfss      /  h  December  3i  i8?l— May  8,  1822. 

bhVENTEENTH  CONGRESS.       |  ^  December  2>   l822_Mnrch  3,   1823. 
FlGHTFFNTH   foWRFSS  /  *'  DeCember    *>    1823  — May  27,    1 824. 

<  2,  December  6,  1824— March  3,  1825. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES. 


493 


ELECTORAL   VOTE."" 

Basis  of 
States.  35,000. 

Alabama I 

Connecticut 7 

Delaware 2 

Georgia 6 

Illinois I 

Indiana I 

Kentucky IO 

Louisiana I 

Maine 7 

Maryland 9 

Massachusetts 13 

Mississippi I 

Missouri I 

New  Hampshire....     6 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 27 

North  Carolina 13 

Ohio 6 

Pennsylvania 23 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina 9 

Tennessee 6 

Vermont 6 

Virginia 23 

Totals 187 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State John  Quincy  Adams,  Mass Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury W.  H.  Crawford,  Ga 

Secretary  of  War John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C. . .  . 

Secretary  of  Navy Smith  Thompson,  N.  Y . .  . 

Attorney-General Richard   Rush,  Pa 

Postmaster-General R.  J.  Meigs,  Ohio 

SEVENTEENTH  CONGRESS— -First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
3,  1821.  The  organization  was  effected  by  electing  P.  P.  Bar- 
bour, Va.,  Speaker.  The  fanciful  "era  of  good  feeling"  held,  so 
far  as  opposition  to  the  Republicans  went,  but  they  were  now  a 
divided  and  inharmonious  party.  The  fight  over  the  speaker- 
ship showed  that  the  strict  or  old  school  elements  were  willing 
to  die  in  their  trenches  rather  than  suffer  themselves  to  be  car- 
ried further  by  the  liberal  or  new  school  element.  The  former 
won  the  Speaker,  but  the  latter  passed  a  bill  to  care  for  the 
National  (Cumberland)  Road.     At  this  juncture  Monroe  broke 

*  Of  the  scattering  8  were  cast  for  Richard  Stockton  ;  4  for  Daniel  Rodney;   I 
for  Robert  G.  Harper;   I  for  Richard  Rush.     There  were  three  vacancies. 


Re 

publican. 

James  Mon- 

Daniel D.  Tomp- 

Vote 

roe,  Va. 

kins,  N.  Y.         No  opposition 

3 

3 

3 

9 

9 

9 

4 

4 

Sc. 

8 

8 

8 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

12 

12 

12 

3 

3 

3 

9 

9 

9 

11 

11 

10 

15 

15 

7 

3 

3 

3 

3 

. . 

.  .    Disputed. 

8  . 

7 

7  1  for  J.  Q.  Adams 

8 

8 

8 

29 

29 

29 

15 

15 

IS 

8 

8 

8 

25 

25 

25 

4 

4 

4 

11 

11 

11 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

25 

25 

25 

235 

231 

218 

494  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

with  the  liberals,  took  a  decided  step  backwards  and  vetoed  the 
bill.  His  veto  message  discussed  the  constitutional  side  of  the 
question  very  elaborately,  and  concluded  with  the  announcement 
that  no  power  was  conferred  on  Congress  to  pass  laws  for  in- 
ternal improvements  of  this  kind.  The  President  reached  the 
above  conclusion  only  after  long  hesitation,  for  his  messages 
heretofore  rather  favored  the  position  of  the  liberals,  a  strong 
element  in  his  Cabinet  still  favored  it,  and  he  even  advised,  in 
his  veto,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  conferring  directly 
the  powers  on  Congress  which  the  liberal  interpreters  claimed 
it  was  endowed  with  by  implication.  However,  his  position, 
now  that  it  was  definitely  ascertained,  fortified  that  of  the  strict 
school,  and  they  summarily  disposed  of  bills  involving  the  same 
principle  looking  to  an  internal  canal  system  and  a  Tariff  with 
stronger  protective  features. 

Nor  was  the  country  in  a  happy  mood.  Great  financial  dis- 
tress prevailed.  The  government  was  forced  to  retrench,  and 
even  to  borrow.  The  division  in  the  Republican  ranks  was 
gradually  forcing  its  way  down  among  the  masses,  and  as  is 
common  in  such  cases,  its  party  feeling  was  keener  than  between 
old  opponents.     The  Congress  adjourned,  May  8,  1822. 

SEVENTEENTH  CONGRESS  —  Second  Session.  —  Met 
Dec.  2,  1822.  Again  the  liberals  forced  their  Internal  Improve- 
ment and  Protective  Tariff  ideas  to  the  front  to  meet  with  defeat 
at  the  hands  of  the  rigid  interpreters.  All  however  united  to 
help  the  administration  along  in  its  now  difficult  work  of  keep- 
ing financially  afloat.  An  adjournment  sine  die  took  place,  March 
3,  1823. 

EIGHTEENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  1, 
1823,  and  organized  by  electing  Henry  Clay  Speaker.  This 
election  was  significant.  It  showed  that  the  country  had  swung 
to  the  liberal  side  of  the  Republican  party.  It  meant  that  there- 
after that  side  would  push  its  measures  with  greater  vigor  and 
under  better  auspices. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE.— It  will  be  remembered  that  Clay 
in  the  Fifteenth  Congress  had  proposed  as  a  Foreign  Policy  the 
recognition  of  the  South  American  Republics,  then  in  a  state  of 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  495 

revolt  from  Spain.  The  President  in  his  message  to  the  present 
Congress  dwelt  largely  on  this  question  of  recognition,  and 
formulated  what  has  ever  since  been  accepted  as  "the  Monroe 
Doctrine."  It  announced  the  principle  of  (i)  "  No  interference  in 
wars  of  European  powers  in  matters  relating  to  themselves."  (2) 
Defense  of  our  own  political  system  against  any  attempt  of  foreign 
powers  to  establish  theirs  in  any  part  of  this  hemisphere.  (3) 
No  interference  with  existing  foreign  colonies.  (4)  Interference 
by  foreign  powers  with  colonial  dependencies  that  have  declared 
and  maintained  their  independence,  and  been  recognized  by  this 
government,  to  be  regarded  as  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward 
the  United  States.  (5)  "  It  is  the  true  policy  of  the  government 
to  leave  the  parties  (Spain  and  the  revolting  Republics)  to  them- 
selves, in  the  hope  that  other  powers  will  do  the  same,"  this, 
since  "Spain  cannot  subdue  them,"  and  since,  if  left  alone,  they 
would  never  voluntarily  adopt  a  foreign  political  system. 

TARIFF  OF  1824. — In  the  same  message  Monroe  inclined 
to  the  popular  side  on  matters  of  Protection  and  Internal  Im- 
provement. He  was  a  good  President  in  that  he  was  observant 
of  situations  and  respected  majority  wishes.  Two  months  were 
consumed  in  heated  debate  on  this  measure,  which,  while  the 
rates  on  leading  articles  were  not  as  high  as  under  the  act  of 
1 81 2,  involved  more  directly  the  principle  of  protection  to 
American  manufactures,  by  preventing  the  competition  of  the 
cheaper  manufactures  of  Europe,  than  any  preceding  act.  Lines 
were  drawn  closely  between  the  liberal  and  strict  schools  of 
interpreters  of  the  Constitution,  and,  strange  to  say,  these  lines 
now  showed  quite  a  solid  array  of  Southern  States  *  against  as 
solid  an  array  of  Northern  States.  The  former  supplemented 
their  old  argument  against  the  Constitutionality  of  the  Protective 
idea,  by  the  new  ones  that  it  was  unjust  to  them,  and,  moreover, 
sectional  in  spirit.  Thus  early  they  projected  into  the  conten- 
tion the  thought  that  legislative  protection  to  manufacturing  in- 
dustry was  legislative  hardship  to  planting  industry,  and  that  en- 
couragement of  free  paid  labor  was  discouragement  of  slave 
unpaid  labor.      The  bill  passed  by  a  close  vote,  a  few  of  its 

*  Clay's  own  State.  Kentucky,  was  for  the  bill. 


496  BUILDING  AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

ablest  opponents,  as  Webster,  coming  from  the  New  England 
States.  These,  however,  chiefly  contested  the  propriety  of 
high  protective  duties  and  not  the  Constitutional  right  to  impose 
them,  denying  that  the  distress  of  the  country  was  as  great  as 
described  by  the  friends  of  the  bill,  and  doubting  if  any  legisla- 
tion could  be  made  to  stimulate  industry  and  manufacturing 
enterprise.  The  bill  was  approved  by  the  President  and 
thoroughly  engrafted  "  The  American  System  "  in  our  national 
politics.  The  duties  on  leading  articles  were :  Sugar,  3  cents 
per  pound;  coffee,  5  cents  per  pound;  tea,  25  cents  per  pound; 
salt  (bulk),  20  cents  per  pound  ;  pig  iron,  20  per  cent. ;  bar  iron, 
$30  per  ton ;  manufactures  of  glass,  30  per  cent,  and  3  cents  per 
pound  ;  manufactures  of  cotton,  25  per  cent. ;  manufactures  of 
woollens,  30  per  cent. ;  silk,  25  per  cent.  It  was  followed  by 
another  bill  involving  the  same  liberal  views,  which  provided  for 
surveys  of  routes  upon  which  to  base  a  system  of  national 
canals.     Congress  adjourned,  May  27,  1824. 

ELECTION  OF  1824.— In  the  last  Presidential  election  the 
Republican  party  had  no  opposition,  but  it  had  a  head.  Now 
it  furnished  its  own  opposition,  being  without  a  head.  The 
contest  began  during  the  session  of  the  previous  Congress  by 
bids  for  popular  favor,  expediency  measures  and  votes,  and  out- 
lines for  a  future  which  would  be  less  gloomy  than  the  then 
present. 

An  attempt  to  revive  the  obsolete  Congressional  caucus 
nominations,  in  the  interest  of  Wm.  H.  Crawford,  Ga.,  failed. 
A  Constitutional  amendment  had  been  mooted  to  choose  electors 
by  popular  vote.  The  campaign  became  historic  as  "  the  scrub 
race  for  the  Presidency."  The  liberal  school  of  Republicans  sup- 
ported Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  and  John  Quincy  Adams.  The  strict 
school  supported  Wm.  H.  Crawford,  Ga.,  and  Andrew  Jackson, 
Tenn.  John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C,  had  a  general  support  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  and  was  elected.  None  of  the  candidates  for 
the  Presidency  received  a  majority  of  "  the  whole  number  "  of 
electoral  votes,  though  Jackson  had  the  most.  The  election 
therefore  went  into  the  House  ot  Representatives. 

EIGHTEENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 


Miiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiw  iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiHiiiiiiiiM 


'***fvHp** 


PRESIDENTS  FROM   1817  TO  1841. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  497 

6,  1824.  This  session  saw  the  disruption  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  the  dawn  of  the  Whig  party.  Its  only  political  work 
was  the  counting  of  the  electoral  vote  and  the  subsequent 
election  of  a  President.  The  count  showed  99  for  Jackson;  84 
for  John  Quincy  Adams  ;  41  for  Wm.  H.  Crawford ;  37  for  Henry 
Clay.  For  Vice-President,  Calhoun  had  182  votes,  as  against  78 
scattering.  He  was,  therefore,  declared  Vice-President.  In  the 
contest  over  the  Presidency  in  the  House,  Clay,  who  was  out  of 
the  fight,*  threw  his  strength,  or  as  much  of  it  as  he  could  con- 
trol, to  Adams,  which  gave  him  13  States,  as  against  7  for  Jack- 
son and  4  for  Crawford.  Though  the  election  of  Adams  was 
perfectly  regular  and  constitutional,  it  forced  the  liberal  and 
strict  schools  of  interpreters  wide  apart,  and  the  latter,  carrying 
their  fight  to  the  country  in  the  shape  of  a  rebuke  to  those  Rep- 
resentatives who  had  slaughtered  Jackson,  soon  had  the  vantage 
ground.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1825.  The 
President  and  Vice-President  elect  were  sworn  into  office,  March 
4,  1825. 

X. 

JOHN  Q.  ADAMS'  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1825— March  3,  1829. 

John   Quincy  Adams,   Mass.,   President.    John   C.   Calhoun, 
S.  C,  Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

■      Nineteenth  Congress.  /  J  December  5,  1825-May  22,  1826. 
12,  December  4,  1826-March  3,  1827. 

Twentieth  Congress.    (  *  December  3,  ^27-May  26,  1828. 
{2,  December  1,  1828-March  3,  1829. 

*  In  such  contests  the  three  candidates  having  the  highest  number  of  votes  are 
the  only  candidates  before  the  House,  and  in  voting  each  State  shall  have  only  oae 
vote.     Twelfth  Amendment  to  Constitution. 

32 


498 


BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 


ELECTORAL   VOTE* 


Basis  of 
40,000. 


States 

Alabama 3 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware I 

Georgia 7 

Illinois I 

Indiana 3 

Kentucky 12 

Louisiana 3 

Maine 7 

Maryland 9 

Massachusetts  ....  13 

Mississippi 1 

Missouri 1 

New  Hampshire. .  6 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 34 

North  Carolina..  ..13 

Ohio 14 

Pennsylvania 26 

Rhode  Island. ...   2 
South  Carolina. ...  9 

Tennessee 9 

Vermont 5 

Virginia 22 

Totals.. 213 


Votes. 

5 
8 

3 

9 

3 

5 
14 

5 

9 
11 

15 
3 

3 

8 

8 
36 
15 
16 
28 

4 
11 

7 
24 

261 


A. Jack- 
son, 
Tenn. 


28 


Republicans. 


President. 


J.  Q.  Ad- 
ams, 
Mass. 


W.H. 

Crawford, 
Ga. 


H.  Clay, 
Ky. 


14 


2 

9 

3 

15 


26 


99 


84 


24 

4i 


Vice-President. 
J.  C.  N.  San- 
Calhoun,    ford, 

N.  Y. 


16 


37 


THE  CABINET 


s.  c. 
5 


3 

5 
7 
5 
9 
10 

15 

3 

7 

8 

29 

15 

28 

3 
11 
11 

7 


182 


sc. 
sc. 
sc. 


16 


30 


Secretary  of  State Henry  Clay,  Ky. 

Secretary  of  Treasury.  ..Richard  Rush,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  War James  Barbour,  Va. 

Secretary  of  Navy S.  L.  Southard,  N.  J Continued. 

Attorney-General William  Wirt,  Va. .  .    " 

Postmaster-General John  McLean,  Ohio " 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.— This  party,  fore- 
shadowed for  some  time,  was  now  ready  for  a  name.  The  divi- 
sion in  the  Republican  ranks,  encouraged  by  the  free  play  of 


.*  There  was  one  vacancy.  The  scattering  votes  were,  N.  Macon,  24 ;  A.  Jackson, 
13 ;  Martin  Van  Buren,  9  ;  Henry  Clay,  2.  At  this  election  the  popular  vote  began  to 
be  considered,  for  a  great  many  States  had  abandoned  the  plan  of  choosing  electors 
by  their  Legislatures,  and  a  majority  of  them  were  about  to  do  so.  South  Carolina 
adhered  to  the  plan  till  1868.  The  popular  vote  at  this  election  was  Andrew 
Jackson,  155,872,  10  States;  John  Q.  Adams,  105,321,  8  States;  Wm.  H.  Craw- 
ford, 44,282,  3  States ;  Henry  Clay,  46,587,  3  States.  Contest  finally  decided  in 
the  House.     See  p.  497. 


RULING   THROUGH  PARTIES.  499 

sentiment  during  "  The  era  of  good  feeling,"  and  facilitated  by 
the  efforts  of  leaders  of  both  schools  of  construction  to  impart 
their  personalism  to  a  following,  now  became  a  permanent 
breach.  Adams  entered  on  his  administration  with  the  Crawford 
supporters,  who  were  the  straightest  sect  of  rigid  interpreters, 
against  him.  His  success  had  also  set  the  Jackson  following 
against  him.  They  differed  from  the  Crawford  supporters  only 
in  the  respect  that  they  went  with  Jackson  in  his  Federal  and 
Protective  Tariff  ideas.  But  they  could  now  unite  forces  and 
stand  squarely  against  the  administration.  Clay's  strength, 
which  had  gone  to  Adams'  support  in  the  House  and  helped  to 
elect  him  President,  naturally  favored  the  administration.  But 
Adams  had  made  Clay  his  Secretary  of  State,  a  position  then 
much  courted  as  inviting  to  the  Presidency.  This  gave  the  now 
united  and  embittered  opposition  a  chance  to  charge  collusion 
between  Adams  and  Clay.  Crimination  and  recrimination  fol- 
lowed. Both  sides  became  more  compact  and  determined. 
Besides  the  sharp  personalities  involved,  the  President,  in  his 
inaugural  and  in  his  first  message  to  Congress,  had  mapped  a 
set  of  principles  which,  as  to  Protection,  Internal  Improvement, 
and  liberality  of  Constitutional  Construction  in  general,  would 
answer  as  a  bond  of  agreement  for  his  own  followers  and  those 
of  Clay.  Thus  solidified,  they  set  out  as  National  Republicans 
(though  known  in  the  campaign  of  1828  as  Adams'  men),  a 
name  excellently  chosen,  for  as  Republicans,  yet  as  liberal  or 
national  interpreters  of  the  Constitution,  the  title  was  accurate 
and  full  of  meaning1.  But  by  a  fatality  not  unusual  with  party 
titles,  the  name  did  not  stick  for  many  years,  being  pushed  aside 
to  make  room  for  the  meaningless  title  of  Whig. 

DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.— The  Crawford  and  Jackson  fol- 
lowing were  united  only  in  their  opposition  to  Adams'  adminis- 
tration and  to  the  new  National  Republican  party.  Crawford 
was  sick  and  could  not  look  out  for  his  own  Presidential  chances. 
Jackson  forced  the  situation,  got  a  nomination  three  years  in 
advance  (October,  1825)  from  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee,  and 
thus  became  a  centre  about  which  all  opposition  to  the  adminis- 
tration could  cluster.     While  Jackson's  personalism  was  neces- 


500  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sary  to  attract  the  Crawford  support  and  cement  the  alliance, 
his  followers  were  (in  the  campaign  of  1828)  "Jackson  men." 
Thus,  claiming  to  adhere  more  closely  to  the  old  Republican 
traditions  than  either  Adams  or  Clay,  they  were  more  unmindful 
of  the  old  Republican  name,  having  dropped  it  altogether.  But 
when  it  became  necessary  to  get  away  from  Jackson's  personal  ism 
and  give  the  party  a  national  status,  the  name  Democrat  *  was 
popularly  and  officially  assumed.  It  was  an  easy  transition  to 
this  title.  Men  like  Calhoun  and  others,  who  never  liked  the 
name  Republican,  had  all  along  preferred  to  be  designated  as 
Democrats.  It  was,  therefore,  not  new ;  had  been,  in  fact,  a  part 
of  the  Republican  title,  and  was  a  titular  revival,  rather  than  in- 
vention. Thus  went  out  of  existence  the  distinctive  Republican 
party  and  Republican  name,  though  the  Democrats  claimed  to 
perpetuate  its  principle's,  in  a  rigid  construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Yet  even  in  this  they  too  were,  for  a  time  at  least,  divided, 
for  the  extreme  Southern,  or  State  rights  wing,  sometimes  called 
the  Crawford  faction,  held  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Kentucky  reso- 
lutions of  1799,  which,  we  have  seen,  squarely  broached  the  right 
to  nullify  objectionable  Federal  laws.  A  test  of  their  doctrine 
was  soon  to  be  made  under  the  lead  of  Calhoun. 

NINETEENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  5, 
1825,  with  a  bare  majority  of  liberal  Republicans,  who  organized 
by  electing  John  W.  Taylor,  N.  Y.,  Speaker.  The  Senate  had  a 
majority  of  administration  members,  but  Calhoun  so  arranged 
the  committees  as  to  enable  the  opposition  to  obstruct,  or  defeat 
nearly  every  political  measure  known  to  be  favored  by  the  Pres- 
ident. This  led  the  majority  on  the  floor  to  retaliate  by  taking 
the  power  of  appointing  committees  away  from  the  presiding 
officer,  temporarily.     The  opposition  was  so  strong  and  defiant 

*  The  present  Democratic  party  began  to  take  its  name  in  1831,  and  became  fully 
recognized  in  1832-33.  I  have  before  me  papers  of  both  the  National  Republican 
and  Jackson  parties  in  183 1.  One  called  the  "  Republican  "  had  the  ticket  headed 
"Democrat-Republican  candidate  for  President  in  1832,  Andrew  Jackson."  On 
the  other  side  in  1831,  the  papers  were  headed,  "  National  Republican  candidate 
for  President  in  1832,  Henry  Clay."  I  was  myself  the  secretary  of  a  National 
Republican  club  in  1832,  and  have  the  minutes  now  before  me." — Reminiscences 
of  an  old  Whig. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  501 

that  no  measures  of  moment  passed  the  Congress,  except  those 
relating  to  appropriations.  But  a  great  many  important  bills 
were  debated,  among  which  was  one  to  amend  the  Constitution, 
so  as  to  permit  the  people  to  vote  directly  for  the  President ;  a 
"  Tenure  of  Office  Bill,"  compelling  the  President  to  lay  before 
the  Senate  his  reasons  for  making  removals  from  office ;  another 
to  so  amend  the  Constitution  as  to  prevent  any  member  of  the 
Congress  from  accepting  a  Federal  office  during  his  term ;  and 
lastly  a  bill  which  proposed  a  Congress  of  American  States  to 
agree  on  a  plan  to  prevent  future  European  colonies  and  armed 
influence  in  the  country.  This  last  became  notable,  as  drawing 
from  the  President,  who  had  been  a  member  of  Monroe's  cabinet, 
a  reiteration  of  "The  Monroe  Doctrine,"  and  a  limitation  of  it, 
as  Monroe's  own  idea,  to  our  own  border.  His  idea  also  being, 
that  interference  with  nations  on  our  own  continent  or  hemis- 
phere, even  to  protect  them,  would  be  unjustifiable,  except  under 
the  provisions  designed  to  be  agreed  upon  by  some  such  tribunal 
as  the  proposed  Congress  of  American  States.  Congress  ad- 
journed May  22,  1826. 

NINETEENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
4,  1826.  The  two  parties — National  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic— still  squarely  faced  each  other,  both  nearly  equally 
strong,  both  voting  down  the  measures  of  the  other,  among 
which  was  one  to  increase  the  Tariff,  and  another  which  de- 
serves attention  as  the  first  effort  to  divide  a  part  of  the  national 
revenue  among  the  States.*  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March 
3,  1827. 

TWENTIETH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  3, 
1827.  Organized  by  electing  Andrew  Stevenson,  Va.,  a  Demo- 
crat, Speaker.  This  was  a  curiously  constituted  Congress.  It 
was  Democratic.  What  may  be  called  the  Adams  and  Jackson 
issues — they  were  scarcely  Administration  and  Anti-Administra- 
tion, nor  yet  National  Republican  (or  Whig)  and  Democratic — 

*  This  was  afterwards  done  during  Jackson's  administration.  The  same  question 
of  a  division  of  the  surplus  revenue  among  the  States  is  now  attracting  wide  atten- 
tion. The  policy  of  doing  it  was  announced  in  the  Pennsylvania  Republican 
platform  of  1882. 


502  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  been  carried  to  the  country.  The  Democrats  carried  every 
Southern  State  except  Louisiana.  They  were  no  less  fortunate, 
owing  to  Jackson's  Protective  Tariff  record,  in  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania *  and  Illinois.  Thus  while  they  secured  a  majority  in 
the  Congress,  it  was  united  only  for  general  party  purposes.  On 
the  matter  of  a  Protective  Tariff  it  was  divided,  and  enough 
Democrats  from  Northern  States  supported  the  National  Re- 
publicans to  bring  about  the  celebrated  Tariff  Act  of  May  19, 
1828. 

TARIFF  OF  1828. — This  act  had  nothing  peculiar  about  it, 
except  that  it  increased  the  duty  on  manufactures  of  wool,  and 
some  other  manufactures,  to  what  was  deemed  a  protective  ex- 
tent. But  its  importance  was  due  to  the  fact  (1)  that  it  was  de- 
signed to  emphasize  the  "American  system,"  and  influence  the 
approaching  Presidential  election.  (2)  To  the  fact  that  it  was  a 
turning-point  of  the  hitherto  hostile  New  England  sentiment, 
Webster  having  changed  ground  and  entered  upon  its  advocacy. 
(3)  To  the  fact  that  opposition  to  it  was  more  than  ever  sec- 
tional, the  South  regarding  it  as  robbery  of  the  many  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few,  as  a  blow  at  the  planting  interests,  as  a  dis- 
crimination against  unpaid  labor,  and  as  unconstitutional.  (4) 
To  the  fact  that  it  became  the  basis  of  that  partisan  hostility 
which  rapidly  culminated  in  nullification. 

The  session  was  prolific  of  party  debates,  but  barren  of  results, 
other  than  those  indirect  ones  which  were  designed  to  work  to 
the  benefit  or  detriment  of  prospective  candidates  for  the  Presi- 
dency.    Congress  adjourned,  May  26,  1828. 

ELECTION  OF  1828. — The  common  consent  candidates  of 
the  respective  parties  were  Adams  and  Jackson.  No  others  were 
possible,  for  really  these  had  had  the  field  for  four  years.  The 
great  point  with  Adams,  or  the  National  Republicans,  was  to  so 
emphasize  the  Protective  Tariff  and  Internal  Improvement  ideas 
of  the  administration  as  to  take  away  from  Jackson  whatever 
strength  his  Tariff  record  gave  him.     With  Jackson  the  contest 

*  A  Convention  of  Protectionists,  of  national  import,  had  been  held  at  Hanisburg, 
Pa.,  in  July,  1827,  which  took  the  ground  that  the  country  needed  greater  protection 
than  the  act  of  1824  gave. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  503 

was  altogether  different.  He  considered  himself  aggrieved  by 
the  result  of  the  previous  election,  and  his  campaign  was  con- 
ducted— in  the  Democratic  name — so  as  to  vindicate  the  prin- 
ciple of  choice  by  the  popular  vote,  in  other  words  the  Demo- 
cratic principle.  A  misfortune  of  the  situation  was  that  the 
entire  candidacy  was  sectional,  for  John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C,  was 
running  as  Vice-President  with  Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,  and 
Richard  Rush,  Pa.,  as  Vice-President  with  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Mass.  The  result  would  reach  further  than  simple  party  differ- 
ences warranted.  At  the  election  in  November  the  Democrats 
triumphed. 

TWENTIETH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
I,  1828,  with  its  former  Democratic  majority  in  both  Houses, 
the  doubtful  members  in  the  Senate  having  swung  to  the  Anti- 
Administration  side,  or,  which  is  the  same,  to  the  side  of  the  in- 
coming administration.  No  measures  were  mooted  likely  to 
hamper  the  new  administration,  though  one,  accepting  the  lib- 
eral theory  of  Internal  Improvement,  and  making  large  appro- 
priation therefor,  went  through,  after  provoking  the  then  stereo- 
typed debates  as  to  its  constitutionality.  The  electoral  count  in 
February  showed  178  votes  for  Jackson  and  83  for  Adams,  for 
President,  and  171  for  Calhoun,  and  83  for  Rush,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1829.  The  candi- 
dates elect  were  sworn  into  office  March  4,  1829. 

XI. 

JACKSON'S   FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1829 — March  3,  1833. 

Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,  President.    John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  G, 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Twenty-first  Congress.       1  J  »ecem**r  7,  jf^May  31,  1830. 
(  2,  December  6,  1830-March  3,  1 83 1. 

Twenty-second  Congress.    {  "•  {^f™!:!rr  *  l^-ff^lV*?' 
{2,  December  3,  1832-March  3,  1833. 


504 


BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Democrat. 


National  Republican. 


Basis  of 
States.  40,000. 

Alabama 3 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware 1 

Georgia 7 

Illinois I 

Indiana 3 

Kentucky 12 

Louisiana 3 

Maine 7 

Maryland 9 

Massachusetts  ....    13 

Mississippi I 

Missouri I 

New  Hampshire.  .     6 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 34 

North  Carolina..  ..   13 

Ohio 14 

Pennsylvania 26 

Rhode  Island.  ...     2 
South  Carolina..  ..     9 

Tennessee 9 

Vermont 5 

Virginia 22 

Totals 213 

CABINET 


And.  Jack-  J.  C.  Cal-  J.  Q.  Adams, 
Votes,  son,  Tenn.  houn,  S.  C.      Mass. 

5  5  5 

8  8 

3  -.  ..    "  3 

992 

3  3  3 

5  5  5 

14  14  14 

5  5  5 

9  1  1  8 
11            5           5  6 

15  ••  ••  15 
3  3  3  •- 
3  3  3" 
8  8 


R.  Rush, 
Pa. 

'8 
3 


.  7  for  S.  C.  Smith, 


36 
15 

16 

28 

4 


7 
24 

261 


20 

.15 

16 
28 


24 
i?8 


20 

15 

16 

28 

11 


[71 


8 

6 

15 


8 

8 

16 


83 


83 


Secretary  of  State ,  .* Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Samuel  D.  Ingham,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  War John  H.  Eaton,  Tenn. 

Secretary  of  Navy John  Branch,  N.  C. 

Attorney-General John  M.  Berrien,  Ga. 

Postmaster-General Wm.  T.  Barry,  Ky. 

NEW  ADMINISTRATION— This  first  Democratic  admin- 
istration opened  amid  storm  and  invited  storm.  It  had  to 
confront  the  fact  that  the  extreme  Democrats  of  the  South  (the 
Crawford  following)  were  not  heartily  with  it,  but  that  their 
drift  was  toward  Vice-President  Calhoun,  as  their  leader,  who 
was  now  among  the  most  rigid  masters  in  the  school  of  strict 
interpreters  and  a  pronounced  champion  of  the  Kentucky  reso- 
lutions of  1799.  Indeed,  both  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  had 
already  assumed,  through  their  Legislatures,  to  notify  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  country  that  they  declared  null  and  void  any  act 


*  Popular  vote — Jackson,  647,231  ;  States,  15;  Adams,  509,097;  States,  9. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  505 

of  Congress  (the  really  objectionable  act  was  the  tariff  of  1828) 
which  they  as  States  adjudged  unconstitutional. 

In  his  first  message,  Jackson  took  high  ground  against  a  re- 
charter  of  the  National  Bank,  though  the  charter  of  18 16  did 
not  expire  till  1836,  regarded  its  usefulness  as  in  every  way- 
past,  argued  that  it  was  Anti-Democratic  and  despotic,  and  held 
the  law  authorizing  it  unconstitutional.  He  also  swung  quite  to 
the  side  of  those  who  opposed  Protection  and  Internal  Improve- 
ment. This  alienated  from  him  very  many  Democrats  who  were 
of  sufficiently  liberal  turn  to  favor  all  these  measures.  How- 
ever, this  did  not  last  very  long,  for  circumstances  soon  com- 
pelled him  to  change  front  on  Tariff  and  Internal  Improvement 
measures,  and  to  at  least  see  that  all  such  as  Jiad  assumed  the 
shape  of  law  were  duly  enforced.  His  hostility  to  the  bank, 
however,  continued.  He  gave  his  opposition  a  decidedly  politi- 
cal turn.     Its  destruction  was  the  result 

Nor  was  the  foreign  outlook  assuring.  France  was  urging  a 
settlement  of  her  spoliation  claims,  even  to  the  extent  of  threat- 
ening war,  and  England  was  clamorous  and  angry  about  the 
Maine  boundary.  To  cap  all,  a  new  party,  known  as  the  Anti- 
Masonic,  had  risen  in  New  York,  which  became  a  bidder  for 
national  distinction,  and  which,  in  its  fervor,  threatened  to  de- 
moralize existing  political  forces.*  Amid  all  these  complica- 
tions and  antagonisms  a  President  of  ordinary  nerve  would  have 
failed.  But  it  seemed  to  be  the  kind  of  political  atmosphere 
which  Jackson  liked  to  breathe.  He  was  fortunate  in  the 
respect  that  there  could  be  no  hearty  and  effective  combination 
of  opposing  elements,  and  equally  fortunate  in  the  sympathy 
which  naturally  goes  out  toward  one  who  is  singly  enlisted 
against  overwhelming  odds.  His  personalism  infected  his  entire 
administration,  and  this,  in  his  case,  was  not  a  misfortune,  for 

*  This  organization,  short-lived  as  it  was,  was  peculiarly  galling  to  such  leaders 
as  Clay  and  Jackson,  who  were  both  Masons.  The  furore  which  originated  it  came 
from  the  sudden,  and  as  yet  unaccounted  for,  disappearance  of  one  Daniel  Morgan, 
of  Batavia,  N.  Y.,  who  had  written  a  book  exposing  the  secrets  of  Free  Masonry, 
in  1826.  In  1832  it  nominated  a  Presidential  ticket,  and  then  fell  into  rapid 
decline. 


506  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

he  had  been  a  military  hero,  was  of  undeniably  honest,  but  blunt 
intention,  and  was  quite  on  a  level  with  the  masses  in  brusque 
demeanor  and  every-day  speech. 

VICTOR  AND  SPOILS.— The  clouded  and  uncertain  sur- 
roundings of  the  new  administration  were  its  justification  for  a 
general  clearing  out  of  all  officials  not  in  sympathy  with  it. 
This  became  the  new  doctrine  of  "  Rotation  in  Office,"  or  as  it 
found  popular  expression  from  the  lips  of  Senator  Marcy,  N.  Y., 
the  doctrine  that  "  The  spoils  of  the  enemy  belonged  to  the 
victor."  *  We  have  seen  that  Jefferson  had  given  the  hint  for 
this  doctrine,  but  that  after  applying  it  for  the  correction  of 
certain  errors  on  the  part  of  his  predecessor,  had  fallen  back  on 
the  custom,  which  prevailed  from  the  beginning  till  Jackson's 
time,  of  trusting  to  time  to  make  vacancies  and  to  the  future 
supremacy  of  his  party  to  fill  them.  Whether  Jackson's  excuse 
of  self-defense  were  justified  or  not,  his  practice  was  accepted 
by  all  future  parties,  and  prevailed  without  question,  till  called  to 
account  by  Civil  Service  Reform. 

TWENTY-FIRST  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
7,  1829,  and  organized  by  re-electing  Andrew  Stevenson, 
Va.,  Speaker,  the  Democrats  being  in  a  majority  in  both 
branches.  Now  the  alienations  already  indicated  began. 
The  message,  taking  its  high  ground  against  the  National 
Bank,  which  was  allied  with  Protection  and  Internal  Improve- 
ment, and  proposing  various  things,  among  them  a  distribu- 
tion of  the  surplus  revenue  to  the  States,f  which  were  either 
new  or  upon   which  an   agreement  was  impossible,  they  were 

*  "  Another  doctrine  of  Jackson  was  that  he  was  '  responsible  for  the  entire  action 
of  the  Executive  Department,'  and,  therefore,  had  the  power  to  remove  and  appoint 
all  officers  at  pleasure — a  doctrine  which,  at  a  later  day,  during  the  administration 
of  Andrew  Johnson,  Congress  was  compelled  to  legislate  against.  ■  Responsible  ? ' 
said  Mr.  Webster,  replying  to  Jackson's  protest.  ■  What  does  he  mean  by  being 
responsible  ?  '  Does  he  mean  legal  responsibility  ?  Certainly  not — no  such  thing. 
Legal  responsibility  signifies  liability  to  punishment  for  misconduct  or  maladminis- 
tration. A  Briareus  sits  in  the  centre  of  our  system,  and  with  his  hundred  hands 
touches  exerything,  moves  everything,  controls  everything.  I  ask,  sir,  is  this  Re- 
publicanism ?  is  this  a  government  of  laws  ?  is  this  legal  responsibility  ?  " — Remin- 
iscences of  an  old  Whig. 

f  This  afterwards  came  about.     See  p.  517;  also  p.  501  and  note. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  507 

summarily  dealt  with  by  the  committees  to  which  they  were 
respectively  referred.  Party  lines  were  strictly  drawn  over  the 
question  of  removing  the  Cherokee  Indians  of  Georgia  to  the 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  the  Legislature  of  that  State  having 
enacted  to  open  their  lands  to  settlers,  contrary  to  existing 
treaties  with  the  tribe.  The  National  Republicans  opposed  the 
bill  for  removal.  Though  it  passed,  it  was  ineffective,  the 
Indians  refusing  to  part  with  their  lands.*  Several  enactments 
looking  to  Internal  Improvements  were  passed,  some  of  which 
the  President  vetoed  directly.  Others  he  retained  for  the  legal 
ten  days,  and  Congress  having  in  the  meantime  adjourned  they 
thus  failed  to  become  law.  This  convenient  way  of  vetoing 
a  bill  by  indirection  was  frequently  practised  by  the  President, 
and  got  to  be  known  as  the  " Pocket  Veto"  method. 

The  most  notable  event  of  the  session  was  the  introduction 
into  the  Senate,  by  Foot,  Conn.,  of  an  apparently  harmless 
resolution  of  inquiry  into  the  matter  of  public  lands,  coupled 
with  a  proposition  to  stop  surveys  and  limit  sales.  As  the  ef- 
fect of  the  proposition  would  have  been  to  check  migration  and 
western  settlement,  it  was  opposed  by  western  members,  and 
gave  rise  to  a  five-month  debate.  This  took  the  widest  latitude. 
The  imputation  by  Southern  members  that  it  had  always  been  a 
New  England  policy  to  check  western  settlement,  drew  from 
Webster  a  reference  to  the  ordinance  of  1787  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio.  As  this  ordinance 
prohibited  slavery,  the  slave  question  came  up,  and  was  discussed 
in  all  its  bearings,  the  debates  being  sectional,  exhaustive  and 
bitter.  Hayne's  allusion  to  the  attitude  of  New  England  in  the 
war  of  181 2  brought  from  Webster  a  reference  to  the  Kentucky 
nullifying  resolutions  of   I799,f    and  to  the  recent   action    of 

*  They  were  afterwards  forcibly  removed  in  defiance  of  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  to  the  effect  that  the  treaties  between  them  and  the  United  States  were 
valid. 

f  Hayne  quoted  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  1799,  written  by  Madison,  as  justify- 
ing nullification.  Webster  defended  Madison,  and  showed  that  such  interpretation 
could  not  be  put  upon  them.  But  this  did  not  destroy  Hayne's  reliance  on  the 
Kentucky  resolutions,  written  by  Jefferson.  We  have  taken  the  trouble  to  show 
that  the  doctrine  of  nullification  was  not  in  the  Kentucky  resolutions  which  Jeffer- 


508  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Georgia  and  South  Carolina  respecting  the  tariff  of  1828.  This 
brought  up  the  whole  question  of  nullification,  Hayne  voicing 
the  well-known  sentiments  of  Calhoun.  And  so  it  drifted  from 
Southern  grievance  to  New  England  Federalism,  from  State 
rights  to  Federal  powers,  from  the  government  as  a  League  to 
the  government  as  a  Nation,  covering  the  entire  field  of 
national  and  constitutional  history.  Benton,  though  a  par- 
ticipant, justly  calls  it  "  The  Great  Debate  in  the  Senate."  Con- 
gress adjourned,  May,  31,  1830. 

TWENTY-FIRST  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
6,  1830.  This  Congress  met  at  a  time  when  the  doctrine  of 
Nullification  was  passing  from  peaceful  resistance  to  Federal 
authority  to  open,  violent  resistance.  It  had  shown  its  hand  the 
preceding  April,  when  at  a  dinner  party  in  Washington  the 
President  had  rebuked  the  Nullification  sentiment  which  pre- 
vailed by  the  toast,  "  Our  Federal  Union  ;  it  must  and  shall  be 
preserved."  Vice-President  Calhoun  immediately  flung  the 
counter-toast  among  the  guests,  "  Liberty,  dearer  than  Union." 
These  led  to  enough  to  satisfy  the  President  that  he  must  be  on 
his  guard,  and  the  Nullifiers  that  they  could  not  carry  him  with 
them.  As  to  his  friends  in  Congress,  especially  those  of  liberal 
sentiment,  he  offended  them,  as  before,  by  repeating  in  his  mes- 
sage his  opposition  to  the  National  Bank,  and  by  going  still 
further  and  opposing  Internal  Improvement,  except  under  cer- 
tain limited  conditions.  This  element  went  to  the  support  of 
the  National  Republicans,  and  the  result  was  such  an  emphatic 
verdict  in  favor  of  bills  for  improvement  of  harbors,  rivers  and 
roads,  and  for  light-houses,  that  he  relented  his  opposition  and 
gave  them  executive  approval. 

Before  adjournment  the  President  was  made  to  feel  the  hatred 
of  the  Nullifiers  toward  him.  Vice-President  Calhoun  came  out 
in  a  pamphlet  severely  criticising  his  war  record,  especially  as 
it  related  to  the  Seminole  affair.  This  touched  him  in  a  very 
tender  spot.  Angered  beyond  measure  at  its  publication,  smart- 
son  drew,  but  was  in  those  of  the  next  year  (1799),  in  the  shape  of  an  amend- 
ment to  Jefferson's.  Madison  protested  against  Hayne's  use  of  Jefferson's  name  in 
support  of  what  he  called  the  "  colossal  heresy  of  nullification." 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  509 

ing  under  the  insinuation  that  all  was  not  lovely  among  the 
families  of  his  cabinet,  and  the  further  insinuation  that  he  pre- 
ferred to  be  advised  by  hangers-on  at  the  White  House — a 
"  Kitchen  Cabinet,"  as  they  were  called — he  stormed  as  only 
"Old  Hickory"  could  storm.  His  cabinet  resigned  in  a  body, 
and  gave  him  opportunity  to  reorganize,  which  he  did  by  mak- 
ing Edward  Livingston,  La.,  his  Secretary  of  State,  vice  Van 
Buren ;  Louis  McLane,  Del.,  Secretary  of  Treasury,  vice  Ing- 
ham ;  Lewis  Cass,  Mich.,  Secretary  of  War,  vice  Eaton ;  Levi 
Woodbury,  N.  H.,  Secretary  of  Navy,  vice  Branch ;  Roger  B. 
Taney,  Md.,  Attorney-General,  vice  Berrien.  Congress  adjourned 
sine  die,  March  3,  1831. 

TWENTY-SECOND  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
5,  1 83 1.  The  House  organized  by  re-electing  Andrew  Steven- 
son Speaker.  His  majority  in  the  former  House  was  93,  in  this 
it  was  1.  The  Senate  was  opposed  to  the  Administration.  The 
President  forced  his  war  on  the  United  States  Bank,  and  the 
Congress  met  him  more  than  half  way  by  an  act  reviving  the 
charter,  though  the  old  one  did  not  expire  till  1836.  He  vetoed 
the  bill,  and  the  requisite  two-thirds  could  not  be  mustered  to 
pass  it  over  the  veto.  From  this  time  on  he  pursued  the  bank 
with  Spartan  persistency  until  he  drove  it  out  of  existence. 

TARIFF  OF  1832. — The  process  of  getting  ready  for  the 
Presidential  campaign  seemed  to  require,  as  it  had  done  for  sev- 
eral previous  campaigns,  a  revision  of  the  Tariff.  An  act  passed 
in  May,  1830,  had  considerably  scaled  the  rates  of  duty  laid  in 
the  act  of  1828,  but  not  enough  to  destroy  the  Protective 
features  of  that  act.  The  nullifying  sentiment  in  the  South  must 
be  appeased  somehow.  Another  act  was  the  remedy.  It  was 
the  act  of  July  14,  1832,  which  reduced  duties  very  considerably 
and  placed  coffee  and  tea  on  the  free  list.  But  it  failed  to  effect 
its  purpose,  for  as  yet  there  had  been  no  official  or  legal  repu- 
diation of  the  Protective  idea.  Bills  making  liberal  appropria- 
tions for  Internal  Improvement  were  also  passed  and  signed ; 
some,  however,  received  the  adroit  pocket  veto. 

The  split  between  the  President  and  Vice-President  was  wid- 
ened by  the  refusal  of  the  latter  to  confirm  by  his  casting  vote 


510  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

in  the  Senate  the  appointment  of  Van  Buren  as  Minister  to  Eng- 
land. This  spiteful  proceeding  reacted  on  Calhoun  in  the  shape 
of  the  nomination  of  Van  Buren  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  Con- 
gress adjourned,  July  16,  1832. 

ELECTION  OF  1832. — This  contest  is  noteworthy  as  the 
first  in  which  all  the  parties  made  their  nominations  through 
national  conventions,  and  two  of  them  a  proclamation  of  prin- 
ciples through  what  are  now  known  as  party  platforms.  The 
Anti-Masons  took  the  field  as  early  as  September,  1 831,  at  Bal- 
timore, by  nominating  for  President  William  Wirt,  Va. ;  for 
Vice-President,  Amos  Ellmaker,  Pa.  Their  principles  were  in- 
volved in  their  formal  call  of  a  convention  as  "  opposition  to 
secret  societies." 

The  National  Republicans  followed  in  December,  183 1,  at 
Baltimore.  They  nominated  for  President,  Henry  Clay,  Ky. ;  for 
Vice-President,  John  Sergeant,  Pa.  The  address  of  the  conven- 
tion to  the  people,  or  platform,  defined  the  issues  of  the  cam- 
paign as  the  tariff,  internal  improvement,  the  question  of  remov- 
ing the  Cherokee  Indians,  and  renewal  of  the  United  States 
Bank  charter. 

The  Democrats  met,  also  at  Baltimore,  in  March,  1832,  and 
nominated  for  President,  Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn. ;  for  Vice- 
President,  Martin  Van  .Buren,  N.  Y.  The  convention  published 
no  platform  of  principles.* 

Thus  the  respective  parties  entered  the  campaign.  No  part 
of  the  country  felt  as  warmly  toward  Jackson  as  at  his  first 
election.  The  South  was  cold,  and,  in  the  case  of  South  Caro- 
lina, defiant.  The  North,  or  wherever  the  influence  of  the 
United  States  Bank  was  strongest,  was  unsympathetic  or  pro- 
nouncedly against  him.     But  there  was  little  coherency  in  the 

*But  at  a  ratification  meeting,  held  in  Washington,  May  11,  1832,  a  set  of  reso- 
lutions were  adopted  which  favored  internal  improvement,  denounced  removals 
from  office  for  opinion  sake  and  contained  the  following  on  the  tariff :  "Resolved, 
That  an  adequate  protection  to  American  industry  is  indispensable  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  country,  and  that  an  abandonment  of  the  policy  at  this  period  would  be 
attended  with  consequences  ruinous  to  the  best  interests  of  the  nation."  None  of 
which  was  very  good  Jackson  doctrine  so  far  as  his  first  administration  was  con- 
cerned. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  511 

opposition,  and  the  result  of  the  election,  in  November,  was  de- 
cidedly in  his  favor.  "  The  American  System,"  which  Clay's 
nomination  had  placed  on  trial  before  the  country,  and  which  the 
National  Republicans  had  presented  with  all  their  eloquence  and 
logic,  was,  for  the  time  being,  swamped  by  both  the  national 
verdict  and  that  in  the  Congressional  districts.  South  Carolina 
supported  none  of  the  nominees,  but  cast  her  vote  for  John 
Floyd,  Va.,  and  Henry  Lee,  Mass. 

NULLIFICATION— -No  sooner  had  the  Presidential  election 
passed  over  than  a  South  Carolina  convention,  at  Columbus, 
Nov.  19,  1832,  declared  the  tariff  acts  of  1828  and  1832  "null 
and  void  and  not  binding  upon  the  State,  her  officers  and 
citizens."  It  is  difficult  to  understand  this  action  at  this  time 
except  upon  the  theory  that  it  was  a  direct  blow  of  Calhoun  and 
his  friends  at  Jackson,  for  since  protection  *  had  been  made  the 
distinguishing  feature  of  the  Presidential  campaign,  and  had  not 
been  endorsed  by  the  country,  any  reasonable  opponents  of  the 
protective  idea  must  have  been  satisfied.f  Other  circumstances 
may,  however,  have  conspired  to  bring  about  the  ordinance  at 
this  juncture.  The  sentiment  of  nullification  had  been  ripening 
for  some  time.  The  State  of  Georgia  had  practically  nullified 
the  Cherokee  Indian  act  by  refusing  to  obey  the  decrees  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court.  The  thought  that  coercion  of  a 
State  by  the  Federal  troops  was  possible  did  not  prevail  then, 

*  The  nullifiers,  it  must  be  remembered,  claimed  that  a  tariff  act  which  involved 
the  idea  of  protection  was  unconstitutional.  This,  they  said,  was  the  gravamen  of 
the  acts  of  1828  and  1832.  It  is  very  probable,  however,  that  they  deemed  the 
time  a  fit  one  to  test  the  position  of  a  State  in  the  Union. 

f  "  Jackson  had  pledged  himself  to  a  single  term,  and  Calhoun  had  expected  to 
be  his  successor.  But  by  adroit  use  of  resolutions  in  several  of  the  State  Legisla- 
tures in  favor  of  a  second  term  for  Jackson,  he  concluded  to  run  again.  His 
quarrel  with  Calhoun  now  became  a  feud.  Calhoun  pressed  his  nullification  idea,  and 
Jackson  resisted  by  the  proclamation  of  force,  Dec.  16,  1832.  Clay,  fearing  war, 
introduced  his  "Compromise  tariff  bill,"  which  passed  March  2,  1833,  under  which 
duties  were  to  be  scaled  at  the  rate  of  10  per  cent,  annually  till  they  reached  a  uni- 
form rate  of  20  per  cent.  This  they  did  in  1842.  During  this  period  the  country 
reached  universal  bankruptcy  in  1837,  a  sub-treasury  law  had  to  be  passed  to  supply 
the  place  of  the  suspended  State  banks,  a  bankrupt  law  to  relieve  individuals,  and 
the  tariff  act  of  1842  to  relieve  the  country." — Reminiscences  of  an  old  Whig. 


512  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  the  further  thought  that  any  such  attempt  at  coercion  would 
be  resisted  by  the  States  through  which  such  troops  would  be 
compelled  to  pass,  did  prevail  in  South  Carolina.  At  any  rate  the 
ordinance  passed,  and  it  was  backed  up  by  resolutions  to  the 
effect  that  any  appeal  from  it  to  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  would  be  punishable  as  an  offence,  and  that  any  attempt 
at  force  on  the  part  of  the  general  government  would  be  followed 
by  the  secession  of  the  State. 

This  Ordinance,  which  went  into  effect  Feb.  I,  1833,  placed  the 
State  in  the  attitude  of  forcible  resistance  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States.  A  certified  copy  of  it  reached  the  President  in 
December,  1832,  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in  the  meantime 
passing  laws  taking  back  all  those  powers  it  had  parted  with  to 
the  central  government,  and  rapidly  placing  it  on  a  war  footing. 
Soon  after  its  receipt,  the  President,  Dec.  16,  1832,  issued  his 
celebrated  proclamation  to  the  people  of  the  State.  It  is  im- 
portant as  showing  how  the  first  overt  nullification,  and  first 
direct  attempt  at  secession,  was  met,  and  that  by  an  executive 
who,  though  not  of  the  extreme  school  of  rigid  interpreters  of 
the  Constitution,  was  yet  sufficiently  inclined  that  way  to  be  the 
national  representative  of  the  then  existing  Democracy.  The 
Proclamation  (1)  exhorted  the  people  of  South  Carolina  to  obey 
the  laws  of  Congress.  (2)  Pointed  out  the  illegality  of  their 
procedure.  (3)  Showed  that  the  general  government  was  one 
in  which  the  people  of  all  the  States  were  collectively  repre- 
sented. (4)  Affirmed  that  Representatives  in  Congress  are 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  and  not  of  particular  States, 
are  paid  by  the  United  States  and  are  not  accountable  to  the 
State  for  their  legitimate  acts.  (5)  Concluded,  therefore,  that 
the  government  was  not  a  League,  but  a  government,  whether 
formed  by  compact  or  in  any  other  way ;  that  it  operated  on  in- 
dividuals, not  on  States ;  that  the  States  parted  with  enough  of 
their  powers  to  make  a  nation ;  that  the  claim  of  a  right  to 
secede  was  not  the  mere  withdrawing  from  a  contract,  but  was 
destructive  of  the  unity  of  a  nation ;  that  it  would  be  a  solecism 
to  contend  that  any  part  of  a  nation  might  dissolve  its  connection 
with  other  parts,  to  their  injury  or  ruin,  without  committing  an 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  513 

offence.  (6)  Expressed  his  determination  to  enforce  the  laws/ 
even  by  a  resort  to  force  if  necessary. 

Without  recourse  to  Congress,  then  in  session,  but  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  power  he  already  possessed  as  executive,  he  threw 
a  naval  force  into  Charleston  Harbor  and  proceeded  to  collect 
the  duties  under  the  Tariff  of  1832.  In  January,  however,  he 
was  forced  to  ask  for  legislation  to  aid  him  in  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws.  A  bill  was  consequently  prepared  in  the  Senate 
which  was  deemed  adequate.  Its  provisions  provoked  intense 
hostility.  Debate  was  long  and  acrimonious.  Notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  it  was  shown  to  contain  no  new  feature,  and  had 
the  support  of  such  conservative-minded  men  as  Webster,  it  was 
denounced  as  unconstitutional,  as  tending  to  civil  war,  as  a 
"  Force  Bill,"  as  "  the  Bloody  Bill,"  etc.  It  was  a  bill  to  enforce 
the  Tariff  Act  of  1832.  It  passed,  was  signed  by  the  President, 
and  duly  executed.  South  Carolina  did  not  secede  on  account 
of  it,  and  no  State  was  injured  by  its  passage  and  enforcement. 
All  in  all  it  was  probably  the  best  measure  which  could  have 
been  devised  for  the  emergency.  At  any  rate  it  made  the  Presi- 
dent master  of  the  situation,  and  rampant  nullification  subsided. 
Soon  after  the  opening  of  Congress  in  December  Calhoun  re- 
signed the  Vice-Presidency  and  entered  the  Senate,  where  he 
took  early  occasion  to  say  that  his  State  had  never  intended  to 
resist  the  government  by  force,  and  as  an  evidence  of  it  he  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  a  recent  meeting  of  nullifiers  had  been 
held  at  which  it  was  agreed  that  all  thought  of  forcible  resistance 
should  be  postponed  till  after  the  Congress  had  adjourned. 

TWENTY-SECOND  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  3,  1832.  The  most  important  act  was  that  spoken  of  in 
the  preceding  paragraph,  except  perhaps  the  compromise  Tariff 
Act.  This  act,  conceived  by  Clay  in  a  spirit  of  compromise,  met 
two  requirements  :  (1)  the  verdict  of  the  last  Presidential  election; 
(2)  the  wishes  of  those  engaged  in  nullification,  not  fully,  per- 
haps, but  sufficiently  to  show  that  the  friends  of  Protection  were 
not  necessarily  the  enemies  of  their  opponents.  Its  weakness 
was  that  of  all  compromises.  It  was  immediately  heralded  by 
the  nullifiers  as  their  vindication,  and  amid  great  rejoicing  was 
33 


514  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

proclaimed  as  a  surrender  of  "  the  American  system  "  and  a 
justification  of  the  South  Carolina  status.  It  did  not  enact  any- 
thing affirmatively,  but  taking  the  Tariff  of  1832  as  a  basis,  pro- 
ceeded to  emasculate  it  by  a  dry  rot  repeal  extending  over  a 
period  of  ten  years  (till  1842),  during  all  which  time  there  was 
to  be  a  gradual  biennial  reduction  of  duties,  till  in  the  end  no 
higher  rate  than  20  per  cent,  should  survive. 

The  President  continued  his  war  on  the  National  Bank,  but 
was  headed  off  by  its  friends.  The  Public  Land  Question  came 
up  again  in  the  shape  of  a  bill  to  turn  the  proceeds  of  sales  over 
to  the  States  as  a  loan.     A  pocket  veto  settled  its  fate. 

The  count  of  the  electoral  vote  in  February,  1833,  revealed, 
for  President,  Jackson  219,  Clay  49,  Floyd  1 1,  Wirt  7;  for  Vice- 
President,  Van  Buren  189,  Sergeant  49,  Wiikins  30,  Lee  1 1,  Ell- 
maker  7.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1833.  Jack- 
son and  Van  Buren  were  sworn  into  office  March  4,  1833. 

XII. 
JACKSON'S  SECOND   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1833— March  3,  1837. 

Andrew  Jackson,  Tenn.,  President.    Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

■  _  f  1,  December  2,  18^-Tune  30,  1 8  34. 

Twenty-third  Congress,      j  ^  December  1,  1834-March  3,  1835. 

_  -,  f  1,  December  7,  1835-July  4,  1836. 

Twenty-fourth  Congress,  j  ^  December  J,  ^o-March  3,  1837. 

ELECTORAL  VOTE* 

Democrat.  Nat.  Republican.         Anti-Mason. 


Basis  of  And.  Jack-  M.  Van     H.  Clay,  J.  Ser-   W.  Wirt,  Amos  Ell- 
States.                47,700.  Vote,  son,  Tenn.  Buren, N.Y.   Ky.  geant,  Pa.     Va.      maker,  Pa. 

Alabama    5  7              7  7 

Connecticut 6  8           ..  ..  8              8 

Delaware I  3            ••  ••  3              3 

Georgia 9  1 1            II  1 1 

Illinois 3  5             5  5  •• 

Indiana 7  9            9  9 

*  There  were  two  vacancies.  The  South  Carolina  vote  went  to  John  Floyd  and 
Henry  Lee.  William  Wiikins,  Pa.,  got  30  of  the  scattering  votes.  The  popular 
vote  was  :  Andrew  Jackson,  687,502  ;   Henry  Clay,  530,189  ;  William  Wirt,  33,108. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES. 


515 


Electoral  Vote — Continued. 


Democrat. 


Nat.  Republican.        Anti-Mason. 


Basis  of 
States.  47j7oo- 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 3 

Maine 8 

Maryland % 

Massachusetts 12 

Mississippi 2 

Missouri 2 

New  Hampshire..  ..     5 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 40 

North  Carolina....    13 

Ohio  ..  .' 19 

Pennsylvania 28 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina   ...     9 

Tennessee 13 

Vermont 5 

Virginia 21 

Totals 240 

THE  CABINET 


And.  Jack-    M.  Van     H.  Clay,  J.  Ser-  W.  W 
Vote,  son,  Tenn.  Buren.N.Y.  Ky.  gear.t,  Pa.     Va. 


*5 

5 

10 

10 

14 

4 

4 

7 

8 

42 

15 

21 

30 

4 

7 

_23 

288 


5 
10 


4 
4 
7 
8 
42 

15 
21 

30 

sc. 
15 


23 
219 


5 
10 

3 

4 
4 
7 
8 
42 

*5 
21 

sc. 

sc. 

15 

_23 

89 


15 


49 


49 


rt,  Amos  Ell- 
maker,  Pa. 


Secretary  of  State Lewis  McLane,  Del. 

Secretary  ot  Treasury William  J.  Duane,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  War Lewis  Cass,  Mich Continued. 

Secretary  of  Navy Levi  Woodbury,  N.  H " 

Attorney-General Roger  B.  Taney,  Md " 

Postmaster-General William  T.  Barry,  Ky " 


Jackson's  Cabinets  were  very  fluctuating.  This  one  was  ar- 
ranged, the  better  to  carry  on  his  war  against  the  United  States 
Bank.  But  Mr.  Duane  refused  to  obey  his  order  to  remove  the 
deposits  from  the  Bank  on  the  plea  that  they  were  unsafe  there, 
that  they  had  been  used  for  political  purposes,  or  for  any  reason 
whatever.  Nor  would  he  resign  his  office.  He  on  the  contrary 
alleged  that  the  President's  action  was  unnecessary,  arbitrary, 
and  unjust.  He  was  removed,  and  Roger  B.  Taney  took  his 
place.  The  deposits  were  then  transferred  to  favorite  State 
banks.  The  National  Bank,  thus  left  without  bankable  resource, 
began  to  call  in  its  loans  and  wind  up  business,  in  the  midst  of 
great  financial  embarrassment  and  commercial  distress. 

TWENTY-THIRD  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
2,  1833.  Organized  by  re-electing  Andrew  Stevenson,  Speaker, 
by  a  majority  of  81.     The  war  on  the  Bank  culminated  during 


516  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE    REPUBLIC. 

this  session.  Enough  Democratic  Senators  united  with  the 
National  Republicans  to  censure  the  President  for  his  removal 
of  the  Bank  deposits.  This  was  tabled  in  the  House,  which 
then  committed  itself  by  a  resolution  not  to  vote  for  a  re-charter 
of  the  Bank.  Thus  the  President  carried  his  position  by  indirec- 
tion, and  the  tedious,  bitter,  demoralizing,  and,  so  far  as  Jackson 
was  concerned,  personal,  struggle  ended.  Even  the  commercial 
and  industrial  hardship  entailed  by  the  loss  of  so  powerful  a 
financial  agent  was  quoted  as  an  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the 
President's  charges  against  it.* 

The  Post-office  Department,  which  had  been  conducted 'under 
the  Treasury  Department  until  1 829,  and  then  set  apart  as  dis- 
tinct, came  up  for  investigation.  As  this  was  an  administration 
measure,  the  Department  was  declared  by  a  House  investigating 
committee  to  be  corrupt,  and  a  bill  for  its  reorganization  passed. 

The  President  and  Senate  were  in  a  perpetual  snarl.  The 
latter  rejected  his  pet  nominations,  among  them  that  of  Taney 
for  the  Treasury,  and  Stevenson,  the  Speaker,  as  Minister  to  Eng- 
land. It  also  attempted  to  limit  his  political  removals  and  ap- 
pointments, by  a  species  of  Tenure  of  Office  bill.  Congress 
adjourned  June  30,  1834. 

TWENTY-THIRD  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  1,  1834.  This  session  was  mainly  devoted  to  finance.  The 
deposit  of  public  moneys  in  the  State  banks  was  giving  rise  to 
trouble.  As  a  system  it  was  inconvenient  and  dangerous,  though 
tenaciously  adhered  to  by  the  Democrats.  Its  opponents  pro- 
posed as  a  substitute  a  system  of  Sub-Treasuries  at  various  busi- 
ness centres,  through  whose  agents  the  Treasurer  might  act 
safely  and  promptly.  This  the  Democrats  voted  down,  only, 
however,  to  fall  in  with  and  adopt  it  at  a  later  date,  as  their  best 
weapon  with  which  to  fight  those  who  favored  re-chartering  a 
National  Bank.     Slight  encouragement  was  given  the  system  of 

*  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  say  that  the  leading  Democratic  opponents  of  the  Bank, 
sucli  as  Benton,  rested  their  case  on  a  denial  of  the  right  of  the  government  to 
make  anything  money  except  gold  and  silver.  They  rigidly  interpreted  the  coinage 
clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  popularized  the  idea  that  Democrats  then  constituted 
"  the  hard  money  party." 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  517 

Internal  Improvements,  by  an  appropriation  therefor.  Congress 
adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1835. 

TWENTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met 
Dec.  7,  1835.  Organized  by  electing  James  K.  Polk,  Tenn.,  as 
Speaker.  Neither  branch  was  a  happy  body.  An  amalgamated 
opposition  to  the  Democrats  controlled  the  Senate,  and  the 
Democratic  majority  in  the  House  was  divided  into  two  factions, 
one  administration,  anxious  to  advance  Van  Buren's  chances  for 
the  Presidency,  the  other  anti-administration,  anxious  to  advance 
those  of  Hugh  L.  White,  Tenn.  Fortunately  no  measures  of 
party  moment  arose.  The  leading  act  of  the  session  was  one 
which  passed  in  pursuance  of  the  President's  announcement  in 
his  message  that  the  public  debt  would  soon  be  paid,  and  his 
advice  that  some  method  of  disposing  of  the  surplus  revenue 
should  be  provided.  It  is  of  moment  now,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  a  similar  proposition  is  being  mooted,  and  bids  fair  to 
become  a  party  issue. 

SURPLUS  REVENUE.— Clay's  previous  plan  to  distribute 
the  surplus  arising  from  the  sale  of  public  lands  among  the 
States  was  premature,  because  the  government  had  need  of  the 
money.  Now,  the  extinguishment  of  the  public  debt  made  a 
similar  plan  more  timely.  But  how  to  get  at  it  was  a  grave 
question.  Every  way  seemed  unsatisfactory  till  a  plan  of  regu- 
lating the  deposit  of  public  moneys  in  the  State  banks  was  hit 
upon.  Deposits  had  hitherto  been  made  in  the  "  pet  banks." 
Now  the  surplus  revenue  was  to  be  divided  in  proportion  to  the 
population  of  each  State,  and  the  share  of  each,  as  thus  ascer- 
tained, was  to  be  deposited  in  its  designated  State  bank  or 
banks,  for  the  use  of  the  State,  the  same  to  be  regarded  as  in 
the  nature  of  a  loan  for  whose  return,  when  called  on,  the  State 
stood  as  a  pledge.  This  ingenious  act  passed  both  Houses  in 
June,  1836,  to  take  effect  Jan.  1,  1837.  It  applied  to  all  surplus 
above  $5,000,000,  and  under  it  $26,101,644  were  distributed.  It 
ceased  to  operate  in  less  than  a  year,  by  act  of  Congress,  owing 
to  hard  times.  The  Distribution  bill  was  signed  by  the  Presi- 
dent reluctantly.  The  promised  benefit  to  the  States  did  not 
accrue,  nor  did  those  who  favored  it  with  the  hope  of  advancing 


518  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

their  Presidential  chances  reap  the  harvest  they  expected.  The 
panic  of  1837  burst  upon  the  country  all  the  same,  and  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  suffered  defeat  in  1840.  Arkansas  became  a  State 
June  15,  1836.     Congress  adjourned  July  4,  1836. 

PANIC  OF  1837.— The  destruction  of  the  United  States 
Bank,  the  scaling  of  duties  under  the  Tariff  Act  of  1 833,  the  mul  - 
tiplication  of  State  banks  and  introduction  of  their  variable  and 
doubtful  notes,  made  the  financial  situation  uncertain,  distressed 
business,  and  tended  directly  toward  panic.  This  was  precipi- 
tated by  an  order  of  the  President,  issued  through  his  Secretary 
of  Treasury  (July,  1836),  to  the  effect  that  the  Treasury  should 
cease  to  take  State  bank  notes  in  payment  for  Public  Lands,  but 
should,  in  the  future,  take  only  gold  and  silver.  From  a  Treasury 
standpoint  this  was  justifiable,  for  the  notes  of  the  State  banks 
had  been  piling  up  in  the  Treasury  Department  in  great  quan- 
tities. But  as  such  a  result  had  been  invited  by  the  destruction 
of  the  National  Bank,  with  its  uniform  and  stable  currency,  it 
looked  as  if  the  President  were  recoiling  from  it.  His  specie 
order  speedily  swamped  the  State  banks,  except  the  "  pet "  ones, 
which  were  banks  designated  to  receive  the  national  deposits, 
by  creating  a  demand  for  gold  and  silver  they  could  not  meet. 
The  panic  broke  on  the  country  the  next  year,  and  the  direst 
distress  prevailed  in  every  department  of  business. 

ELECTION  OF  1836. — This  contest  opened  early  by  the 
nomination  (1834-35)  of  H.  L.  White,  Tenn.,  by  the  Legislature 
of  Alabama.  This  was  to  head  off  Jackson,  who  sought  the 
nomination  of  Van  Buren.  The  White  faction  was  the  rest, 
residue  and  remainder  of  the  old  Crawford  faction,  members  of 
the  extreme  school  of  rigid  interpreters,  strict  State -rights  men, 
former  nullifiers,  unyielding  opponents  of  Jackson.  But  the  Van 
Buren  forces  were  not  to  be  demoralized  in  this  way.  The  era 
of  caucus  and  legislative  nomination  had  passed.  A  popular 
convention  met  in  Baltimore  in  May,  1835,  and  placed  Martin 
Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  in  nomination  for  President,  with  Richard  M. 
Johnson,  Ky.,  for  Vice-President.  This  was  called  a  "  Loco- 
Foco  "  convention,  the  term  having  come  into  popular  use  the 
previous  winter  in  New  York  as  a  set-off  to  the  term  "  Whig," 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  519 

Which  was  at  the  same  time  applied  to  the  National  Republican 
party.  The  "  Loco-Focos  "  promulgated  a  platform,  the  impor- 
tant plank  in  which  was  adherence  to  gold  and  silver  as  the  only- 
proper  circulating  medium. 

The  Whigs,  Anti-Masons,  "  and  all  opposed  to  "  Van  Buren, 
united  on  William  Henry  Harrison,  Ohio,  for  President,  and 
Francis  Granger,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President,  who  had  been  the 
declared  nominees  of  a  State  convention  held  in  Pennsylvania 

(1835)- 

To  the  Alabama  nomination  of  H.  L.  White  for  President  had 
been  added  that  of  John  Tyler,  Va.,  for  Vice-President. 

Feeling  that  the  election  could  be  thrown  into  the  House, 
where  the  Democratic  division  would  insure  the  choice  of  an 
opposition  candidate,  Ohio  placed  John  McLean  in  nomination 
for  the  Presidency,  and  Massachusetts,  Daniel  Webster. 

Thus  shaped,  the  election  took  place  in  November,  1836,  and 
resulted  in  a  majority  of  Van  Buren  electors. 

TWENTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  5,  1836.  This  session  was  not  notable  for  bills  passed, 
but  is  memorable  for  the  attempt  made  by  the  Southern  mem- 
bers to  recover  the  territory  west  of  the  Sabine  (Texas),  which 
had  been  lost  at  the  time  of  the  Florida  purchase  (18 19).  Con- 
trary to  the  advice  contained  in  the  President's  message,  against 
interference  between  Mexico  and  the  Republic  of  Texas  (Texas 
had  seceded  from  the  Mexican  Republic  and  set  up  for  herself), 
the  Senate  passed  a  bill  recognizing  Texan  independence,  which 
the  House  rejected. 

A  NEW  POLITICAL  FORCE -At  is  further  memorable 
as  directly  recognizing  a  new  political  force  which  had  been  incor- 
porated in  1833  as  the  National  Anti-Slavery  Society,  which  had 
been  working  quietly  and  suasively  by  means  of  lectures,  tracts 
and  newspapers,  and  which,  in  its  preference  of  abroad  humanity 
for  narrow  code,  had  given  offence  to  the  South  by  technical 
violations  of  the  existing  regulations  respecting  the  return  of 
fugitives.  The  mob  violence  which  had  been  resorted  to  in 
several  Northern  cities  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  up  the 
sources  of  abolition  literature  having  failed,  and  there  being  an 


520  BUILDING  AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

alarming  increase  of  the  same  in  the  South,  the  President 
advised  Congress  to  pass  a  bill  construing  such  literature  as 
incendiary  and  prohibiting  its  carriage  by  the  United  States 
mails.  The  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  this  summary  method, 
and  the  bill  was  rejected. 

THE  ELECTORAL  COUNT— Michigan  was  admitted  as  a 
State,  Jan.  26,  1837.  The  electoral  count  in  February  resulted 
in  170  for  Van  Buren;  73  for  Harrison;  26  for  White;  14  for 
Webster;  and  11  for  W.  P.  Mangum,  N.  C,  for  President;  and 
for  Vice-President,  147  for  Johnson;  yj  for  Granger;  47  for 
Tyler ;  and  23  for  William  Smith,  Ala.  There  being  no  choice 
for  Vice-President,  the  House  elected  Richard  M.  Johnson,  Ky. 
Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1837,  and  on  March  4 
Van  Buren  and  Johnson  were  sworn  into  office. 

Jackson  signalized  his  retiracy  by  a  farewell  address,  after  the 
manner  of  Washington,  in  which  he  vindicated  his  administrative 
career,  and  congratulated  the  country  on  its  peace,  prosperity, 
and  full  triumph  of  the  Democratic  principles  and  party.  His 
own  peace  of  mind  had  been  exalted  by  the  passage  of  a  resolu- 
tion, March  16,  1837,  expunging  the  Clay  resolution  censuring 
his  conduct  in  the  removal  of  the  public  m®neys  from  the 
National  Bank. 

XIII. 

VAN  BUREN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1837 — March  3,  1841. 

Martin    Van    Buren,  N.  Y.,  President.      Richard  M.  John- 
son, Ky.,    Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

{I,  September  4,  1837-October  16,  1837,  extra  session. 
2,  December  4,  1837-July  9,  183S. 
3,  December  3,  1838-March  3,  1839. 


„,  *,  f  I,  December  2,  1839-Tuly  21,  1840. 

Twenty-sixth  Congress,    j  2>  December  ;>  l8^-March  3,  1841. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES. 


521 


ELECTORAL   VOTE.* 


Democrat. 


Whig. 


States. 
Alabama  . . 
Arkansas..  .  . 
Connecticut . 
Delaware . .  . 


Basis  of 
47,700. 

•     5 

6 
I 


Georgia 9 

Illinois 3 

Indiana 7 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 3 

Maine 8 

Maryland 8 

Massachusetts 12 

Michigan. ...   1 

Mississippi 2 

Missouri 2 

New  Hampshire. ...  5 

New  Jersey 6 

New  York 40 

North  Carolina.  ...  13 

Ohio 19 

Pennsylvania 28 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina 9 

Tennessee    13 

Vermont 5 

Virginia. 21 

Totals 242 

THE  CABINET 


Votes. 

7 
3 


5 

9 

15 

5 

10 

10 

3 

4 
4 
7 
8 
42 

15 
21 

30 

4 

11 

IS 

7 

294 


M.  Van  Bu-  K 

ren,  N.  Y. 

4 

3 

8 


7 
4 
5 

sc. 
to 


4 

4 
7 

42 
*5 

30 

4 

sc. 


31 

170 


M.  John- 
son, Ky. 

4 
3 
8 

7 
4 
5 

sc. 
10 


4 
4 

7 

42 
15 

30 

4 

sc. 


W.  H.  Harri- 
son, Ohio. 


F.  Granger, 

N.Y. 


47 


IO 

sc. 


15 

7 
73 


Secretary  of  State 

Secretary  of  Treasury.  .  . 
Secretary  of  War 


John  Forsyth,  Ga Continued. 

Levi  Woodbury,  N.  II ....  " 

Joel  R.  Poinsett,  S.  C. 

Secretary  of  Navy Mahlon  Dickerson,  N.  J..  .Continued. 

Attorney-General Benjamin  F\  Butler,  N.  Y...  " 

Postmaster-General Amos  Kendall,  Ky " 


*5 

7 
sc. 

77 


THE  INAUGURAL.— Van  Buren's  inaugural  teemed  with 
faith  in  his  predecessor  and  promises  to  abide  by  his  policy. 
It  congratulated  the  country  on  its  prosperity  and  peace,  and 
laid  down  as  his  chart  the  doctrines  of  the  Democratic  party. 
This  commitment  was  untimely.     It  made  him  the  executor  of 


*  Webster  got  the  14  votes  of  Massachusetts;  Mangum  the  11  votes  of  South 
Carolina  ;  White  26  votes  from  various  Southern  States.  For  Vice-President,  John 
Tyler  got  47  and  William  Smith  23.  The  popular  vote  was,  Van  Buren,  761,549, 
15  States;  Harrison,  7  States;  White,  2  States;  Webster,  I  State ;  Mangum,  I 
State — 236,656  votes. 


522  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  wreck  invited  by  a  financial  policy  which  would  have  in  time 
carried  even  Jackson  down.  The  State  banks  had  flooded  the 
country  with  a  "wild-cat"  currency.  Values  were  inflated  and 
speculation  rife.  The  President's  (Jackson's)  order  to  take  noth- 
ing but  gold  and  silver  in  payment  for  public  lands  had  by  this 
time  resulted  in  a  heavy  gold  premium,  and  the  impossibility  of 
getting  specie  at  all  by  the  weaker  banks.  The  folly  of  the  law 
ordering  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the  States  was 
now  apparent,  for  the  surplus  was  in  the  keeping  of  the  "  pet 
banks,"  and  they  could  not  respond  to  the  order  to  pay  money 
over  to  the  States  which  they  had  loaned  out  and  could  not 
promptly  collect.  On  May  10,  1837,  a  general  suspension  of  the 
banks  took  place.  This  stopped  the  treasury,  for  its  deposits 
were  with  the  banks.  The  panic  of  1837  was  on,  with  its  cruel 
and  unparalleled  wreck  of  every  vital  business  interest. 

TWENTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS— -Extra  Session.— Galled 
Sept.  4, 1 837,  to  consider  the  financial  situation.  House  organized 
by  electing  James  K.  Polk,  Tenn.,  Speaker.  Both  branches  Dem- 
ocratic ;  House  by  a  majority  of  13.  The  President's  message 
defended  Jackson's  "  Specie  Circular,"  but  recommended  the  Gov- 
ernment to  break  off  from  the  banks,  whether  State  or  National, 
and  rely  on  an  Independent  Treasury  System,*  with  an  issue  of 
Treasury  notes ;  further,  to  stop  paying  the  deposits  due  the 
States  under  the  act  then  in  force.  The  message  met  with  vio- 
lent opposition  from  Whigs  and  many  Democrats.  Clay,  Web- 
ster, Cushing  and  others  made  it  a  text  for  the  review  of  Dem- 
ocratic finance,  from  the  beginning  of  the  Government  down. 
The  Democratic  opponents  of  the  message  switched  off  into  a 
separate  party,  calling  themselves  "  Conservatives."  The  bills 
enacted  sustained  the  Administration  and  marked  the  era  of  a 
complete  separation  between  State  and  National  banking.  They 
stopped  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the  States, 
extended  the  time  to  merchants  who  had  borrowed  National 

*  This  was  really  the  Sub-Treasury  plan  proposed  by  the  National  Republi- 
cans in  the  23d  Congress,  and  then  rejected  by  the  Democrats.  It  was  now 
opposed  by  the  Whigs,  who  saw,  since  the  distress  was  on,  an  opportunity  to  re* 
establish  a  Notional  bank,  and,  as  they  reasoned,  thus  lift  the  country  out  of  panic. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  523 

moneys,  and  sanctioned  the  issue  of  Treasury  notes  to  the  ex- 
tent of  $10,000,000. 

The  interest  of  the  session  was  heightened  by  Calhoun's  reso- 
lutions in  the  Senate  against  interference  with  slavery  in  the 
States,  and  to  the  effect  "that  it  would  be  inexpedient  and  im- 
politic to  abolish  or  control  it  in  the  District  of  Columbia  or  the 
Territories."  He  was  loud  in  his  praise  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820.  From  this  time  on  the  subject  of  slavery  came 
up  in  nearly  every  session  of  Congress,  till  1863.  Congress  ad- 
journed, Oct.  16,  1837. 

TWENTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS— -First  Regular  Session.— 
Met  Dec.  4,  1837.  The  coalition  between  the  Whigs  and  Con- 
servative Democrats  still  prevailed,  and  it  defeated  in  the  House 
the  Senate  bill  to  establish  an  Independent  Treasury,  though  it 
came  to  the  relief  of  that  department  by  authorizing  it  to  accept 
as  current  the  notes  of  specie-paying  banks.  This  innocent- 
looking  measure  really  permitted  the  Administration  to  get  away 
from  the  hampering  effects  of  Jackson's  Specie  Order  without 
the  humiliation  of  formally  withdrawing  it. 

The  determination  of  the  Southern  States  to  regain  Texas 
came  boldly  forth  this  session  by  a  bill  for  annexation,  which  did 
not  pass.  It  will  be  curious  now  to  watch  the  growth  of  this 
idea  of  enlarged  slave  territory,  first  by  direct  acquisition,  and 
then  by  the  doctrine  that,  notwithstanding  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, all  Government  territory  was  open  to  slavery ;  and  to 
note  that  the  idea  kept  even  pace  in  its  growth  with  the  loss  of 
political  power  occasioned  by  a  preponderance  of  free  States  and 
the  rapid  growth  of  the  Anti-Slavery  sentiment.  Congress  ad- 
journed, July  9,  1838. 

TWENTY -FIFTH  CONGRESS  —Second  Session.  — Met 
Dec.  3,  1838.  There  was  no  political  legislation  of  moment  dur- 
ing this  session.  The  Administration  was  as  if  wrapped  up  in 
a  hard  Democratic  shell,  and  the  drift  of  sentiment  in  Congress 
and  the  country  was  away  from  it  and  toward  the  Whigs,  or 
some  element  equally  liberal  in  its  interpretation  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  willing  to  propound  and  risk  something  for  the  relief 
of  the  country.     Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1839. 


524  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

TWENTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
2,  1839.  The  organization  of  the  House  was  delayed  by  a  closely 
contested  Congressional  election  in  New  Jersey.  Five  Democrats 
contested  the  seats  of  five  Whigs.  Neither  set  was  admitted  until 
after  the  choice  of  a  Speaker,  which  fell  to  Robert  M.  T.  Hunter, 
Va.,  a  Whig,  and  in  favor  of  the  Sub-Treasury  plan.  The  Whigs 
in  this  instance  were  aided  by  a  few  regular  Democrats  and  by 
the  friends  of  Calhoun,  who  for  several  sessions  had  swung  free 
lances  in  both  House  and  Senate.  The  final  decision  of  the 
case  was  not  had  till  in  March,  1840,  when  the  Democratic  con- 
testants were  seated,  making  the  full  Democratic  strength  122^ 
and  the  Whig  strength  113.  The  leading  act  of  the  session  was 
one  providing  for  the  "  collection,  safe-keeping  and  disbursing  of 
the  public  money."  It  was  simply  Monroe's  Independent  Treas- 
ury plan,  and  it  was  passed  by  a  small  majority  in  both  Houses 
and  signed  by  the  President.  The  Whigs  opposed  it  under  the 
lead  of  Clay,  but  some  of  them,  as  Cushing,  favored  it.  A 
heavy  blow  was  aimed  at  the  system  of  Internal  Improvement 
by  an  act  suspending  all  appropriations  therefor.  The  practice 
of  "pairing  off"  began  during  this  session.  J.  Q.  Adams  intro- 
duced a  resolution  to  censure  it,  but  it  was  not  put  on  its  pas- 
sage. The  practice  has  grown  ever  since — grown  to  be  a 
nuisance.  John  Tyler,  Va.,  an  ultra  Democrat  of  the  Calhoun 
school,  won  his  way  to  the  Vice-Presidency  on  the  Whig  ticket 
by  his  opposition  to  the  Administration  during  this  session. 
Congress  adjourned,  July  21,  1 840. 

ELECTION  OF  1840.— The  Whigs  took  the  lead  in  National 
Convention  at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  Dec.  4,  1839.  Clay,  the  ablest 
and  most  pronounced  Whig  in  the  country,  was  not  deemed 
available  as  a  candidate  owing  to  a  desire  to  conciliate  the  Anti- 
Mason  and  other  opposing  elements,  and  to  the  thought  that 
one  of  military  prowess  would  go  through,  as  Jackson  had  done. 
The  nomination  for  President  was,  therefore,  conferred  on  Wil- 
liam Henry  Harrison,  Ohio,  and  for  Vice-President  on  John 
Tyler,  Va.     No  platform. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  May  5,  1840, 
and  unanimously  renominated  Van   Buren,  leaving  the  States  to 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES.  525 

fill  up  the  Vice-Presidency.  A  lengthy  platform  was  adopted, 
affirming  (i)  "That  the  Federal  Government  was  one  of  limited 
powers  ;  "  (2)  "  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  the  right 
on  the  Government  to  carry  on  a  system  of  internal  improve- 
ment ; "  (3)  nor  to  assume  the  debts  of  the  States  contracted  for 
internal  improvement ;  (4)  "  Justice  and  sound  policy  forbids  the 
Government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of 
another  or  one  section  to  the  injury  of  another  ;  "  (5)  urged  econ- 
omy ;  (6)  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a  U.  S.bank  ;  (7)  and 
no  power  to  interfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  States  ; 
(8)  Government  money  must  be  separated  from  banking  institu- 
tions ;  (9)  this  country  is  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all 
nations.    • 

The  Abolition  or  Liberty  party  nominated,  Nov.  13,  1839, 
James  G.  Birney,  N.  Y.,  for  President,  and  Francis  Lemoyne, 
Pa.,  for  Vice-President.  Its  platform  favored  (1)  The  abolition  . 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Territories  ;  (2)  Stop- 
page of  the  inter-State  salve  trade  ;  (3)  General  opposition  to 
slavery  to  the  full  extent  of  constitutional  power. 

All  parties  were  now  ready.  The  campaign  was  the  liveliest 
on  record.  The  October  elections  inspired  the  Whigs.  Their 
attack  on  Van  Buren's  financial  policy  was  telling  all  along  the 
line.  The  furore  was  intensified  by  the  introduction  of  the  spec- 
tacular. Log-cabins  with  the  latch-strings  hanging  out,  and 
barrels  of  hard  cider,  were  made  the  type  of  "  out  West  "  gener- 
osity and  happy  pioneer  life.  The  meetings  were  frequent  and 
extended  into  every  county  and  town.  The  result  was  a  Whig 
victory  of  astounding  magnitude,  Van  Buren  carrying  but  five 
Southern  and  two  Northern  States. 

TWENTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  7,  1840.  A  quiet  session  and  no  work  of  political  moment. 
Electoral  vote  counted  in  February,  1 841,  showing  Harrison  234 
and  Van  Buren  60  for  President ;  for  Vice-President,  Tyler, 
234;  Johnson,  48;  L.  W.  Tazewell,  Va.,  II;  and  James  K. 
Polk,  Tenn.,  1.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1 841, 
and  on  March  4  Harrison  and  Tyler  were  sworn  into  office. 


526 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


XIV. 
HARRISON'S  AND  TYLER'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  184 1 — March  3,  1845. 
William  Henry  Harrison,  Ohio,  President.     John  Tyler,  Va., 

Vice-President. 
(Harrison  died  April  4,  1 84 1,  having  served  one  month.) 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

{I,  May3i,i84i-September  13,1841.  Extra  Sess. 
2,  December  6,  1841-August   31,  1842. 
3,  December  5,  1842-March  3,  1843. 

1,  December  4,  1843-June  17,  1844. 

2,  December  2,  1844-March  3,  1845. 


Twenty-eighth  Congress. 


ELECTORAL    VOTE* 


Basis  ot 

States.                  47,700.  Votes. 

Alabama 5  7 

Arkansas I  3 

Connecticut 6  8 

Delaware I  3 

Georgia 9  II 

Illinois 3  5 

Indiana 7  9 

Kentucky 13  15 

Louisiana 3  5 

Maine 8  10 

Maryland 8  10 

Massachusetts 12  14 

Michigan I  3 

Mississippi 2  4 

Missouri 2  4 

New  Hampslrre ...  5  7 

New  Jersey 6  8 

New  York 40  42 

North  Carolina 1 3  15 

Ohio   19  21 

Pennsylvania 28  30 

Rhode  Island 2  4 

South  Carolina 9  II 

Tennessee 13  15 

Vermont 5  7 

Virginia 21  23 

Totals 242  294 


Whi 


Democrat. 


Wm.  H.  Har- 
rison, Ohio. 


J-  Tyler, 
Va. 


M.  Van    R.MJohn- 
Buren,  N.  Y.     son,  Ky. 


42 

»5 

21 

30 

4 

*5 

7 


8 
42 

21 
30 

4 

15 

7 


234 


234 


11 


21 
60 


31 
48 


*  L.  W.  Tazewell  got  the  1 1  votes  of  South  Carolina  for  Vice-President,  and 
James  K.  Polk  got  I  vote  out  of  the  column  of  States  set  down  as  for  Johnson. 
The  popular  vote  was:  Harrison,  1,275,017—19  States;  Van  Buren,  1,128,702 — 7 
States ;  Birney,  7,059. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  527 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State Daniel  Webster,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Thomas  Ewing,  Ohio. 

Secretary  of  War   John  Bell,  Tenn. 

Secretary  of  Navy G.  E.  Badger,  N.  C. 

Attorney-General John  J.  Crittenden,  Ky. 

Postmaster- General. Francis  Granger,  N.  Y. 

THE  INAUGURAL. — Harrison's  Inaugural  was  a  genial, 
assuring  paper,  with  a  blow  at  Jackson's  excessive  use  of  the 
veto  power  and  his  "  to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils  "  theory, 
and  at  both  his  and  Van  Buren's  attempts  to  make  political  capi- 
tal out  of  the  currency  question.  On  March  17  he  called  an 
extra  session  of  Congress,  to  convene  May  31,  to  consider  the 
revenue  and  financial  situation.  He  died  April  4,  and  John 
Tyler  succeeded.  This  was  the  first  time  a  Vice-President  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Presidency  on  the  death  of  the  President. 

TWENTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS— Extra.  Session.— Met, 
pursuant  to  call,  May  31,  1 841.  House  organized  by  electing 
John  White,  Ky.,  Whig,  Speaker.  Whig  majority  in  Senate  6 ; 
in  House  25.  The  Whig  majority  was  harmonious  and  had  a 
plain  duty  to  fulfil,  as  they  thought,  for  their  promises  to  the 
country  had  been  explicit  during  the  campaign  and  their  policy 
well  outlined.  They  therefore  began  by  repealing  the  Indepen- 
dent Treasury  Act,  passing  a  Bankrupt  Law,  and  an  act  to  dis- 
tribute certain  proceeds  of  public  lands  among  the  States,  all  of 
which  were  signed  by  President  Tyler.  But  when  they  came 
to  substitute  for  the  Independent  Treasury  a  U.  S.  Fiscal  Bank, 
even  though  it  was  an  acknowledged  improvement  on  the  old 
U.  S.  Bank,  the  President  interposed  with  a  veto,  his  reason 
being  that  it  was  unconstitutional.  This  sudden  swing  to  the 
President's  old  strict  construction  notions  alarmed  the  Wrhigs. 
Not  wishing  to  break  with  him  they  asked  him  to  frame  a  bill 
which  he  could  sign.  After  consulting  his  Cabinet,  he  presented 
one  which  was  passed  by  both  Houses,  but  which,  to  the  aston- 
ishment of  the  Whigs  and  the  country,  he  also  vetoed.  The 
Cabinet  felt  they  had  been  insulted,  and,  with  the  exception  of 
Webster,  resigned.  The  Whigs  grew  indignant  over  their  be- 
trayal, and  in  an  address  to  the  country  declared  the  President 
an  impediment  to  their  work  of  reform  and  repudiated  him  as 


528  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

the  head,  and  as  a  member,  of  the  party.  Congress  adjourned, 
September  13,  1841. 

TWENTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS— First  Regular  Session. 
— Met  Dec.  6,  i84i,amid  great  political  uncertainty.  The  Presi- 
dent's course  had  demoralized  the  Whigs,  and  the  fall  elections 
had  gone  against  them.  He  had  reorganized  his  shattered  Cabi- 
net out  of  very  conservative  material,  and  it  stood,  Secretary  of 
State,  Daniel  Webster,  Mass. ;  Secretary  of  Treasury,  Walter 
Forward,  Pa. ;  Secretary  of  War,  John  McLean,  Ohio ;  Secre- 
tary of  Navy,  A.  P.  Upshur,  Va. ;  Attorney-General,  Hugh  S. 
Legare,  S.  C. ;  Postmaster-General,  Charles  A.  Wickliffe,  Ky. 
The  folly  of  having  placed  him  on  the  ticket  was  apparent  to  all, 
for  in  accepting  a  place  there,  with  the  implied  pledge  to  favor 
Whig  doctrine,  he  certainly  renounced  none  of  his  old  rigid  con- 
struction sentiments  which  threw  him  into  the  Calhoun  school, 
and  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  support  Van  Buren  and  the 
Democratic  ticket.  He  was  certain  of  a  kind  of  support,  how- 
ever repudiated  by  the  Whigs,  for  the  Democrats  who  saw  re- 
turning success  through  the  Whig  demoralization,  naturally 
encouraged  him  in  every  measure  calculated  to  further  stampede 
them. 

TARIFF  ACT  OF  1842. — Thus  inauspiciously  the  regular 
session  began.  The  Whigs  came  to  the  front  with  a  Tariff  act 
to  amend  the  act  of  1833,  under  whose  scaling  terms  the  duties 
had  run  so  low  that  government  receipts  were  now  less  than  the 
expenses.  The  bill  awakened  the  old  animosities  of  the  school 
of  rigid  interpreters,  and  called  forth  almost  the  old  debates  of 
1828  and  1832,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  against  the 
constitutionality  of  the  Protective  idea,  and  which  involved  the 
question  of  nullification.  It  passed,  however,  but  was  unfor- 
tunately coupled  with  a  clause  providing  for  the  distribution  of 
any  surplus  that  might  arise  to  the  States.  The  President 
vetoed  it,  as  violative  of  the  compromise  of  1833,  which,  as  to 
protection  and  revenue,  was  to  run  till  1842,  and  as  to  non-dis- 
crimination against  the  planting  interests  was  practically  without 
time.  Another  was  passed  without  protective  features.  This 
was  also  vetoed.     A  third  was  passed,  without  the  protective 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  529 

and  the  surplus  clauses,  and  was  signed  Aug.  30,  1842.  This 
became  the  Tariff  act  of  1842.  It  found  a  prevailing  rate  of  20 
per  cent,  on  leading  articles,  and  on  the  principle  that  the  gov- 
ernment must  have  revenue,  raised  the  rates  some  10  per  cent, 
cottons  going  to  30  per  cent.,  woollens  to  40  per  cent.,  silks  to 
$2.50  per  pound,  bar  iron  to  $25  per  ton,  and  pig  iron  to  $9  per  ton. 
Tea  and  coffee  were  still  free,  but  sugar  went  to  2}4  cents  per 
pound.  The  bill  to  distribute  the  surplus  was  passed  separately 
and  vetoed.  In  the  Senate  debates  on  this  Tariff,  Clay  and  Cal- 
houn, who  stood  together  in  the  compromise  Tariff  of  1833, 
parted  company,  and  the  former  charged  the  latter  with  revamp- 
ing the  "  free  trade  theories  of  a  certain  party  in  the  British 
Parliament." 

THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION.— An  exciting  period  in  the 
session  was  reached  when  John  Q.  Adams,  notwithstanding  the 
previous  decision  of  the  House  to  refuse  to  entertain  petitions 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  presented  a  batch  of  them,  on  the 
ground  that  "the  right  of  petition  "  was  guaranteed  by  the  Con- 
stitution. For  this  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to  vote 
him  censurable.  Scarcely  had  the  flurry  over  this  subsided  when 
Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Ohio,  moved  (March,  1842)  his  celebrated 
resolutions  to  the  effect  that  slavery  only  exists  by  force  of  posi- 
tive law,  and  is  limited  to  the  territory  and  jurisdiction  wherein; 
such  law  is  found.  That,  being  a  curtailment  of  the  rights  of 
man,  it  cannot  go  beyond  such  jurisdiction  by  force  of  any  com- 
mon lawr  or  custom,  nor  be  instituted  anywhere  except  by 
express  stipulation  of  the  authorities  interested.  This,  in  con- 
nection with  the  claim  that  the  government  had  exclusive  juris- 
diction over  its  unincorporated  and  incorporated  territory, 
became  the  bulwark  of  those  who  afterwards  fought  to  exclude 
slavery  from  the  Territories.  Giddings  was  censured  by  the 
House,  resigned,  and  was  vindicated  by  re-election. 

Congress  adjourned,  Aug.  31,  1842. 

TWENTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  5,  1842.  The  condition  of  the  country  was  still  unsatis- 
factory. The  Treasury  was  empty,  and  $14,000,000  behind. 
The  government  could  not  place  a  loan  of  $  I 2,000,000,,  author- 
34 


530  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

ized  in  1 841.  Treasury  notes  were  below  par.  The  revenues 
were  decreasing,  for  the  Tariff  Act  of  Aug.  30,  1842,  had  not  yet 
begun  to  operate  favorably.  The  dominant  Whigs  had  lost  their 
leader  by  the  resignation  of  Clay  from  the  Senate  (March,  1842). 
His  repeated  defeats  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  the  inability 
of  his  party  to  fulfil  its  pledges  to  the  people,  owing  to  the 
hostile  attitude  of  Tyler,  the  direct  attacks  of  the  Administra- 
tion and  its  "  corporal's  guard  "  of  followers  on  him,  had  filled 
him  with  disgust  for  political  life.  This  was  a  terrible  blow  to 
the  party,  for  he  had  unflinching  courage,  rare  tact,  grand  elo- 
quence, unquestioned  rectitude  of  intention,  and  an  advanced 
ground  which  brought  out  all  the  magnetism  of  his  leadership. 
The  best  evidence  of  his  qualities  as  a  political  captain  is  fur- 
nished by  the  fact  that  he  built  and  held  his  party  without  the 
ordinary  accessories  of  power  and  patronage.  The  session  was 
barren  of  political  results,  except  a  warning  by  Anti-Slavery 
Whigs  to  the  country  to  beware  of  the  secret  efforts  going  on  to 
recover  Texas,  in  the  interest  of  the  South. 

Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1843. 

TWENTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.  — Met 
Dec.  4,  1843.  The  result  of  the  Congressional  elections  had 
been  adverse  to  the  Whigs.  They  had  still  a  majority  of  four 
in  the  Senate ;  but  their  majority  of  twenty-five  in  the  House 
had  been  turned  into  a  Democratic  majority  of  sixty-one.  The 
House  therefore  organized  by  the  election  of  John  W.  Jones,  Va., 
Speaker.  The  President's  message  was  a  political  curiosity. 
Contrary  to  all  his  rigid  construction  notions,  to  the  freshest  tra- 
ditions and  plainest  professions  of  the  only  party  now  giving  him 
comfort  and  support,  he  favored  a  national  paper  currency,  and 
as  to  Internal  Improvement,  he  went  so  far  as  to  urge  a  system 
for  the  West.  Two  treaties  were  presented  to  the  Senate  for 
ratification,  one  rectifying  the  northwest  boundary,  the  other  an- 
nexing Texas.  The  latter  was  rejected,  by  a  solid  Whig  vote 
and  a  strong  Democratic  contingent  (seven  in  all).  This  thrust 
"  Texas  annexation  "  directly  into  politics.  To  annex  at  any 
cost  became  a  Southern  policy.  A  free  North  on  the  line  of 
360  30'  to  the   Pacific  would  prove  so   overshadowing  as  to 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  531 

endanger  the  political  supremacy  of  the  South  and  its  peculiar 
institution.  Of  the  two  public  improvement  bills  passed  during 
the  session,  one  for  the  East,  the  other  for  the  West,  the  Presi- 
dent vetoed  the  former.     Congress  adjourned,  June  17,  1844. 

ELECTION  OF  1844.— The  Liberty  Party  was  first  in  the 
field,  in  convention  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  Aug.  30,  1843.  Its  candi- 
date for  President  was  James  G.  Birney,  Mich. ;  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Thomas  Morris,  Ohio.  Its  platform  announced  (1)  human 
brotherhood  as  the  cardinal  principle  of  democracy;  (2)  de- 
manded divorce  of  the  general  government  from  slavery;  (3) 
stated  that  the  party  was  not  sectional  but  national,  resting  on 
the  thought  that  slavery  was  in  derogation  of  the  principle  of 
American  liberty;  (4)  that  the  faith  of  the  nation  as  originally 
pledged  in  all  original  instruments  not  to  extend  slavery  beyond 
its  present  limits  had  been  broken;  (5)  that  slavery  is  against 
natural  rights,  therefore  strictly  local;  (6)  that  the  general  gov- 
ernment has  no  authority  to  extend  it  to  the  Territories ;  (7) 
called  on  the  States  to  enact  penal  laws  against  the  return  of 
fugitives. 

The  Whigs  met  in  national  convention  at  Baltimore,  May  I, 
1844,  and  nominated,  for  President,  Henry  Clay,  Ky.,  and  for 
Vice-President,  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  N.  Y.  A  brief  plat- 
form announced  as  cardinal  principles  (1)  "a  well-regulated 
national  currency ;  "  (2)  "  a  tariff  for  revenue,  discriminating  with 
reference  to  protection  of  domestic  labor;  "  (3)  "distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  sales  of  public  lands ; "  (4)  "  a  single  term  for 
the  Presidency ;  "  (5)  reform  of  executive  usurpation. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  May  27,  1844. 
This  was  a  postponed  convention  from  the  previous  December, 
in  order  to  allow  the  Van  Buren  sentiment  to  ferment.  Calhoun 
was  Van  Buren's  opponent,  and  the  former  was  running  on  the 
Texas  annexation  tide,  the  latter  against  it,  not  pronouncedly, 
but  enough  so  to  make  his  slaughter  desirable.  Calhoun, 
offended  at  the  postponement  of  the  convention  and  manner  of 
choosing  delegates,  did  not  appear  with  the  South  Carolina  dele- 
gation. His  influence  was  not  less  by  absence.  Van  Buren's 
clear  majority  of  the  266  delegates  was  turned  to  his  defeat  by 


532  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

a  resolution  that  the  nomination  should  be  made  only  by  a  two- 
third  vote.  This  he  could  not  control.  He  withdrew  on  the 
eighth  ballot,  and  James  K.  Polk,  Tenn.,  received  the  nomina- 
tion for  President,  and  George  M.  Dallas,  Pa.,  for  Vice-President.* 
The  platform  affirmed  that  of  1840,  and  added  (1)  that  the  Con- 
stitution does  not  warrant  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  pub- 
lic land  sales  among  the  States ;  (2)  that  the  President  has  a 
right  to  use  the  qualified  ("pocket")  veto;  (3)  that  all  of 
Oregon  ought  to  be  reoccupied  and  Texas  be  annexed. 

The  parties  thus  went  to  the  country  with  their  candidates  and 
principles.  Texas  annexation,  the  Oregon  ("  54°  4c/  or  fight  ") 
question,  and  a  vigorous  effort  to  prove  that  under  the  act  of 
1842  Polk  and  Dallas  were  safe  tariff  men,  were  the  hinging 
points  of  the  Democrats.  The  Whigs  drove  the  Protective 
Tariff  idea  and  relied  greatly  on  the  fame  of  their  candidate. 
Silas  Wright,  who  had  refused  to  serve  on  the  Democratic  ticket 
as  Vice-President,  on  account  of  the  slaughter  of  Van  Buren, 
and  who  had  resigned  from  the  Senate  to  run  as  governor  of 
New  York,  unwittingly  contributed  to  the  election  of  the  ticket 
he  had  declined  to  run  on.  He  went  through  as  governor  on  his 
individual  popularity,  and  the  National  ticket  followed  by  a  bare 
majority.  The  vote  of  New  York  elected  Polk  and  Dallas,  the 
State  and  National  elections  being  held  on  the  same  day.  And 
to  this  result  Clay  himself  was  an  unwise  contributor,  for  his  effort 
to  conciliate  Southern  Democrats  by  an  untimely  letter  favoring 
postponed  Texas  annexation  alienated  enough  anti-slavery 
Whigs  to  have  still  overcome  Polk's  popular  majority  in 
New  York.  In  no  National  election  was  the  result  so  close  and 
doubtful  in  so  many  States.  In  fourteen  it  was  not  known  for 
several  days,  and  in  several  of  these  the  vote  of  the  Liberty 
party  was  a  balance  of  power. 

TWENTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  2,  1844.  President  Tyler  had  swung,  in  every  respect,  over 
to  the  doctrines  of  the  extreme  Southern  school  of  Democrats,  and 
actively  co-operated  with  them  under  the  lead  of  his  Secretary  of 
State,  John  C.  Calhoun.     His  last  message  favored  Texas  an- 

*  Silas  Wright,  N.  Y.,  was  first  nominated  for  Vice-President,  but  declined. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  533 

nexation  and  the  assumption  of  her  cause  with  all  its  conse- 
quences. The  South  was  a  unit  on  this  measure.  At  Ashley,  S.  C, 
a  meeting  had  been  held  (May,  1844),  seeking  to  combine  the 
Southern  States  in  Convention,  to  unite  themselves  in  a  body  to 
Texas,  if  Texas  was  not  annexed  as  a  State  to  the  Union.  The 
Texas  treaty  of  annexation  which  had  been  rejected  in  the  Sen- 
ate was  now  substituted  by  a  joint  resolution  to  annex  the  State, 
through  a  commission,  it  being  understood  that  the  incoming 
President  (Polk)  would  appoint  such  body.  But  at  Calhoun's 
instance  and  to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  the  President  deter- 
mined to  send  out  (March  3,  1845)  a  special  messenger  to 
arrange  terms.  Only  on  Calhoun's  assurance  that  such  act 
would  not  interfere  with  the  formal  commission  provided  for  did 
the  resolution  secure  the  necessary  support.  It  passed,  and  in 
pursuance  of  it  Texas  was  afterwards  incorporated  as  a  State, 
with  slavery  under  her  own  constitution,  and  with  the  proviso 
that  slavery  should  not  exist  in  any  State  formed  from  her  ter- 
ritory North  of  360  30',  and  that  the  question  of  slavery  in  any 
States  formed  from  her  territory  South  of  that  line  should  be  left 
to  the  people  of  such  States.  Her  condition  being  that  of  war 
with  Mexico,  the  war  was  assumed  by  the  United  States,  it  being 
only  a  question  of  time  when  the  then  pending  armistice  between 
Texas  and  Mexico  should  end.  Calhoun  did  not  originally 
favor  war  with  Mexico.  He  thought  Mexico  could  be  quieted 
by  a  money  consideration.  As  the  annexation  was  more  his  act 
than  the  President's,  he  was,  after  war  broke  out,  charged  with 
being  its  author. 

A  bill  to  organize  Oregon  into  a  Territory  up  to  540  4c/, 
away  beyond  the  boundary  claimed  by  England,  was  passed  in 
the  House,  but  the  Senate  failed  to  consider  it.  Harbor  im- 
provement bills  for  both  East  and  West  were  passed,  but  vetoed. 
The  result  of  the  electoral  count  in  February  showed  170  elec- 
toral votes  for  Polk  and  Dallas,  and  105  for  Clay  and  Freling- 
huysen.  March  3d,  Florida  became  a  State  of  the  Union.  Con- 
gress adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1845.  March  4,  1845,  Polk 
and  Dallas  were  sworn  into  office. 


534 


BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


XV. 
POLK'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1845 — March  3,  1849. 

James  K.  Polk,  Tenn.,  President.      George  M.  Dallas,  Pa., 

Vice-President. 


Congresses. 
Twenty-ninth  Congress. 


Sessions. 


f  I,  December  I,  1845- August  10,  1846. 
\  2,  December  7,  1846-March  3,  1847. 


Thirtieth  Congress. 
ELECTORAL   VOTE* 


j  1,  December  6,  1847- August  14,  184! 
\  2,  December  4,  1848-March  3,  1849. 


States. 
Alabama. . . 

Arkansas I 

Connecticut 4 

Delaware I 

Georgia 8 

Illinois 7 

Indiana IO 

Kentucky IO 

Louisiana 4 

Maine 7 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts  .  .   10 

Michigan 3 

Mississippi 4 

Missouri 5 

New  Hampshire     4 

New  Jersey 5 

New  York 34 

North    Carolina     9 

Ohio 21 

Pennsylvania ...  24 
Rhode  Island  . .  2 
South     Carolina     7 

Tennessee 1 1 

Vermont 4 

Virginia 15 

Totals 223 


Basis  of 

70,680. 

7 


Democrat. 


Votes 

9 
3 
6 

3 
10 

9 
12 
12 

6 

9 

8 

12 

5 
6 

7 
6 

7 
36 
11 

23 
26 

4 

9 

13 

6 

17 

275 


James  K.  Polk, 
Tenn. 

9 
3 


10 

9 
12 

o 
9 


*  The  popular  vote   was:    Polk, 
eleven  States ;  Birney,  62,300. 


5 
6 

7 
6 

36 


26 


17 
170 


George  M. 
Dallas.  Pa. 


36 


26 


17 
I70 


Whig. 


Henry  Clay,    Theodore  Fre- 
Ky.        linghuysen,  N.  Y. 


I05 


I05 


,337,243 — fifteen  States;    Clay,  1,299,068— 


IIIIIIIIIIIP 


■lllllllllllllllllllllllllll 

PRESIDENTS  FROM   1S41  TO  1853. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  535 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State James  Buchanan,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Robert  J.  Walker,  Miss. 

Secretary  of  War William  L.  Marcy,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  of  Navy George  Bancroft,  Mass. 

Attorney -General John  Y.  Mason,  Va. 

Postmaster-General    Cave  Johnson,  Tenn. 

PRESIDENTS  MESSAGE.— The  Message  to  Congress 
dwelt  largely  on  the  Texas  situation,  and  favored  war  with 
Mexico,  especially  if  she  infringed  the  treaty  of  1839,  as  to  in- 
demnity to  American  citizens.  It  referred  also  to  the  Oregon 
boundary,  showed  the  public  debt  to  be  $17,000,000,  condemned 
all  slavery  agitation,  favored  a  Sub-Treasury  system,  and  recom- 
mended a  Tariff  for  revenue,  with  protection  to  home  industry 
as  an  incident.  He  applied  the  Jackson  policy  of  rotation  in 
office  in  the  construction  of  his  Cabinet,  and  in  the  Depart- 
ments. 

TWENTY-NINTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
I,  1845.  Both  branches  were  Democratic.  House  organized  by 
electing  John  W.  Davis,  Dem.,  Indiana,  Speaker,  the  vote  being 
120  to  70,  though  the  full  Democratic  strength  was  142,  Whig 
75,  and  American  6.*  The  relative  strength  in  the  Senate  was 
30  Democrat  and  25  Whig. 

MEXICAN  WAR. — A  popular  convention  in  Texas  had  ac- 
cepted the  overture  for  annexation  made  by  the  United  States. 
Mexico  protested  and  withdrew  her  minister  to  Washington. 
General  Taylor  had  been  sent  to  the  east  bank  of  the  Neuces, 
into  neutral  territory,  and  on  Dec.  31,  1845,  Congress  passed  an 
act  extending  authority  over  this  territory  lying  between  the 
Neuces  and  Rio  Grande.  None  of  these  acts  provoked  Mexico 
to  war.  She  was  still  in  negotiable  mood.  Even  before  this, 
Dec.  29,  1845,  Texas  had  passed  into  the  American  Union.  The 
President  ordered  General  Taylor  (March,  1846)  to  march  to  the 
Rio  Grande  and  hold  the  neutral  ground.  He  did  so,  and  was 
met  by  Arista,  at  Palo  Alto,  where  a  battle  was  fought.  The 
next  day  was  fought  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  which  sent  Arista  back 

*  This  was  the  first  appearance  of  the  American  party  in  National  politics.     Four 
of  the  above  six  were  from  New  York,  and  two  from  Pennsylvania. 


536  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

into  Mexican  territory.  Now  American  blood  had  been  shed 
on  American  soil,  and  Mexico  was  an  offender.  A  casus  belli 
had  been  found.  The  President  sent  a  Message  to  Congress 
and  asked  for  a  Declaration  of  War.  The  House  responded 
with  a  "  declaration  "  and  $10,000,000  to  back  it  up,  the  Whigs 
favoring  it  under  protest,  and  on  the  ground  that  an  American 
army  must  not  be  sacrificed,  even  if  forced  into  peril  or  a 
doubtful  cause  by  the  folly  of  a  President.* 

WILMOT  PROVISO.— -With  the  expectation  that  the  war 
would  soon  be  over  and  that  an  important  cession  of  territory 
could  be  had,  the  President  asked  Congress  for  an  appropriation 
of  $2,000,000  to  be  placed  at  his  disposal  to  negotiate  with.  To 
this  appropriation,  Mr.  Wilmot,  Pa.,  on  behalf  of  himself  and 
many  Northern  Democratic  friends,  moved  what  became  historic 
as  "  The  Wilmot  Proviso,"  to  wit,  "  That  no  part  of  the  territory 
thus  acquired  should  be  open  to  the  introduction  of  slavery." 
In  strict  law  the  proviso  was  unnecessary,  for  Mexico  had  abol- 
ished slavery,  and  any  soil  acquired  from  her  would  be  free  soil. 
But  Texas  had  reintroduced  slavery  before  annexation  to  the 
United  States,  and  Wilmot  felt  that  any  other  territory  acquired 
from  Mexico  would  be  overrun  by  slaveholders,  who  would  soon 
be  clamoring  for  the  protection  of  their  institution.  And  this  he 
felt,  too,  in  the  face  of  the  new  Democratic  doctrine  "  that  no 
power  resided  in  Congress  to  legislate  upon  slavery  in  the  Ter- 
ritories." This  proviso  brought  heated  discussion  of  the  slave 
question.  Calhoun  declared  it  to  be  an  outrage  and  menace. 
It  occupied  a  place  in  Congress  for  two  sessions.  State  Legis- 
latures acted  on  it.     Parties  took  it  up.     From  that  time  on  it 

*  The  Whigs  denounced  as  a  falsehood  the  declaration,  "  Whereas,  by  the  act  of 
the  Republic  of  Mexico  a  state  of  war  exists  between  that  government  and  the  United 
States."  The  Liberty  party  opposed  the  war  outright,  regarding  it  as  a  huge,  unjus- 
tifiable scheme  to  acquire  slave  territory.  Calhoun  opposed  it  also,  as  needless.  He 
felt  that  the  same  results  could  have  been  brought  about  with  less  excitement  and 
loss,  and  consequently  with  less  detriment  to  the  slave  cause,  by  negotiation.  It 
was  said  that  the  President,  who  had  been  approached  by  many  members  of  his  own 
party  who  were  averse  to  the  war,  secured  their  support  by  the  promise  that  it  would 
be  over  in  a  short  time  and  that  negotiations  for  peace  had  been  agreed  upon  before 
the  war,  which  only  awaited  the  return  of  Santa  Anna  from  exile  to  be  signed. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  537 

was  nothing  new  to  hear  of  civil  war  and  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  on  account  of  it.  How  well  Wilmot  guessed  may  be 
inferred  from  the  subsequent  action  of  Calhoun  (Feb.  19,  1847), 
when  he  introduced  into  the  Senate  his  celebrated  Slavery  Reso- 
lutions, declaring  the  Territories  to  be  the  common  property  of 
the  several  States,  and  denying  the  right  of  Congress  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  a  Territory  or  to  pass  any  law  which  would  have  the 
effect  to  deprive  the  citizen  of  any  slave  State  from  migrating 
with  his  property  (slaves)  into  such  Territory.  Though  these 
resolutions  were  not  acted  on,  they  answered  the  purpose  in- 
tended, to  wit,  to  form  a  basis  on  which  the  slave  could  solidify 
against  the  free  States ;  on  which  a  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise line  could  be  effected,  and  on  which  the  subsequent 
claim  of  non-interference  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  could 
be  founded. 

THE  OREGON  BOUNDARY.— The  last  Democratic  plat- 
form had  pronounced  in  favor  of  an  Oregon  Territory  up  to  the 
line  of  540  40',  "  or  a  fight"  with  England.  The  Whigs,  now 
that  Texas  had  been  annexed,  asked  for  a  fulfilment  of  their 
pledges.*  The  Democrats  of  the  extreme  Southern  school  op- 
posed any  action,  but  enough  of  them  came  to  the  support  of  the 
President  to  warrant  him  in  going  on  with  negotiations.  He 
soon  found  that  he  could  not  keep  his  party  pledges  of  540  40', 
for  England  refused  to  surrender  above  49°.f  The  opinion  of 
the  Senate  was  asked,  in  accordance  with  an  old  Federal  custom. 
The  Whigs  accepted  the  responsibility,  joined  with  enough  Dem- 
ocrats to  save  the  administration  from  its  party  friends,  and  agreed 
to  sanction  a  treaty  based  on  490.  This  became  the  Oregon 
Treaty  of  June  15,  1846,  by  which  war  with  England  was  averted. 
It  was  followed  by  a  bill  to  organize  The  Territory  of  Oregon, 
without  slavery.  It  was  opposed  by  Southern  Democrats,  but 
passed,  and  was  not  reached  in  the  Senate. 

TARIFF  OF  1 846. J — This    disappointing   act,  passed  in  a 

*  For  a  full  statement  of  this  boundary  trouble,  see  Oregon  Treaty,  p.  94. 
f  Calhoun,  when  Secretary  of  State,  had  proposed  490  as  a  line  upon  which  an 
adjustment  might  be  had.     In  this  he  was  at  odds  with  his  party. 

\  "  The  bill  passed  the  House  and  came  to  the  Senate.     Section  was  again  arrayed 


538  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

partisan  spirit,  against  the  promises  of  the  Democrats  not  to 
disturb  the  act  of  1842,  and  in  obedience  to  the  doctrine  of  rigid 
interpretation,  which  admitted  of  Tariff  for  revenue  without  the 
incident  of  protection,  reduced  the  rates  provided  in  the  former 
act,  from  five  to  twenty  per  cent.,  and  introduced  the  theory  of 
general  ad  valorem  duties.  The  river  and  harbor  improvement 
bills,  passed  by  both  Houses,  were  vetoed,  on  the  old  rigid  con- 
struction ground  that  the  government  had  no  right  to  appro- 
priate money  for  internal  improvements.  Congress  adjourned, 
Aug.  10,  1846. 

TWENTY-NINTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  7,  1846.  Mexican  war  measures  occupied  the  time  of  this 
session.  Appropriations  were  made  to  sustain  the  war,  and  pur- 
chase territory.  Over  the  latter  a  spirited  debate  was  had,  which 
resulted  in  its  passage  in  the  House  with  the  Wilmot  proviso 
attached,  and  its  passage  in  the  Senate  with  the  proviso  removed. 
The  House  then  acquiesced  in  the  Senate's  position.  Ineffectual 
attempts  were  made  to  formally  extend  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line  to  the  Pacific,  to  organize  Oregon  Territory,  without  slavery, 
and  to  appropriate  money  for  Internal  Improvement.  All  these 
measures  showed  a  sectional  vote.  The  Improvement  bills 
passed,  but  received  a  pocket  veto.  Congress  adjourned  sine 
die,  March  3,  1847. 

THIRTIETH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec.  6, 
1847.  The  Whigs  were  in  a  majority  in  the  House,  and  organ- 
ized it  by  electing  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Mass.,  Speaker.  The 
Democrats  controlled  the  Senate.  The  President's  message  ex- 
tolled the  working  of  the  new  Sub-Treasury  system,  spoke  of 

against  section  in  the  debate,  and  before  the  vote  was  taken  it  was  found  that  the 
Senate  was  a  tie,  and  that  the  Vice-President  would  have  the  casting  vote.  George 
M.  Dallas,  a  Pennsylvanian,  could  defeat  or  pass  the  bill.  He  had  the  presidential 
bee  in  his  bonnet  as  bad  as  any  man  I  ever  knew,  and,  hoping  that  he  could  gain 
the  favor  of  the  South  in  aid  of  his  aspirations,  he  gave  the  casting  vote  against  the 
section  of  his  nativity,  and  the  tariff  bill  of  '46  became  a  law.  As  I  anticipated,  it 
put  out  the  fire  in  our  furnnces,  paralyzed  many  of  our  best  industries,  and,  finally, 
brought  the  credit  of  the  Government  to  a  discount.  It  also  had  a  disastrous  effect 
upon  the  dominant  pavty,  and  cost  them  the  presidency  in  1 848,  when  General 
Taylor  was  chosen." — Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  in  Press. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  539 

the  continued  success  of  the  Mexican  war,  and  stated  that  nego- 
tiations for  peace  were  then  pending.  These  negotiations  re- 
sulted in  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe-Hidalgo  (Feb.,  1848),  which 
made  the  Rio  Grande  the  boundary  and  gave  New  Mexico  and 
Upper  California  to  the  United  States  for  $15,000,000.  This 
immense  acquisition  of  territory  brought  up  the  slavery  question 
again,  and  during  the  debates  on  the  erection  of  Oregon  Ter- 
ritory without  slavery,  and  the  proposition  to  extend  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  line  to  the  Pacific,  Calhoun  took  occasion  to 
say,  "  The  great  strife  between  the  North  and  South  is  ended. 
The  North  is  determined  to  exclude  the  property  of  slaveholders, 
and  of  course  slaveholders  themselves,  from  its  territory.  The 
separation  of  the  North  and  South  is  completed.  The  South  is 
bound  to  show  that  dearly  as  she  prizes  the  Union,  there  are 
questions  she  regards  as  of  more  importance  than  the  Union. 
It  is  not  a  question  of  territorial  government,  but  a  question 
involving  the  continuance  of  the  Union." 

A  compromise  bill  passed  the  Senate,  organizing  Oregon, 
California  and  New  Mexico,  leaving  slavery  questions  to  be  de- 
cided by  the  Supreme  Court.  The  House  rejected  this,  and 
sent  the  Senate  the  Oregon  bill  above  mentioned.  The  Senate 
accepted  this,  but  amended  it  so  as  to  extend  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise line  to  the  Pacific.  The  House  regarded  this  as  danger- 
ous, since  it  would  cut  the  country  into  two  distinct  sections 
with  different,  if  not  hostile,  institutions,  and  would,  moreover, 
be  equivalent  to  extending  slavery  to  vast  free  areas,  the  Mex- 
ican territory  being  all  free  under  Mexican  laws.  It  therefore 
refused  to  extend  the  line.  The  Senate  receded,  and  the  Oregon 
bill  passed,  without  slavery.  The  vital  question  in  all  these  de- 
bates was  the  right  of  Congress  to  legislate  on  slavery  in  the 
Territories,  a  question  which  was  pushed  in  many  ways  till  it 
culminated  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  affair,  the  Dred  Scott  de- 
cision, and  the  desperate  step  of  secession.  The  House  took 
decided  ground  in  favor  of  Internal  Improvement  by  a  resolution 
aimed  at  the  rigid  interpreters,  claiming  that  the  government  had 
a  right  to  improve  rivers  and  harbors,  under  the  clause  to  regu- 
late commerce  and  provide  for  the  common  defense.     Wisconsin 


540  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

entered  the  Union,  May  29,  1848.  Congress  adjourned,  Aug. 
14,  1848. 

ELECTION  OF  1848.— The  Democrats  took  the  field  first 
in  National  Convention  at  Baltimore,  May  22,  1848.  The  two- 
third  rule,  which  defeated  Van  Buren  in  the  previous  conven- 
tion, was  affirmed,  and  has  since  prevailed  in  the  conventions  of 
that  party.  Lewis  Cass,  Mich.,  was  nominated  for  President, 
and  William  O.  Butler,  Ky.,  for  Vice-President.  A  great  con- 
tention arose  over  the  power  of  the  government  to  regulate 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  a  test  resolution  to  the  effect  that 
the  Congress  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  either  in 
the  States  or  Territories  was  voted  down.  The  platform  affirmed 
that  of  1844,  and  went  on  to  (1)  congratulate  the  country  on  the 
results  of  the  Mexican  war;  (2)  commended  the  qualified  veto; 
(3)  denounced  a  Tariff,  except  for  revenue,  and  hailed  4<  the  noble 
impulse  given  to  the  cause  of  free  trade  by  the  repeal  of  the 
tariff  of  1842  and  the  creation  of  the  more  equal,  honest  and 
productive  tariff  of  1846;"  (4)  congratulated  the  Republic  of 
France;  (5)  endorsed  Polk's  administration. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia,  June  7, 
1848,  and  nominated  General  Zachary  Taylor,  La.,  for  President, 
and  Millard  Fillmore,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President.  Taylor's  recent 
military  achievements  in  Mexico  gave  him  the  preference  over 
such  other  candidates  as  Clay,  Webster  and  Scott.  Test  resolu- 
tions favoring  the  Wilmot  Proviso  were  voted  down.  The 
Whigs  were  no  more  ready  for  open  commitment  to  anti-slavery 
than  the  Democrats  had  shown  themselves,  in  their  convention, 
to  be  ready  for  open  commitment  to  a  pro-slavery  policy.  The 
convention  did  not  adopt  a  platform,  but  resolutions  passed  at  a 
grand  ratification  meeting,  on  the  9th  of  June,  answered  the 
same  purpose.  They  were  mainly  heroic,  inviting  the  country 
to  a  trial  of  well-known  Whig  principles  under  the  laurel- 
crowned  chieftain  whose  name  was  held  in  such  high  honor  by 
every  American. 

The  Free  Soil  Democrats  met  in  convention  at  Buffalo,  Aug.  9, 
1848,  and  nominated  for  President  Martin  Van  Buren,  N.  Y.,  and 
for  Vice-President  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Mass.     This  faction 


RULING  THROUGH    TARTIES.  541 

of  Democrats,  called  "  Barnburners  "  by  their  opponents,  had  sent 
a  delegation  to  the  Baltimore  convention,  pledged  to  oppose  the 
further  extension  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  A  counter  dele- 
gation, called  "  Hunkers,"  also  sent  a  delegation  pledged  to  non- 
agitation  of  the  slavery  question.  The  convention  sheared  each 
of  its  strength  by  dividing  the  vote  between  them.  This  being 
equivalent  to  no  vote  at  all,  the  Free  Soilers  withdrew  and  set 
up  candidates  of  their  own.  They  promulgated  a  lengthy  plat- 
form which  sought  (i)  to  secure  free  soil  to  a  free  people;  (2) 
withheld  support  from  both  the  regular  parties  because  one  (the 
Democratic)  had  stifled  free  sentiment,  and  the  other  (Whig)  had 
been  afraid  to  pronounce  itself;  (3)  affirming  the  ordinance  of 
1787,  and  the  proviso  of  Jefferson  that  after  1800  no  slavery 
should  exist  in  the  Territories ;  (4)  that  slavery  exists  only  by 
State  law  and  that  "  Congress  has  no  more  power  to  make  a 
slave  than  to  make  a  king;"  (5)  that  the  only  way  to  prevent 
slavery  in  territory  now  free  is  to  prevent  it  in  all  territory;  (6) 
favoring  Internal  Improvement ;  (7)  Watchword,  "  Free  Soil, 
Free  Speech,  Free  Labor,  Free  Men." 

The  campaign  was  not  a  bitter  one,  except  as  the  Democrats 
made  it  bitter  among  themselves.  The  effort  to  establish  slavery 
in  the  newly-acquired  Mexican  territory,  and  to  push  the  slavery 
question  so  as  to  commit  the  government  either  to  non-inter- 
ference with  it  or  to  direct  sanction  of  it  in  all  territory,  estranged 
many  Democrats.  The  Southern  Democrats  themselves  were 
not  a  unit,  for  many  of  them  preferred  Taylor,  from  a  slave 
State  and  without  a  platform,  to  Cass,  from  a  free  State  and  with 
a  platform  which  did  not  directly  favor  or  mention  slavery.  The 
old  Liberty  party  blended  with  the  Free  Soil  party.  As  in  the 
former  campaign,  New  York  was  the  political  turning-point. 
And  as  the  Liberty  party,  by  dividing  the  Whigs,  had  given  it  to 
Polk  in  1844,  so  now  the  Free  Soilers,  by  weakening  the  Demo- 
crats, gave  it  to  the  Whigs.  The  election  in  November  was  a 
Whig  victory. 

THIRTIETH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  4, 
1848.  Parties  were  very  fidgety  during  this  session.  In  view  of 
the  prominence  given  to  slavery  agitation,  the  old  party  lines 


542  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

began  to  chafe  considerably.  Thus  the  Northern  Democrats, 
almost  in  a  body,  voted  in  the  House  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  California  and  New  Mexico  without  slavery,  or,  as  it  was 
then  termed,  with  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  This  the  Senate  amended 
by  providing  for  their  organization  with  slavery.  The  Senate  at- 
tempted to  force  its  position  by  making  the  bill  a  part  of  the 
appropriation  bill,  thus  presenting  to  the  House  the  alternative 
of  a  moneyless  government  or  two  slave  Territories.  The  re- 
sponse was  an  appropriation  bill  and  the  old  Mexican  free  laws 
till  July  4,  1850.  The  Senate  withdrew  its  "rider,"  and  the 
appropriation  bill  passed.  A  violent  debate  sprung  up  in  the 
House  over  a  resolution  condemning  the  exhibition  and  sale  of 
slaves  in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  electoral  count  in  Feb- 
ruary showed  for  Taylor  and  Fillmore  163  votes,  and  for  Cass 
and  Butler  127  votes.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3, 
1849.  The  candidates-elect  were  sworn  into  office  March  5, 
1849,  tne  4tn  being  Sunday. 

XVI. 

TAYLOR'S    AND    FILLMORE'S    ADMINISTRATIONS. 

March  5,  1849 — March  3,  1853. 

Zachary  Taylor,  La.,  President.     Millard  Fillmore,  N.  Y., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Thirty-first  Congress.     /  *»  December  3,  1 849-September  30,  1850. 
\  2,  December  2,  1850-March  3,  1851. 

Thirty-second  Congress.  {  ■•  December  1,  i|Si -August  31,  1852. 
\  2,  December  6,  1852-March  3,  1853. 

ELECTORAL  VOTE* 

Whig.  Democrat. 

Basis  of  Zachary  Tay-  Millard  Fill- Lewis  Cass,  W.O.But- 

States.  70,680.  Vote.        lor,  La.      more,  N.  Y.       Mich.  ler,  Ky. 

Alabama 7  9  ..  ..  9  9 

Arkansas 1  3  ..  ..  3  3 

Connecticut 4  6  6  6 

Delaware 1  3  3  3 

*  The  popular  vote  was:  Taylor,  1,360,101 — 15    States;    Cass,  1,220,544 — 15 
States;  Van  Buren,  291,263. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  543 

Electoral  Vote — Continued. 

Whig.  Democrat. 


Basis  of  Zach.iry  Tay-  Millard  Fill-  Lewis  Cass,  W.O. Rut- 
States.                    70,680.  Vote.         lor,' La.        more,  N..Y.       Mich.          ler,  Ky. 

Florida 1  3  3  3 

Georgia 8  10  10  10 

Illinois 7  9  ••  ••               9                 9 

Indiana 10  12  ..  ..              12                12 

Iowa 2  4  ..  .-                4                  4 

Kentucky IO  12  12  12 

Louisiana 4  6  6  6 

Maine 7  9  ..  ..               9                 9 

Maryland 6  8  8  8 

Massachusetts 10  12  12  12 

Michigan 3  5  ..  ..                5                  5 

Mississippi 4  6  ..  ,.                6                 6 

Missouri 5  7  ..  ..                7                 7 

New  Hampshire 4  6  ..  ..                6                 6 

New  Jersey 5  7  7                  7 

New  York 34  36  36  36 

North  Carolina 9  II  II  II 

Ohio 21  23  ..  ..              23                23 

Pennsylvania 24  26  26  26 

Rhode  Island 2  4  4  4 

South  Carolina 7  9  .  .  ..                 9                   9 

Tennessee 11  13  13  13 

Texas 2  4  ..  ..                4                  4 

Vermont 4  6  6  6 

Virginia 15  17  ..  ..              17                17 

Wisconsin 2  4  ..  .                  4                 4 

Totals 230  290  163  163           127             127 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State John  M.  Clayton,  Del. 

Secretary  of  Treasury William  M.  Meredith,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  War Geo.  W.  Crawford,  Ga. 

Secretary  of  Navy William  B.  Preston,  Va. 

Secretary  of  Interior Thomas  H.  Ewing,  Ohio.* 

Attorney-General Reverdy  Johnson,  Md. 

Postmaster-General Jacob  Collamer,  Vt. 

THIRTY-FIRST  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
3,  1849.  The  Senate  was  Democratic,  35  to  25.  In  the  House 
were  no  Democrats,  105  Whigs  and  9  Free  Soilers.  The  latter 
held  a  balance  of  power,  and  stubbornly  exercised  it  through 
sixty-two  ineffectual  ballots  for  Speaker.  Only  by  agreeing  that 
the  highest  number  of  votes  for  any  one  candidate  should  elect, 
was  a  Speaker  chosen  in  the  person  of  Howell  Cobb,  Ga.,  a 
Democrat  of  the  extreme  Southern  school,  and  a  slavery  exten- 

*  This  "  Home  Department,"  since  called  "  the  Interior  Department,"  was  created 
by  the  Thirtieth  Congress. 


544  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

sionist.  The  annual  message  deprecated  the  sectional  feeling 
regarding  slavery,  spoke  of  the  folly  of  disunion  as  a  remedy, 
and  took  the  Jackson  stand,  that  at  all  hazards  the  Union  must 
be  maintained. 

CALHOUN'S  NEW  DOCTRINE.— The  postponed  ques- 
tion of  the  extension  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  to  the 
Pacific  came  up  early.  Calhoun,  always  aggressive  and  masterly, 
proposed  to  cover  the  whole  question  by  extending  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  to  all  the  newly-acquired  Mexican 
Territory.*  Webster  met  this  situation  by  showing  that  the 
Constitution  was  designed  only  for  States,  and  that  it  could  not 
operate  even  in  the  States  without  an  act  of  Congress  to  enforce 
it.  Further,  that  the  sanction  which  that  instrument  gave  to 
slavery  where  it  existed  would  not  create  slavery  where  it  did 
not  exist,  for  slavery  was  a  creation  of  the  several  States  and  not 
of  the  general  government.  While  Calhoun's  proposition  was 
under  debate  the  President's  views  were  presented.  They  favored 
the  admission  of  California  directly  ,f  as  she  was  ready,  and  the 
erection  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  into  Territories,  unmixed  with 
slavery,  leaving  the  matter  to  be  decided  by  their  people  when 
they  asked  for  admission  as  States. 

COMPROMISE  OF  1850.— Clay  now  came  forward  with  a 
set  of  compromise  measures,  which  in  one  shape  or  another 
were  adopted  during  the  session,  and  in  the  aggregate  became 
known  as  the  Compromise  of  1850.  They,  in  general,  provided 
for  the  admission  of  California ;  for  the  erection  of  New  Mexico 
and  Utah  Territories,  unmixed  with  slavery,  the  same  to  be  de- 
cided by  the  people  when  they  came  to  form  States ;  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  Texas  boundary  and  the  payment  of  a  money  in- 
demnity to  that  State;  a  more  vigorous  fugitive  slave  law;  the 
abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  but  no  interference  with  it  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  The  Whigs  and  Free  Soilers  regarded 
Clay's  Compromise  as  a  weak  and  unnecessary  concession  of 

*  Calhoun's  idea  was  that  inasmuch  as  the  Constitution  sanctioned  slavery,  its  ex- 
tension over  any  territory  would  establish  slavery  there. 

f  California  had  formed  a  State  Constitution  without  slavery,  June  3,  1 849,  and 
had  made  formal  application  for  admission  as  a  State,  Feb.  13,  1850. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  545 

free  soil  principles,  and  the  extreme  pro-slavery  Democrats  re- 
garded it  as  a  surrender  of  the  late  doctrine  that  Congress  had 
no  right  to  prohibit  a  slaveholder  from  going  where  he  pleased 
in  the  Territories  and  taking  his  property  with  him.  The  meas- 
ures therefore  satisfied  but  few  of  the  leaders,  yet  they  served  the 
purpose  of  temporarily  postponing  the  agitation  and  perhaps 
averting,  for  the  time,  secession  and  civil  war,  threats  of  which, 
on  the  part  of  the  South,  were  rife.  California  became  a  State, 
without  slavery,  Sept.  9,  1850.*  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the 
result  of  the  Compromise,  was  a  severe  measure,  much  more  so 
than  the  old  one.  It  greatly  encouraged  the  pursuit  of  fugitives, 
made  it  compulsory  on  all  citizens  to  aid  in  their  arrest,  and 
compelled  U.  S.  Commissioners  to  remand  them  without  trial. 
Its  execution  led  to  indignant  protest  on  the  part  of  Northern 
citizens  and  to  the  protection  of  free  negroes,  charged  with  being 
slaves,  by  special  State  enactments.  That  part  of  the  Compromise 
prohibiting  interference  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
was  not  accepted,  and  slavery  was  abolished  therein  by  act  of 
Sept.  15,  1850.     The  Congress  adjourned,  Sept.  30,  1850. 

TAYLORS  DEATH.— After  an  illness  of  four  days,  due  to 
exposure  in  the  sun  on  Independence  day,  President  Taylor  died, 
July  9,  1850.  Vice-President  Fillmore  was  duly  inaugurated, 
July  10,  1850.  His  Cabinet  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  as 
follows : 

Secretary  of  State,  Daniel  Webster,  Mass. ;  Secretary  of 
Treasury,  Thomas  Corwin,  Ohio ;  Secretary  of  War,  Winfield 
Scott,  ad  interim,  and  Charles  M.  Conrad,  La.,  permanently; 
Secretary  of  Navy,  William  A.  Graham,  N.  C. ;  Secretary  of  In- 

*  The  political  importance  of  California  to  the  South  was  great.  Long  before, 
the  free  States  preponderated  in  the  House.  But  the  Senate  thus  far  was  equally 
divided  between  North  and  South.  California  turned  the  scale.  Her  admission 
as  a  free  State  gave  32  free  State  Senators  to  30  slave  State  Senators,  and  there  was 
no  other  State  ready  for  admission  south  of  360  30',  nor  likely  to  be  for  a  long  time. 
Besides  California  was  the  first  fruit  of  the  Mexican  conquest,  and  the  policy  which 
controlled  her  admission  was  likely  to  hold  as  to  the  remainder  of  the  Mexican  Ter- 
ritory. It  was  a  disappointing  situation  for  the  pro-slavery  leaders,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  that  policy  which  sought  to  break  down  all  old  barriers  and  compromises, 
invited  the  Kansas  difficulty,  and  formed  a  prelude  to  a  separate  Confederacy. 
35 


546  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

terior,  A.  H.  H.  Stuart,  Va. ;  Attorney-General,  John  J.  Critten- 
den, Ky. ;  Postmaster-General,  Nathan  K.  Hall,  N.  Y. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— While  this  sad  transition  was 
a  peaceful  one,  and  boded  no  disaster  to  the  dominant  party  as 
did  that  from  Harrison  to  Tyler,  there  were  many  things  going 
on,  more  or  less  portentous.  In  the  session  of  Congress  just 
adjourned  (First  session  Thirty-first  Congress)  the  slavery  meas- 
ures of  the  extreme  Southern  Democrats  had  been  even  more 
opposed  by  Northern  Democrats  than  by  the  Whigs.  This  was 
not  only  following  up  their  charge  that  the  pro-slavery  element 
of  the  party  had  betrayed  them  in  the  previous  Presidential  cam- 
paign, but  it  showed  a  disposition  to  break  away  from  the  ultra 
doctrine  of  slavery  extension  to  which  the  slaveholding  mem- 
bers sought  to  commit  the  entire  party. 

The  Whigs  had  not,  as  was  expected,  committed  themselves 
in  their  National  Convention  to  the  Wilmot  proviso.  They  there- 
fore did  not  attract  the  members  of  the  Liberty  party,  nor  those 
of  its  successor,  the  Free  Soil  Democrats.  On  the  contrary  they 
lost  many  of  their  leaders  to  the  pro-slavery  Democrats.  Thus 
while  the  Democratic  party  was  being  torn  to  pieces  by  losses  of 
its  Free  Soil  element,  it  was  being  recuperated  by  accessions  of 
the  pro-slavery  Whig  element.  The  Whigs  losing,  gained  noth- 
ing, and  their  decay  as  a  positive  political  force  dates  from  the 
death  of  Taylor. 

We  have  seen  how  rapidly  the  pro-slavery  whirlpool  was 
made  to  revolve  under  the  bold  yet  skillful  management  of 
Calhoun,  and  how  at  every  revolution  the  country  had  to  face 
some  new  situation,  till,  failing  to  force  the  line  of  360  30' 
through  to  the  Pacific,  thus  making  a  free  and  slave  section,  it 
took  the  form  of  broad  denial  of  the  right  of  the  government  to 
interfere  with  slavery  in  any  place,  or  at  all.  The  accession  of 
pro-slavery  Whigs  to  the  Democrats  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs 
somewhat.  It  stopped,  for  the  time  being,  the  threats  of  seces- 
sion and  war,  and  introduced  a  new,  more  conservative  and 
popular  idea,  over  which  to  wrangle.  It  will  be  remembered 
the  Democrats,  in  their  last  National  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
had  voted  down  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  government 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  547 

had  no  authority  over  slavery  in  the  Territories,  the  corollary 
being,  that  the  people  of  each  Territory  should  be  let  alone  to 
treat  the  matter  as  they  pleased.  The  pro-slavery  Whigs  now 
took  hold  of  this  doctrine  and  forced  it  on  the  attention  of  the 
Democrats  and  the  country.  It  was  the  doctrine  which  after- 
wards became  known  as  Popular,  or  Squatter,  Sovereignty, 
which  figured  so  prominently  in  the  Kansas  affair,  and  which 
served  to  draw  Douglas,  Geary,  Reeder  and  other  leaders  outside 
of  the  then  existing  Democratic  lines.  It  was  the  doctrine  also 
which  the  hardy  miners  of  California  applied  in  their  own  State, 
to  the  surprise,  if  not  disgust,  of  those  who  originated  it.  The 
pro-slavery  sentiment  which  had  thus  proved  a  wredge  to  force 
asunder  the  Whig  party,  and  had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  it  as 
an  organization,  had  to  address  itself  to  a  more  thorough  con- 
trol of  the  Democratic  party.  But  in  the  meantime  there  would 
be  an  advance  of  opposition  sentiment,  and  a  final  gathering  up 
of  political  fragments  into  something  more  formidable,  as  a 
political  force,  than  had  yet  been  dreamed  of. 

THIRTY-FIRST  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
2,  1850.  The  session  was  quiet  and  gloomy.  The  administra- 
tion had  nothing  new  to  urge,  and  parties  agreed  to  hold  their 
own  in  comparative  peace.  Adjourned  sine  die,  March  3, 
1851. 

THIRTY-SECOND  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
I,  185 1.  The  Congressional  elections  had  turned  on  the  Com- 
promise measures  of  1 850,  and  the  people  endorsed  them,  as  a 
happy  quietus  to  slavery  agitation,  by  returning  a  majority  of 
Democrats  of  rather  conservative  turn.  Both  branches  were, 
therefore,  Democratic,  the  Senate  by  8  and  the  House  by  50. 
The  House  organized  by  electing  Linn  Boyd,  Ky.,  Democrat, 
Speaker.  The  application  of  the  Platte  country  (afterwards 
Nebraska  and  Kansas)  for  a  Territorial  government  threatened 
for  a  time  to  open  the  slavery  question,  but  the  matter  was 
dropped  before  debate  took  acrimonious  turn.  There  was  but 
little  disposition  shown  on  the  part  of  the  majority  to  antagonize 
the  administration,  and  in  general  the  session  work  was  rou- 
tine. 


548  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

ELECTION  OF  1852.— The  Democrats  led  the  field  in 
National  Convention  at  Baltimore,  June  1,  1852.  This  was  a 
supreme  effort  of  the  Southern  or  pro-slavery  Democrats  to 
commit  the  party  to  their  doctrine  of  slavery  extension,  and  to  a 
rigid  interpretation  of  the  powers  of  the  general  government, 
the  latter  being  then  and  afterwards  best  known  as  "  State 
Rights "  doctrine.  The  nominee  for  President  was  Franklin 
Pierce,  N.  H. ;  and  for  Vice-President,  William  R.  King,  Ala. 
The  platform  reaffirmed  the  greater  part  of  that  of  1848,  and 
added  :  (1)  No  more  revenue  than  is  necessary  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  government.  (2)  No  National  Bank.  (3)  Sep- 
aration of  government  moneys  from  banking.  (4)  The  country 
is  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed :  therefore,  no  abridgment  of 
citizenship  and  the  right  to  own  soil.  (5)  Congress  has  no  right 
to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
States.  (6)  Endorsement  of  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850, 
and  resistance  to  all  attempts  to   renew  the  slavery  agitation. 

(7)  Adhesion  to  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of  1798. 

(8)  The  war  with  Mexico  was  necessary  and  its  results  approved. 

(9)  No  monopoly  for  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  the 
Union  as  it  is  and  should  be. 

The  Whigs  met  in  National  Convention  at  Baltimore,  June 
16,  1852,  and  nominated  for  President,  Winfield  Scott,  Va.  ;  for 
Vice-President,  William  A.  Graham,  N.  C.  The  platform 
claimed:  (1)  A  sufficient  power  in  the  government  to  sustain  it 
and  make  it  operative.  (2)  Revenue  from  tariff,  with  "  suitable 
encouragement  to  American  industry."  (3)  Internal  Improve- 
ment. (4)  Endorsed  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  "the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  included."  The  platform  was  fair  to  the 
party — though  extremely  conservative — except  the  endorsement 
of  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  "  including  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,"  which  endorsement,  as  the  sequel  proved,  was  a  part 
of  the  plan  of  the  extreme  pro-slavery  leaders  to  commit  both 
political  parties  to  their  policy  of  slavery  extension,  and  which 
reacted  on  the  Whig  party  with  twice  the  effect  it  did  on  the 
Democratic  party,  so  soon  as  the  nature  of  those  Compromise 
measures  became  fully  known. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  549 

The  Free  Soil  Democrats  held  their  National  Convention  at 
Pittsburg,  Pa.,  August  II,  1852,  and  nominated  for  President, 
John  P.  Hale,  N.  H.;  for  Vice-President,  George  W.  Julian,  Ind. 
Its  platform  announced  :  (1)  That  government  was  established  to 
secure  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  (2)  That  the  Constitution  expressly  denies  to  the 
general  government  all  power  to  deprive  any  person  of  life, 
liberty  or  property  without  due  process  of  law;  that,  therefore,  it 
has  no  more  power  to  make  a  slave  than  a  king,  or  to  establish 
slavery  than  establish  a  monarchy.  (3)  No  more  slave  States, 
no  slave  Territory,  no  national  slavery,  no  national  legislation  for 
the  extradition  of  slaves.  (4)  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850 
denounced  as  repugnant  to  the  Constitution,  common  law,  Chris- 
tianity, and  of  no  binding  force.  (5)  The  Compromise  measures 
of  1850  disapproved.     (6)  Both  political  parties  repudiated. 

The  election  in  November  resulted  in  a  Democratic  victory, 
the  Whigs  carrying  only  Massachusetts,  Vermont,  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee,  though  the  result  in  most  of  the  others  was  very 
close. 

THIRTY-SECOND  CONGRESS— Second  Session.  — Met 
Dec.  6,  1852.  The  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Territory  of 
the  Platte,  rejected  at  the  last  session,  came  up  in  the  shape  of  a 
bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of  Nebraska,  which  included 
Kansas.  It  was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  at  the  instance  of 
Southern  members,  the  time  not  being  ripe  for  open  assumption 
of  the  position  to  which  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850 
logically  led.  The  electoral  count,  in  February,  showed  254 
votes  for  Pierce  and  King,  and  42  for  Scott  and  Graham.  Con- 
gress adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1853.  President  Pierce  was 
sworn  into  office,  March  4,  1853,  and  Vice-President  King 
some  time  afterwards,  he  being  sick  on  March  4. 


550 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 


XVII. 


PIERCE'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1853— March  3,  1857. 

Franklin  Pierce,  N.  H.,  President.     William  R.  King,  Ala., 

Vice-President. 

Sessions. 

1,  December  5,  1853-August  7,  1854. 

2,  December  4,  1854-March  3,  1855. 
December  5,  1855- August  18,  1856. 
August  21,  1856-August  30,  1856,  extra  session, 
December  1,  1856-March  3,  1857. 


Com 


Thirty-third  Congress. 


Thirty-fourth  Congress 


1 3. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Basis  of 

States.  93.423  Votes. 

Alabama 7  9 

Arkansas 2  4 

California 2  4 

Connecticut 4  6 

Delaware I  3 

Florida I  3 

Georgia 8  10 

Illinois 9  II 

Indiana 11  13 

Iowa 2  4 

Kentucky IO  12 

Louisiana 4  6 

Maine 6  8 

Maryland 6  8 

Massachusetts II  13 

Michigan 4  6 

Mississippi 5  7 

Missouri 7  9 

New  Hampshire 3  5 

New  Jersey 5  7 

New  York 33  35 

North  Carolina 8  10 

Ohio 21  23 

Pennsylvania 25  27 

Rhode  Island 2  4 

South  Carolina 6  8 

Tennessee 10  12 

Texas 2  4 

Vermont , 3  5 

Virginia 13  15 


Wisconsin 3  5 

Total  234  296 


Democrats. 


Whigs. 


Franklin 
Pierce, 
N.  H. 

9 

4 
4 
6 

3 

3 

10 
11 
13 

4 


6 
7 
9 
5 
7 
35 
10 

23 

27 

4 
8 


William  R.  Winfield 
King,  Scotl 


Ala. 

9 

4 

4 
6 

2 

3 
10 

«3 

4 


6 
7 
9 
5 
7 
35 
10 

23 
27 

4 

8 


Va 


13 


15 
J 

254 


15 
J 
254 


William  A. 

Graham, 

N.  C 


12 


13 


42 


42 


-sjt  ^«  •*-:><*  -^o^  t- 

*The  popular  vote  was,  Pierce,  1,601,474—27  States;  Scott,  1,386,578—4  State 
Hale,  156,149. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  551 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State William  L.  Marcy,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  ot  Treasury James  Guthrie,  Ky. 

Secretary  of  War Jefferson  Davis,  Miss. 

Secretary  of  Navy James  C.  Dobbin,  N.  C. 

Secretary  of  Interior Robert  McLelland,  Mich. 

Attorney-General Caleb  Cushing,  Mass. 

Postmaster-General James  Campbell,  Pa. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— The  administration  opened 
with  surface  indications  of  peace.  The  country  had  ratified  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  on  the  theory  that  they  afforded 
an  escape  from  slavery  agitation,  but  without  knowing  that  they 
were  fuller  of  the  germs  of  agitation  than  any  measures  yet 
propounded.  Both  parties  had  been  committed  to  them  in  their 
platforms,  at  the  instance  of  their  pro-slavery  members ;  they 
therefore  stood  committed  to  the  logical  results  of  those 
measures,  or  else  to  demoralizing  retreat.  The  discovery  of 
what  they  contained  appalled  the  Whigs.  They  never  recovered 
from  the  shock,  lost  their  organization,  never  ran  another  Presi- 
dential Candidate.  They  literally  died  of  too  much  Compro- 
mise, or,  as  was  piquantly  said  at  the  time,  "  of  an  attempt  to 
swallow  the  Fugitive  Slave  law."  President  Pierce  in  his  first 
message  thoroughly  committed  the  administration  to  the  Com- 
promise measures.  The  pro-slavery  Democrats  were  therefore 
in  a  very  enviable  situation.  They  could  force  their  construction 
of  the  situation  with  the  hands  of  the  Whig  party  tied,  and  with 
the  assurance  that  the  Democratic  organization  was  firmly  with 
them. 

THIRTY-THIRD  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec.  5, 
1853.  The  Democrats  had  a  majority  in  the  House,  over  all 
opposition,  of  74,  and  in  the  Senate  of  14.  The  House  organized 
by  re-electing  Linn  Boyd,  Ky.,  Speaker.  Discussion  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  occupied  the  greater  part  of  the  session, 
It  opened  the  slavery  agitation  in  a  new  form,  and  it  was  not  to 
cease  till  quieted  by  arms.  The  Nebraska  bill  of  the  previous 
sessions  took  the  form  of  a  bill  to  create  two  Territories  out  of 
the  Platte  country,  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska. 
Both  lay  north  of  360  3c/,  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  of  1820; 
and  therefore  both  were  free  Territories  according  to  the  provi- 


552  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sions  of  that  Compromise.  But  the  new  pro-slavery  doctrine — 
new  since  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850 — was,  that  these 
measures  of  1850  invalidated  those  of  1820,  and  committed  the 
government  to  non-interference  with  slavery  in  the  Territories. 
Therefore  the  slavery  question  was  an  open  one  as  to  all  terri- 
tory, with  no  right  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  legislate  for  or 
against  it. 

The  Senate  Bill  (Kansas  and  Nebraska),  under  the  amendment 
of  Mr.  Douglas,  therefore  provided,  "  that  so  much  of  the 
Compromise  bill  of  1820  preventing  slavery  north  of  360  30', 
as  was  inconsistent  with  the  Compromise  of  1850  establishing 
non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  either  States  or 
Territories,  was  inoperative  and  void,  it  being  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or 
State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof 
perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in 
their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

This  amendment  is  noteworthy.  It  admitted  what  the  pro- 
slavery  Democrats  and  Whigs  already  knew,  that  the  Compro- 
mise measures  of  1850,  logically  construed,  repealed  the  Com- 
promise of  1820.  It  hampered  them,  however,  for  with  the 
repeal  of  the  Compromise  of  1820  and  their  claim  to  go  where 
they  pleased  with  slave  property,  they  had  all  the  public  terri- 
tory open  to  slavery.  The  Douglas  idea  was  that  introduced 
into  the  Democratic  party  by  pro-slavery  Whigs,  to  wit,  the  idea 
of  squatter  or  popular  sovereignty,  a  leaving  of  slavery  to  the 
voice  of  the  people  of  the  Territory  or  proposed  State. 

While  the  bill  as  thus  amended  was  not  what  the  South  wanted, 
it  secured  the  united  support  of  pro-slavery  Democrats  and 
Whigs,  but  it  divided  the  Northern  Democrats  into  two  even 
bodies  (44  each),  one  of  which  supported  it,  and  the  other  op- 
posed it.  The  Northern  Whigs  opposed  it  and  the  Free  Soil 
Democracy.  The  Democratic  breach  soon  closed,  but  the  Whig 
breach  widened,  and  the  Northern  wing  left  their  name  to  be 
perpetuated  for  a  little  while  by  their  Southern  brethren,  they  in 
the  meantime  assuming  the  title  of  anti-Nebraska  men,  soon  to 
be  merged  into  Republican. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  553 

The  passage  of  the  bill,  May  25,  1854,  opened  the  eyes  of 
the  entire  country  to  what  was  concealed  in  the  apparently  inno- 
cent Compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  transferred  the  scene 
of  combat  from  Congress  to  the  plains  of  the  West,  where  it 
was  carried  on  amid  confusion  and  bloodshed  for  years.  The 
squatter  sovereignty  idea  placed  the  free  and  slave  States  on 
their  merits  as  colonizers.  The  section  that  could  send  the 
greatest  number  of  bona  fide  settlers  into  the  new  fields  was 
bound  to  win  in  the  end.  Could  the  South,  which  had  always 
out-manceuvred  the  North  in  slave  diplomacy,  cope  with  that 
more  populous  section  in  this  practical  adjudication  of  the  deli- 
cate question?     Congress  adjourned,  August  7,  1854. 

THIRTY-THIRD  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec 
4,  1854.  The  session  resulted  in  no  measure  of  political  sig- 
nificance.    Adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1855. 

A  NEW  POLITICAL  FORCE.— The  Native  American  idea 
is  almost  as  old  as  the  country.  In  1790  naturalization  could 
be  had  after  two  years'  residenee.  In  1795  it  required  five  years' 
residence.  A  great  majority  of  foreigners,  either  Frenchmen 
direct  or  Irish  and  Scotch  driven  from  home  for  sympathy  with 
France,  naturally  affiliated  with  the  Republican  party,  which  was 
always  ready  for  a  war  with  England.  This  fact  induced  the 
Federal  measure  of  1798,  extending  the  period  for  naturalization 
to  fourteen  years.  In  1802  the  Republicans,  in  order  to  rein- 
force their  party,  fixed  the  time  at  five  years,  where  it  has  since 
stood.  They  were  not  disappointed,  for  this  legal  consultation 
of  a  tendency,  backed  by  the  encouragement  it  ever  received 
in  their  declaration  of  principles,  has  always  secured  to  them  a 
majority  of  the  foreign  vote,  especially  in  the  cities.  To  coun- 
teract, or  correct,  this,  an  organized  movement  was  begun  in  New 
York  as  early  as  1835.  In  1844  the  Native  Americans  carried 
that  city,  electing  their  Mayor  by  a  good  majority.  This  success 
caused  the  movement  to  spread  to  adjoining  States.  It  em- 
braced members  of  all  parties,  and  became  prominent  in  local 
municipal  contests.  Its  presence  in  Philadelphia  resulted  in  the 
murderous  riots  of  1844.  In  1852  it  reappeared  as  a  secret  or- 
ganization, officially  as  the  American  party,  but  popularly  as  the 


554  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

'■  Know-Nothing  "  party,  from  the  reticence  of  its  members  as  to 
their  principles.  Of  it  Hon.  A.  H.  H.  Stuart,  Va.,  said  :  "  The 
vital  principle  of  the  American  party  is  America?iism — develop- 
ing itself  in  a  deep-rooted  attachment  to  our  own  country — its 
Constitution,  its  union,  its  laws — to  American  men,  American 
measures,  American  interests."  Its  cardinal  principle  was : 
"Americans  must  rule  America ;  "  its  countersign  was  the  order 
of  Washington  at  a  critical  time  during  the  Revolution,  "  Put 
none  but  Americans  on  guard  to-night."  By  holding  a  balance 
of  power  in  many  cities  and  States,  its  vote  decided  several  im- 
portant elections,  and  as  the  extent  of  its  influence  could  not  be 
foreknown,  political  results  were  at  times  genuine  surprises  to 
party  leaders.  It  received  large  accessions  from  the  Whigs,  es- 
pecially of  the  South,  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska bill,  who  could  not  go  with  their  Northern  brethren  into 
the  anti-Nebraska  movement,  nor  yet  with  the  Democrats  into  a 
pronounced  pro-slavery  movement.  In  1855  it  carried  as  many 
as  nine  State  elections.  It  was  therefore  a  power  which  had 
been  startlingly  felt  in  the  Congressional  elections  of  that  year, 
and  was  to  be  still  further  felt  in  the  session  about  to  be  held. 

THIRTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
3,  1855.  In  the  Senate  the  Democrats  had  a  majority  of  nine. 
In  the  House  the  magnificent  Democratic  majority  of  the  pre- 
vious Congress  had  been  wiped  out  and  turned  into  one  of  anti- 
Nebraska  men,  of  whom  there  were  117,  as  against  79  straight 
Democrats  and  37  pro-slavery  Whigs.  Owing  to  the  fact  that 
many  of  the  majority  were  Know-Nothings,  a  protracted  contest 
arose  over  the  speakership.  A  choice  was  not  made  till  Febru- 
ary, 1856,  when  a  resort  was  had  to  the  method  adopted  by  the 
Thirty-first  Congress,  that  of  a  choice  by  the  highest  number  of 
votes.  N.  P.  Banks,  Mass.,  was  then  chosen  on  the  131st  bal- 
lot. He  was  a  pronounced  anti-Nebraska  man,  and  therefore  the 
majority  were  represented  in  the  Speaker.  This  was  the  stormy 
beginning  of  one  of  the  stormiest  sessions  ever  held. 

KANSAS  TROUBLE. — The  Kansas  question  came  up  im- 
mediately and  occupied  the  entire  session.  As  we  have  seen 
the   passage    of    the    Kansas-Nebraska   Act   (1854),   with    the 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  555 

Squatter  Sovereignty  Amendment,  threw  open  these  Territories 
to  competitive  settlement  by  North  and  South,  or  by  anti-slavery 
and  pro-slavery  men.  The  South  had  the  advantage  of  prox- 
imity— Missouri  being  next  to  Kansas.  The  Missourians 
swarmed  over  the  border  and  elected  a  congressional  delegate, 
Nov.  29,  1854,  who  was  accepted  by  the  Congress.  They 
did  the  same  in  1855,  and  elected  a  Legislature,  which  met  at 
Pawnee  in  July  of  that  year,  and  enacted  a  State  Constitution, 
strongly  pro-slavery  in  its  terms. 

The  anti-slavery  settlers  were  all  this  time  pouring  in  through 
Iowa  and  Nebraska — they  had  been  prohibited  from  passing 
through  the  State  of  Missouri — against  the  armed  protest  of  the 
pro-slavery  occupants — Border  Ruffians  as  they  were  called — 
and  the  condition  of  the  Territory  was  one  of  war,  with  but  little 
doubt  as  to  the  result,  for  the  anti-slavery  settlers  came  to  make 
investment  and  to  stay,  while  the  pro-slavery  occupants  clung 
less  tenaciously  to  the  soil,  and  wasted  time  and  energy  in  the 
excitement  which  the  new  field  furnished.  The  anti-slavery  or 
free  State  settlers  met  in  convention  at  Topeka,  Sept.  5,  1855, 
and  enacted  a  free  State  constitution.  They  denounced  the  ex- 
isting Legislature  as  not  of  Kansas,  but  the  work  of  Missourians 
who  had  crossed  the  border  to  create  it,  elected  a  delegate  to 
Congress,  who  was  rejected,  and  on  Jan.  15,  1856,  elected  State 
officers,  and  asked  to  be  admitted  as  a  State.  Their  work  was 
rejected  by  Congress. 

The  local  conflict  grew  louder  and  more  sanguinary.  The 
President  interfered,  Jan.  24,  1856,  by  a  message  endorsing  the 
pro-slavery  Legislature,  and,  Feb.  II,  1856,  by  a  proclamation 
denouncing  the  attempt  to  form  a  free  State  government  as  an 
act  of  rebellion.  He  ordered  the  governor  of  the  Territory 
(Shannon)  to  enforce  the  laws  of  the  pro-slavery  Legislature 
with  the  United  States  troops.  This  only  added  to  the  excite- 
ment. The  free  State  Legislature,  which  met  at  Topeka,  July  4, 
1856,  was  broken  up  by  United  States  troops,  acting  under  the 
President's  order.  By  this  time  a  congressional  committee,  sent 
to  the  scene,  reported  that  no  free,  fair  election  had  ever  been 
held  in  the  Territory.     On  the  strength  of  this,  and  in  order  to 


556  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

balk  the  effort  to  force  a  government  on  the  people  without  a 
fair  expression  of  their  sentiments  as  to  whether  it  should  be 
slave  or  free,  the  House  refused  to  appropriate  money  for  the 
army  if  it  were  to  be  used  to  sustain  the  pro-slavery  Legislature 
of  the  Territory. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  conceive  of  the  excitement  in  both 
Houses  over  the  question,  and  throughout  the  country.  In  the 
Senate  Charles  Sumner  was  knocked  down  and  beaten  (May  22, 
1856),  by  Representative  Brooks,  South  Carolina,  for  a  speech 
which  criticised  his  relative,  Senator  Butler,  South  Carolina. 
Congress  adjourned  Aug.  18,  1856. 

THIRTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS— -Extra  Session.— Called 
Aug.  21,  1856.  This  session  was  called  to  meet  the  emergency 
occasioned  by  the  adjournment  of  Aug.  18,  without  an  appro- 
priation for  the  army.  The  House  still  insisted  on  its  proviso 
that  the  army  should  not  be  used  to  force  a  pro-slavery  govern- 
ment on  the  people  of  Kansas ;  but  a  change  of  governors  hav- 
ing been  announced — Shannon  was  superseded  by  Geary* — it 
receded,  and  the  army  appropriation  bill  was  passed.  The 
extra  session  adjourned  Aug.  30,  1856. 

ELECTION  OF  1856. — The  Know-Nothing  organization, 
which  had  been  so  successful  in  the  State  and  local  elections  of 
1855,  would  now  try  its  hand  in  national  affairs  as  The  American 
Party.  It  took  the  field  first,  and  met  in  national  convention,  at 
Philadelphia,  Feb.  22,  1856.  There  were  227  delegates  present. 
All  the  States  were  represented  except  Maine,  Vermont,  Georgia, 
and  South  Carolina.  Many  of  the  delegates  (probably  a  fourth) 
were  not  so  much  "Americans  "  as  anti-slavery  men.  Millard 
Fillmore,  New  York,  was  nominated  for  President,  and  Andrew 
J.  Donelson,  Tennessee,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  an- 
nounced:  (1)  Perpetuation  of  the  Union.  (2)  Preference  of 
native-born  citizens  for  office.  (3)  No  office  for  any  one  who 
recognizes  obligation  to  any  foreign  prince,  potentate,  or  power. 
(4)  Non-interference  by  Congress  with  questions  belonging  to 
individual  States,  nor  by  States  with  each  other.     (5)  The  right 

*  Geary  arrived  Sept.  9,  1856,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  about  a  suspension  of 
local  hostilities  without  directly  using  the  United  States  forces. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  557 

of  native-born  and  naturalized  citizens  of  any  Territory  to  frame 
their  own  constitution  and  laws,  and  regulate  their  social  affairs 
in  their  own  way.  (6)  A  residence  of  twenty-one  years  as  ne- 
cessary to  naturalization.  On  account  of  the  failure  of  the 
convention  to  recognize  the  right  of  Congress  to  re-establish 
the  Missouri  Compromise  line,  the  anti-slavery  delegates 
withdrew,  and  threw  their  strength  to  the  coming  Republican 
party. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Cincinnati,  June  2,  1856, 
and  nominated  James  Buchanan,  Pennsylvania,  for  President,  and 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President.  The  plat- 
form endorsed  preceding  ones,  and  added,  (1)  Opposition  to 
Americanism.  (2)  No  more  revenue  than  is  necessary  to  defray 
expenses.  (3)  No  general  system  of  Internal  Improvement.  (4) 
Strict  construction  of  Federal  powers.  (5)  No  National  Bank. 
(6)  No  interference  with  Slavery  in  the  Territories,  the  people 
to  have  the  right  to  settle  that  question  for  themselves  (this  was 
an  endorsement  of  the  Squatter  Sovereignty  idea).  (7)  Approval 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill. 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  *— This  new  candidate  for  national 
favor  received  a  name,  said  to  have  been  suggested  by  Governor 
Seward,  N.  Y.,  in  the  latter  part  of  1855  or  early  part  of  1856. 
It  was  a  substitute  for  the  title  of  V  Anti-Nebraska  Men,"  then 
applied  to  those  who  had  opposed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  and 
who  were,  in  general,  opposed  to  slavery  and  its  extension.  It 
raised  a  standard  around  which  could  rally  the  old  Liberty 
party,  the  Free  Soil  Democracy,  the  Anti-Slavery  Whigs,  and 
all  who  were  finding  it  irksome  to  follow  the  Democratic  party  as 
it  grew  more  rigid  in  its  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  in- 
clined more  and  more  to  make  a  political  dogma  of  State  Rights, 
and  refused  to  separate  its  own  existence  from  that  of  slavery  in 
the  State,  and  slavery  extension  in  the  Territory. 

The  Republican  party  held  its  first  National  Convention  at 
Philadelphia,  June  17,  1856,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont, 
Cal.,  for  President,  and   William   M.  Dayton,   N.   J.,  for  Vice- 

*  Called  the  "Black  Republican"  party  by  its  opponents,  on  account  of  its 
sympathy  for  the  colored  race. 


558  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

President.  Its  platform  showed  that  its  members  were  liberal 
interpreters  of  the  Constitution.  It  announced  :  (i)  That  the  Con- 
stitution, the  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States, 
shall  be  preserved.  (2)  "  No  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life, 
liberty  or  property  without  due  process  of  law,"  and  denial  of 
the  authority  of  Congress,  or  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  or  of 
any  association  of  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery 
in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  under  the  present  Con- 
stitution. (3)  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  its  Constitutional 
power  over  Territories,  ought  to  prohibit  "  those  twin  relics  of 
barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery."  (4)  Denounced  the  Kansas 
policy  of  the  administration,  and  all  effort  to  set  up  a  pro-slavery 
government  there,  in  defiance  of  the  will  of  the  people.  (5)  The 
immediate  admission  of  Kansas  with  her  Free  State  Constitution. 
(6)  Government  aid  for  a  Pacific  Railroad.  (7)  A  system  of  In- 
ternal Improvement. 

The  Whigs,  or  what  was  left  of  them,  met  at  Baltimore,  Sept. 
17,  1856.  They,  in  common  with  the  Know-Nothings,  de- 
nounced the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  as  sectional, 
and  then,  without  further  endorsing  or  discussing  the  Know- 
Nothing  principles,  agreed  to  support  Fillmore  and  Donelson, 
because  they  regarded  the  country  as  already  in  a  state  of  civil 
war,  and  believed  that  their  election  would  be  the  best  means  of 
restoring  peace.  The  Whig  name  now  disappears  from  the  party 
lists. 

After  an  exciting  campaign,  involving  a  wide  discussion  of 
principles,  the  election  in  November  showed  I  State  (Maryland) 
for  Fillmore;  11  free  States  for  Fremont;  14  slave  States  and 
the  rest  of  the  free  (19  in  all)  States  for  Buchanan. 

THIRTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  1,  1856.  The  result  of  the  Presidential  election  had  served 
to  tighten  party  lines.  The  Anti-Nebraska  Men  (now  Republi- 
cans) were  numerically  the  strongest  body  (108)  in  the  House, 
but  could  not  command  a  majority  as  against  the  Democrats 
(83)  and  Americans  (43)  or  Know-Nothings.  The  Senate  stood 
40  Democrats;   15  Republicans;  5  Americans. 

THE  KANSAS  QUESTION— The  dispersion  of  the  Free 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  559 

State  Legislature  at  Topeka,  Jan.  6,  1857,  by  Federal  troops, 
and  the  arrest  of  its  officers  and  many  members,  again  brought 
the  question  prominently  before  Congress.  The  House  passed 
a  bill  declaring  the  acts  of  the  Pro-Slavery  Legislature  op- 
pressive and  void,  which  the  Senate  tabled.  A  change  of 
governors  from  Geary,  who  had  lost  caste  with  the  Pro-Slavery 
Legislature,  to  Robert  J.  Walker,  Miss.,  gave  respite  from  dis- 
cussion for  the  time  being. 

TARIFF  OF  1857. — While  this  session  showed  a  spirit  of 
generosity  in  encouraging  railroad  enterprises  in  the  West  by 
grants  of  public  lands,  it  struck  the  country  a  cruel  blow  on  the 
very  last  day  of  the  session  (March  3)  by  enacting  the  tariff  of 
1857.  This  measure  reduced  duties  all  along  the  line  of  imports, 
and  on  leading  articles  almost  to  such  rates  as  were  wont  to 
prevail  before  the  war  of  181 2,  and  had  prevailed  at  no  time 
since  except  at  the  end  of  the  sliding  scale  (1841)  provided  by 
the  act  of  1833.* 

The  electoral  count  in  February  showed  174  votes  for  Bu- 
chanan and  Breckinridge;  114  for  Fremont  and  Dayton;  8  for 
Fillmore  and  Donelson.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3, 
1857.  The  candidates  elect  were  sworn  into  office,  March  4, 
1857. 

XVIII. 

BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1857 — March  3,  1861. 

James  Buchanan,  Pa.,  President.     John  C.  Breckinridge,  Ky., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Thirty  fifth  Congress      /  *'  December  7,  1857— June  14,  1858. 
1HIRTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS,     j  ^  December  6,  1858— March  3,  1859. 

Thirty  sixth  Concrfss      1  *•  December  5,  1859— June  25,  i860. 
1HIRTY-SIXTH  Congress,     j  2j  December  3,  i860— March  3,  1861. 

*  This  year  (1857)  occurred  a  great  financial  panic,  during  which  there  were  5,123 
commercial  failures.  The  administration  was  compelled  to  borrow  money  at  a  dis- 
count of  8  to  10  per  cent. 


560 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Basis  of 

States.               93,423.  Vote. 

Alabama 7  9 

Arkansas 2  4 

California 2  4 

Connecticut 4  6 

Delaware I  3 

Florida I  3 

Georgia 8  IO 

Illinois 9  II 

Indiana II  13 

Iowa 2  4 

Kentucky 10  12 

Louisiana 4  6 

Maine 6  8 

Maryland 6  8 

Massachusetts II  13 

Michigan 4  6 

Mississippi 5  7 

Missouri 7  9 

New  Hampshire..  ..     3  5 

New  Jersey 5  7 

New  York 33  35 

North  Carolina....     8  10 

Ohio 21  23 

Pennsylvania 25  27 

Rhode   Island 2  4 

South  Carolina ....     6  8 

Tennessee 10  12 

Texas 2  4 

Vermont 3  5 

Virginia 13  15 

Wisconsin 3  5 

Totals 234  296 


Democrat. 


Republican. 


American. 


James        J.  C.       John  C.    Wm.  L.    Millard        A.  J. 
Buchanan,  Breckin-  Fremont,  Dayton,  Fillmore,  Donelson, 


Pa. 
9 

4 
4 

3 

3 

10 


27 


ridge,  Ky. 

9 

4 
4 

3 

3 

10 
11 
13 

12 

6 


Cal. 


N.J. 


N.  Y. 


Tenn. 


27 

i 

12 

4 


35 


23 


■74 


74 


114 


35 

23 


in 


THE  CABINET 

Secretary  of  State Lewis  Cass,  Mich. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Howell  Cobb,  Ga. 

Secretary  of  War John  B.  Floyd,  Va. 

Secretary  of  Navy Isaac  Toucey,  Conn. 

Secret  iry  of  Interior Jacob  Thompson,  Miss. 

Attorney-General Jeremiah  S.  Black,  Pa. 

Postmaster-General Aaron  V.  Brown. 


.Continued. 


POLITICAL  SITUATION.— A  glance  at  the  electoral  vote 
shows  that  the  persistent  effort  of  the  pro-slavery  leaders  to 
unify  the  Democratic  party  in  their  interest  had  at  last  succeeded. 


*  The  popular  vote  was,  Buchanan,  1,838,169- 
II  States;  Fillmore,  874,534 — 1  State. 


•19  States;  Fremont,  1,341,264 — 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  561 

Buchanan's  election  was  a  triumph  for  the  South.  The  large 
vote  for  the  Republican  nominee  showed  the  possibilities  of  the 
new  party.  The  popular  vote  of  the  country  was  largely  against 
the  Democrats.  The  American  or  Fillmore  vote  represented 
those  who  wished  to  ignore  the  Slavery  question.  As  things 
were  shaping  they  must  swing  to  some  positive  position  ere 
long.  It  but  remained  for  the  Republicans  to  take  a  firm  stand 
on  the  Slavery  question.  The  agitation  was  sure  to  go  on,  and 
that  in  a  way  which  must  weaken  Democracy  by  schism,  for  the 
extreme  Southern  leaders  were  beginning  to  see  that  the  "  Squat- 
ter Sovereignty "  idea  was  not  one  which  would  bring  them 
slavery  extension,  but  would  in  the  end  defeat  their  long  cher- 
ished intentions.  They  found  that  they  were  not  natural 
colonizers,  and  that  to  establish  a  plantation  in  Kansas,  or  any 
Territory,  and  stock  it  with  slaves,  was  a  very  different  thing 
from  taking  up  a  small  tract  by  a  free-footed  young  farmer, 
ambitious  to  plow,  sow  and  reap  for  himself.  This  was  where 
"  Squatter  Sovereignty  "  was  proving  deadly.  Not  much  wonder 
that  when  the  extreme  Southern  Democrats  saw  their  mistake — 
or  rather  repented  of  their  commitment  to  it,  for  they  never 
favored  it  except  as  a  means,  perhaps  their  only  means  then, 
of  capturing  the  entire  Democratic  organization — they  backed 
away  from  it,  charged  its  recognized  authors  or  expounders, 
Douglas  and  others,  with  weak,  unfair,  and  even  treacherous, 
dealing,  and  finally  resorted  to  the  plan  of  a  separate  con- 
federacy.* 

DRED    SCOTT  DECISION.— The    decision  of  the  U.  S. 


*  Two  other  methods  of  adding  to  the  diminishing  political  importance  of  the 
South  had  been  broached.  One  was  to  reopen  the  African  slave  trade.  This 
would  provide  a  means  of  pouring  into  the  Territories  an  unlimited  stream  of  slave 
immigrants,  and  thus  competing  with  the  greater  numbers  and  resources  of  the 
North.  The  other  was  to  conquer  and  annex  Cuba  and  Central  America.  This  was 
the  meaning  of  the  Lopez  filibustering  expedition  which  started  from  New  Orleans 
(185 1 )  for  Cuba.  And  so  with  the  Walker  filibustering  expedition,  from  the  same 
place  (1855),  which  operated  on  Central  America.  As  encouragement  to  this  idea 
of  conquest  and  annexation,  the  Ostend  Manifesto  was  proclaimed  by  our  American 
ministers  in  England,  France  and  Spain,  citing  that  the  safety  of  the  United  States 
required  the  acquisition  of  Cuba. 
36 


562  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

Supreme  Court,  delivered  by  Chief  Justice  Taney,  March  6, 
1856,  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  awakened  intense  interest,  and  be- 
gat feelings  of  alarm  thoughout  the  North.  Its  political  effect 
was  to  bring  the  position  of  the  extreme  pro-slavery  Democrats 
into  bold  relief.  When  Calhoun,  years  before,  asked  that  the 
Constitution  be  extended  to  the  Territories,  he  had  two  lines  of 
thought :  (1)  That  the  Constitution  sanctioned  slavery.  (2)  That 
its  extension  would  extend  slavery,  for  a  slave  was  property  as 
anything  else  material  was  property.  As  we  have  seen,  he  was 
driven  from  this  ultra  position,  or  rather  his  position  became  un- 
tenable, by  reason  of  the  growth  of  the  "Squatter  Sovereignty" 
idea.  But  now  the  Supreme  Court  had  come  squarely  to  his 
position,  and  even  gone  beyond  It*  Notwithstanding  the  slave 
was  by  the  Constitution  and  for  purposes  of  representation  three- 
fifths  of  a  freeman,  he  became  by  the  decision  a  chattel  "  without 
rights  or  privileges  except  such  as  those  who  held  the  power 
and  the  government  might  choose  to  grant  him."  The  plaintiff, 
Dred  Scott,  was  not  even  a  plaintiff  in  court,  but  a  mere  thing 
without  status,  and  his  case  was  dismissed  for  want  of  jurisdic- 
tion. Further,  the  Compromise  of  1820  was  unconstitutional, 
and  no  act  of  Congress  could  be  passed  under  the  Constitution 

*  As  this  important  case  was  the  last  pro-slavery  effort  to  sustain  itself  by  form  of 
law,  and  as  the  drift  thenceforth  is  toward  armed  arbitrament,  it  is  well  to  know 
its  history.     The  case  opened  : 

Dred  Scott  (  U.  S.  Circuit  Court,  Dist.  Missouri. 


f  u. : 

J    To  April  T.,  1854. 
ld.       (  Tre 


Tohn  F.  A.  Sanford.  (  Trespass  Viet  armis. 
The  plaintiff,  Dred  Scott,  was  an  original  slave  of  J.  F.  A.  Sanford,  of  Missouri. 
His  owner  resided  in  Illinois,  a  free  State,  with  him  from  183410  1838.  He  further 
resided  with  him  in  Minnesota  Terriiory,  free  soil  also,  as  being  north  of  360  3c/, 
the  Missouri  Compromise  line  of  1820.  He  then  removed  back  to  Missouri  with  him. 
The  slave  there  resisted  a  flogging  by  bringing  suit  for  damages,  on  the  plea  that 
residence  in  Illinois  and  Minnesota  had  made  him  a  free  man.  The  defense  was 
that  a  descendant  of  slave  ancestors  could  never  be  free,  was  not  a  citizen,  had  no 
status  in  court.  The  plaintiff  won  in  the  District  Court.  An  appea'  brought  it  to 
the  Supreme  Court.  The  opinion  of  the  Chief  Justice  was  not  unanimous,  but  dis- 
senting opinions  were  filed.  At  the  time  of  the  decision  many  of  the  free  States 
had  laws,  and  all  were  operating  on  the  principle,  to  the  effect  that  a  slave  leaving 
his  slave  State  and  entering  a  free  one  was  no  longer  a  slave,  but  free.  For  the 
opinions  in  full,  see  Howard's  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  Reports,  vol.  19,  p.  393. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  £63 

with  a  view  to  preventing  a  slaveholder  from  entering  any  State 
or  Territory  with  his  slave  property  any  more  than  from  enter- 
ing it  with  his  goods  and  chattels  of  whatever  description. 

The  legal  effect  of  the  decision  was  not  only  to  wipe  out  the 
Compromise  measure  of  1820,  which  had  been  done  construc- 
tively by  those  of  1850,  but  to  wipe  out  those  of  1850  also,  which 
had  introduced  the  Squatter  or  Popular  Sovereignty  idea ;  that 
is,  the  idea  of  leaving  the  question  of  slavery  to  be  decided  by  the 
people  of  the  Territories  when  they  came  to  form  State  Constitu- 
tions. It,  in  fine,  opened  all  the  Territories  and  all  the  free  States, 
to  the  advent  of  slavery,  no  matter  what  their  local  laws  might 
say  on  the  subject.  It  nationalized  the  institution,  by  degrading 
the  slave  to  the  level  of  a  horse,  cow,  plow  or  carriage,  and  over- 
rode every  sentiment  of  humanity  respecting  him,  as  well  as  the 
old  and  well-established  notion  that  as  an  institution  slavery  was 
a  creature  of  State,  or  local,  enactments.  The  decision  was  all  too 
plainly  a  reflex  of  the  extreme  Southern  sentiment  to  meet  with 
sanction  from  the  North,  and  as  it  destroyed  the  hope  of  Douglas 
and  his  now  important  Democratic  following  for  a  settlement  of 
the  question  on  the  basis  of  Popular  Sovereignty,  they  began  to 
drift  away  from  the  regular  party  organization. 

THIRTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
7,  1857.  The  Presidential  election  carried  along  with  it  a  Demo- 
cratic majority  in  both  branches  of  the  Congress.  The  Senate 
stood  39  Democrats,  20  Republicans,  5  Americans ;  the  House 
131  Democrats,  92  Republicans,  14  Americans.  The  tone  of  the 
parties  was  different  also.  The  Republicans  were  squarely  across 
the  way  of  the  Democrats.  The  Democrats  were  emboldened 
by  recent  successes,  and  by  the  fact  that  the  administration  was 
heartily  with  them.  This  latter  they  had  been  assured  of  by 
the  message,  which  was  all  they  could  have  wished.  On  the 
absorbing  question  of  slavery  as  presented  by  the  Kansas  diffi- 
culty, the  President  took  the  ground  that  the  State  ought  to  be 
admitted  at  once  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,*  which 
sanctioned  slavery. 

*  The  pro-Slavery  party  had  (1855)  adopted  the  Pawnee  Constitution,  which  was 
simply  the  Constitution  of  Missouri,  with  a  criminal  code  added  raising  numerous 


564  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  House  organized  by  electing  James  L.  Orr,  S.  C,  Demo- 
crat, Speaker.  A  contest  immediately  arose  over  a  bill,  framed 
in  accordance  with  the  President's  suggestion,  to  admit  Kansas 
under  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  For  three  months  the  con- 
tention was  bitter,  abusive,  and  sectional.  The  Republicans  took 
the  ground  that  the  Lecompton  Convention,  having  been  called 
to  frame  a  Constitution  and  having  done  so,  the  instrument  must 
be  ratified  by  the  people  before  the  State  could  ask  for  admission. 
In  this  they  were  supported  by  Douglas,  Broderick,  Adrian, 
Hickman,  and  other  Democrats  (called  Anti-Lecompton  Demo- 
crats), who  saw  their  theory  of  popular  sovereignty  destroyed 
if  the  people  were  to  be  denied  an  opportunity  to  express  their 
preferences  for  or  against  slavery  in  their  Constitution,  by  direct 
vote  on  the  instrument  itself.  The  Southern  Democrats  stood 
solid  for  the  bill  and  the  President's  position,  that  the  delegates 
having  been  called  to  make  a  Constitution,  there  was  no  need 
of  submitting  it  to  the  people.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate.  In 
the  House  it  passed  with  the  proviso  that  the  Constitution  should 
be  first  voted  on  by  the  people.  A  conference  bill  was  finally 
agreed  upon,  which  must  be  set  down  as  an  inexcusable,  if  not 
shameless,  piece  of  legislation,  inasmuch  as  it  offered  a  bribe  to 
the  State  to  adopt  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  This  bill  ad- 
mitted the  State  with  the  House  proviso,  and  the  additional 
proviso  that  in  case  it  adopted  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  it 
should  have  a  large  grant  of  public  lands.  To  the  credit  of  the 
Territory  this  did  not  have  the  desired  effect,  and  on  the  sub- 
offences  against  slavery  and  imposing  the  death  penalty.  Not  wishing  to  submit 
this  to  the  people  they  called  another  Convention  to  meet  at  Lecompton  to  frame  a 
Constitution.  This  was  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification  (December,  1857)  by 
ballots  printed  "  Constitution  with  Slavery,"  and  "  Constitution  without  Slavery." 
As  this  gave  the  voter  who  was  opposed  to  other  features  of  the  instrument  no 
opportunity  to  record  his  views,  the  Free  State  party  refused  to  vote,  and  refused  to 
consider  it  a  submission  of  the  instrument  to  popular  verdict.  They,  therefore, 
through  the  Territorial  Legislature,  which  body  they  had  secured  control  of  at  a 
regular  election  in  which  both  parties  participated,  ordered  another  election  which 
would  give  the  people  an  opportunity  to  vote  for  or  against  the  Constitution,  and 
not  for  or  against  a  single  clause  in  it.  This  was  the  election  held  in  August,  1858, 
which  repudiated  the  Constitution  by  nearly  10,000  majority. 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES.  5(55 

mission  of  the  Constitution  to  the  people,  Aug.  2,  1858,  it  was 
rejected  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Minnesota  became  a 
State  in  the  Union,  May  11,  1858.  Congress  adjourned,  June  14, 
1858. 

THIRTY-FIFTH  CO NGRFSS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
6,  1858.  The  session  was  barren  of  political  results,  though 
much  discussion  was  had  over  slavery,  the  disposition  of  public 
lands  among  heads  of  families,  afterwards  known  as  the  Home- 
stead policy,  and  the  appropriation  of  public  lands  for  school 
purposes.  Oregon  entered  the  Union,  Feb.  14,  1859.  Congress 
adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1859. 

AN  EXCITING  SUMMER.— The  supreme  topic  was  slavery, 
and  Kansas  was  the  pivot  on  which  it  turned.  The  rejection  of 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  with  slavery  gave  opportunity  for 
another  convention,  at  Wyandot,  July,  1859,  which  drafted  the 
Wyandot  Constitution  without  slavery.  This  was  ratified  by  the 
people,  by  a  majority  of  4,000.  It  was  the  Constitution  under 
which  Kansas  was  afterwards  admitted,  Jan.  29,  1861.  This 
verdict  of  the  people  of  Kansas  in  favor  of  a  free  State  showed 
that  there  was  nothing  in  the  popular  sovereignty  idea  upon 
which  slavery  could  rely. 

The  affair  of  John  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry,  Oct.  17,  1859, 
shocked  sentiment  both  North  and  South.  The  audacity  of  his 
effort  to  stir  up  a  slave  insurrection,  or  to  advance  the  anti- 
slavery  cause  by  seizure  of  a  town,  and  by  armed  force,  awakened 
at  first  a  feeling  of  repulsion.  But  the  anger  it  begat,  in  the 
slave  States,  their  eagerness  to  arm  for  defense,  their  desire  to 
implicate  the  entire  North  in  the  raid,  and  their  swift  execution 
of  the  criminal,  had  the  effect  of  eclipsing  his  crime  by  sympathy 
for  the  man,  and  by  further  animosity  toward  slavery  itself.  The 
hanging  of  John  Brown,  Dec.  2,  1859,  at  Charlestown,  W.  Va., 
marks  the  date  when  the  discussion  of  the  right  and  wrong  of 
slavery  passed  all  political  limits,  and  became  general  in  social 
circles,  in  jurisprudence,  and  in  religion. 

THIRTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec, 
5,  1859.  The  Congressional  elections  had  resulted  favorably  to 
the  Republicans,  and,  though  without  a  majority  in  the  House, 


566  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

they  outnumbered  any  other  party.  Analysis  of  the  respective 
branches  showed,  in  the  Senate,  38  Democrats,  25  Republicans, 
2  Americans ;  House,  109  Republicans,  86  Democrats,  13  Anti- 
Lecompton  Democrats,  22  Americans.  This  situation  led  to  a 
protracted  dispute  over  the  organization  of  the  House.  Balloting 
was  carried  on  two  months,  before  it  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
William  Pennington,  Republican,  N.  J.,  as  Speaker. 

The  application  of  Kansas  for  admission  under  the  Wyandot 
Free  State  Constitution  opened  the  slavery  discussion  with  all 
its  accustomed  severity  and  prolixity.  The  House  admitted  the 
State,  but  the  Senate  rejected  it,  and  engaged  in  a  lengthy  and 
desperate  attempt  to  get  back  to  the  old  Calhoun  position  that 
slavery  in  the  Territories  was  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  either 
Congress  or  the  Territorial  Legislatures  ;  in  other  words,  that  it 
must  follow  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  was  inherent  in  the 
common  law  regarding  personal  property.  An  effort  to  pass  a 
Homestead  bill  drew  strictly  party  debate.  The  pro-slavery 
Democrats  opposed  the  policy  of  cheap  lands  to  immigrants. 
The  Kansas  experience  had  proved  that  the  more  populous 
North  was  the  best  colonizer,  and  that  any  extra  inducement 
would  only  lead  to  an  increased  number  of  Free  States.  A 
spirited  party  discussion  sprang  up  over  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee appointed  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Covode,  Pa.,  and  known 
as  the  "  Covode  Investigation,"  to  examine  into  the  conduct  of 
the  Administration  respecting  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  slave 
State.  The  report  found  the  Administration  guilty  of  bribing 
members  and  editors  to  advocate  the  admission  of  the  State 
uilder  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  Congress  adjourned,  June 
25,  i860. 

ELECTION  OF  i860. — The  Democratic  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  April  23,  i860.  Delegates  were 
present  from  all  the  States,  to  the  number  of  303.  Caleb  Cush- 
fng,  Mass.,  presided.  An  early  division  of  sentiment  respecting 
slavery  arose.  The  Southern  and  all  extreme  pro-slavery 
Democrats  held  that,  under  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  slavery 
could  not  be  interdicted  in  the  Territories.  The  Douglas  Dem- 
ocrats held  squarely  to  the  doctrine  of  squatter,  or  popular  sov- 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  567 

ereignty.  The  dispute  over  these  positions  was  so  grave  and 
lengthy  that  balloting  for  a  candidate  did  not  begin  till  May  1st. 
After  fifty-seven  ineffectual  ballots,  no  choice  appeared.  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  111.,  stood  highest,  but  never  rose  above  153  votes, 
202  being  necessary  to  a  choice,  under  the  two-thirds  rule.  A 
Douglas,  or  Popular  Sovereignty  platform  had  been  adopted  by 
the  convention,  and  thereupon  many  delegates  from  the  Southern 
States  withdrew.  Seeing  that  no  choice  was  possible,  the  con- 
vention adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore,  June  18.  The  places 
of  the  withdrawn  delegates  had,  in  the  meantime,  been  filled  by 
those  favorable  to  Mr.  Douglas.  The  nominees  therefore  became 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  111.,  for  President,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson, 
Ga.,  for  Vice-President.  A  portion  of  this  convention  also  se- 
ceded, and  met  the  seceded  Charleston  convention  on  the  28th. 
The  platform  affirmed  the  Cincinnati  platform  of  1 856,  and  added 
clauses  pledging  Democracy  to  a  Pacific  Railroad,  and  govern- 
ment aid  therefor;  favoring  the  acquisition  of  Cuba;  denouncing 
State  enactments  designed  to  defeat  the  Fugitive  Slave  law ;  ac- 
quiescence in  Supreme  Court  decisions,  but  construction  of  them 
in  the  vein  of  Popular  Sovereignty. 

The  seceders  from  the  Charleston  Convention  organized  in 
Charleston  and  adjourned  to  meet  in  Richmond,  June  1 1.  They 
then  adjourned  to  meet  in  Baltimore,  June  28.  Here  they 
were  reinforced  by  the  seceders  from  the  Baltimore  Conven- 
tion, under  the  lead  of  Butler  and  Gushing.  The  nominees  be- 
came John  C.  Breckinridge,  Ky.,  for  President,  and  Joseph  Lane, 
Oregon,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  affirmed  the  Cincin- 
nati platform  of  1856,  and  pledged  the  party  to  a  Pacific  Rail- 
road ;  to  the  acquisition  of  Cuba ;  favored  the  execution  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law ;  announced  that  the  unorganized  territory 
of  the  United  States  was  open  to  all  citizens  with  whatever  kind 
of  property  ;  that  the  federal  government  must  protect  the  rights 
of  persons  and  property  wherever  its  authority  extends ;  that 
the  right  of  sovereignty  begins  when  the  settlers  in  a  territory 
have  a  population  adequate  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitu- 
tion, and  is  consummated  by  the  admission  of  the  State,  and 
that  then    its  people  stand  on  a  par  with  the  people  of  all  the 


568  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

States,  and  the  State  ought  to  be  admitted  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  its  constitution  provides. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  May 
16,  i860,  in  the  "  Wigwam,"  built  for  the  purpose.  Delegates 
were  present  from  all  the  Northern  States  and  from  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Missouri  and  Virginia,  with  scattering 
representatives  from  all  the  Southern  States  except  the  Gulf 
States.  The  work  of  the  Convention  ended  in  a  single  day  by 
the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  111.,  for  President,  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  Me.,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  an- 
nounced: (1)  the  necessity  of  the  Republican  party;  (2)  main- 
tenance of  the  principles  of  the  Declaration ;  (3)  denounced  all 
schemes  of  disunion ;  (4)  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  States  ; 
(5)  denounced  the  administration  for  attempting  to  force  Kansas 
in  as  a  slave  State  under  the  Lecompton  constitution  and  con- 
trary to  the  will  of  her  people ;  (6)  decried  the  extravagance  of 
the  administration ;  (7)  the  normal  condition  of  the  Territories 
is  free,  and  no  stock  in  the  dogma  that  the  constitution  carries 
slavery  there ;  (8)  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  State ;  (9) 
protection  to  American  industry,  a  Homestead  law,  a  Pacific 
Railroad,  Internal  Improvement. 

The  American  party,  under  the  title  of  "  Constitutional  Union," 
met  at  Baltimore,  May  9,  i860.  Twenty  States  were  repre- 
sented. John  Bell,  Tenn.,  was  nominated  for  President,  and 
Edward  Everett,  Mass.,  for  Vice-President.  Their  only  hope  of 
success  was  in  throwing  the  election  into  the  House.  The 
platform  affirmed  *  the  constitution  of  the  country,  the  union  of 
the  States,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws." 

The  campaign  was  vigorously  conducted.  There  was  much 
argument  over  the  respective  attitudes  of  the  parties  on  the 
slavery  question.  On  the  part  of  Republicans  spectacular 
features  were  introduced  after  the  manner  of  the  Harrison  cam- 
paign of  1840.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  pictured  as  "  The  Rail  Splitter" 
of  the  West,  with  telling  effect  among  farmers  and  the  industrial 
classes.  As  the  campaign  advanced  and  the  hopelessness  of  the 
pro-slavery  Democrats  increased,  they  began  to  turn  their  atten- 
tion to  the  remedy  which  secession  provided.     The  November 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  569 

result  was  a  choice  of  Republican  electors  from  every  free  State, 
except  New  Jersey,  which  gave  four  for  Lincoln  and  three  for 
Douglas,  and  a  consequent  majority  in  the  Electoral  College. 
This  led  to  prompt  action  on  the  part  of  South  Carolina,  whose 
Legislature  was  then  (November)  in  session  to  choose  electors. 
Instead  of  doing  so  that  body  called  a  State  Convention,  which, 
Dec.  17,  i860,  passed  the  first  "  Ordinance  of  Secession." 

THIRTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.  —  Met 
Dec.  3,  i860.  Probably  no  session  of  Congress  was  ever  called 
upon  to  meet  so  many  new  and  grave  propositions.  Cer- 
tainly none  had  ever  convened  amid  such  serious  surroundings. 
The  only  situation  analogous  to  it  was  in  1832,  when  South 
Carolina  attempted  to  nullify  the  Tariff  Act  of  1828.  Then 
Jackson  took  strong  ground  in  his  message  against  the  right  of 
a  State  to  contravene  national  legislation,  and  promptly  applied 
enough  force  to  hold  the  dissatisfied  State  to  her  place  in  the 
Union.  Mr.  Buchanan's  message  took  the  Jackson  view  of  the 
situation,  but  when  it  came  to  applying  coercive  means,  he 
doubted  if  a  State's  obedience  could  be  compelled,  for  the  reason 
that  compulsion  meant  war,  and  war  on  a  State  was  not  author- 
ized by  the  constitution. 

This  message,  so  disappointing  to  the  Union  sentiment  of  the 
country  and  so  encouraging  to  the  Secession  sentiment,  brought 
a  stream  of  compromising  efforts,  prominent  among  which  was 
one  introduced  by  John  J.  Crittenden,  Ky.,  re-establishing  the 
old  line  of  360  30'  as  a  permanent  constitutional  boundary  be- 
tween slave  and  free  States.  This  did  not  meet  the  favor  of  the 
Republicans,  and  without  their  endorsement  the  pro-slavery 
Democrats  refused  to  entertain  it. 

Legislation  was  virtually  suspended  for  a  time  to  await  the 
action  of  the  "  Peace  Congress,"  which  assembled  in  Washing- 
ton, Feb.  4,  1 86 1.  This  had  been  called  at  the  request  of  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia  (Jan.  19),  and  was  composed  of  dele- 
gates from  thirteen  Free  and  seven  Border  States.  It  affirmed 
by  a  close  vote  the  Crittenden  proposition,  and  made  several 
concessions,  chiefly  with  a  view  of  keeping  the  Southern  border 
States  from  falling  into  the  secession  whirlpool,  and  of  inducing 


570  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

some  of  the  less  hasty  cotton  States  to  retrace  their  steps.  Con- 
gress did  not  accept  its  measures,  but  passed  what  was  known 
as  the  Douglas  amendment  to  the  constitution,  which  affirmed 
the  popular  sovereignty  method  of  dealing  with  slavery  in  the 
Territories,  and  raised  a  guarantee  of  non-interference  with  slavery 
in  the  States.  This  amendment  was  never  submitted  to  the 
States  or  people,  owing  to  the  rapid  secession  of  the  States  and 
the  beginning  of  hostilities. 

As  the  Southern  States  seceded  (see  below),  their  members  of 
Congress  withdrew.  The  Republican  majority  became  strong 
in  both  Houses.  Kansas  was  admitted  as  a  free  State  under  the 
Wyandot  Constitution,  Jan.  29,  1861.  Other  Territories,  as 
Nevada,  Colorado  and  Dakota,  were  organized,  without  mention 
of  slavery,  so  as  to  avoid  conflict  with  the  Dred  Scott  decision. 
The  Republican  majority  took  advanced  ground  relative  to  the 
powers  vested  in  the  Constitution  and  Congress.  The  doctrine 
that  this  was  a  nation  and  not  a  league,  and  that  a  nation  had  a 
right  to  protect  itself  from  within  as  well  as  without,  took  firm 
hold.  The  Tariff  Act  of  March  2,  1 861,  which  increased  duties, 
affirmed  the  principle  of  protection.  The  kindred  prin- 
ciple of  Internal  Improvement  by  the  National  government  was 
so  fully  established  as  to  be  placed  beyond  future  question  by  any 
party.  Loans  were  authorized  and  an  issue  of  Treasury  notes 
ordered,  thus  carrying  the  implied  powers  of  the  Constitution 
to  the  limit  which  extreme  necessity  demanded. 

In  February  the  Electoral  count  was  made,  showing  180  votes 
for  Lincoln  and  Hamlin, '72  for  Breckinridge  and  Lane,  39  for 
Bell  and  Everett,  and  12  for  Douglas  and  Johnson.  Congress 
adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1861. 

SECESSION  MOVEMENT.— Secession  from  the  Union  as 
a  remedy  for  grievances,  real  or  imaginary,  had  been  made 
familiar  by  that  school  of  statesmen  who  regarded  the  Constitu- 
tion as  in  the  nature  of  a  compact  between  the  States  and  Gov- 
ernment, and  who  insisted  on  a  strict  interpretation  of  that  in- 
strument. They  would  tolerate  no  stretch  of  power  on  the  part 
of  the  government,  not  even  for  the  purpose  of  preservation,  but 
claimed  that  in  all  matters  of  doubt  the  States  should  have  the 


liiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiifiiiiiii^ 

PRESIDENTS  FROM   1S53  TO  1869. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  571 

benefit  of  it,  and  that  where  a  grievance  existed  the  State  was  to 
be  the  judge,  preferring  its  own  integrity  and  honor.  The  griev- 
ance now  was  that  growth  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  coun- 
try made  manifest  in  political  form  by  the  election  of  Lincoln, 
which  would  forever  crush  further  hope  of  slavery  extension 
and  prove  a  standing  menace  to  the  institution  as  it  existed  in 
the  States. 

South  Carolina's  call  of  a  convention  was  the  signal  for  simi- 
lar action  throughout  the  South.  The  movement  was  rapid  and 
concerted.  It  did  not  even  hesitate  at  the  responsibility  of  armed 
trial  to  insure  success.*  The  Southern  Congress  met  at  Mont- 
gomery, Alabama,  Feb.  4,  1 861,  delegates  being  present  from 
seven  seceded  States.  It  formed  the  Government  of  the  Con- 
federate States  of  America.  Its  Constitution  was,  in  the  main, 
the  one  it  had  repudiated,  a  clause  recognizing  slavery  and  one 
forbidding  a  protective  tariff  being  the  most  radical  differences. 
Officers  were  elected,  a  cabinet  chosen,  the  machinery  of  inde- 
pendent government  started,  an  attitude  of  war  assumed.  All 
government  property  was  seized  and  confiscated,  forts  were 
erected,  men  were  enlisted,  equipped  and  drilled,  and  armies 
were  actually  on  their  feet,  while  the  Congress  and  the  States  of 
the  North  were  listlessly  watching  the  unfolding  of  the  terrible 
situation  or  wasting  precious  time  in  what  proved  to  be  idle 
schemes  of  compromise. 

XIX. 

LINCOLN'S   FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 
March  4,  186 1 — March  3,  1865. 

Abraham  Lincoln,   III.,  Frcs'dint.     Hannibal   Hamlin,  Me., 

Vice-  President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 


f  1,  July  4, 1861 — August  6, 1861 — Extra  Session. 


Thirty-seventh  Congress.  -I  2'  December  2,  1861— Jttly  17,  1862. 
[3,  December  1,  1862 — March  3,  1863. 

*  For  going  and  coming  of  the  seceding  States,  see  page  123. 


572 


BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Congress.  Sessions. 

h  1863- 
ecember  5,  1864 — March  3,  1865. 


Thirty-eighth  Congress.    /  ''  December  7,  1863-July  4,  1864. 
(  2,  D 


ELECTORAL   VOTE* 


Republican. 


Democrat. 


Const. 
Union  or  Amer 


States. 


Alabama 7 

Arkansas 2 

California 2 

Connecticut 4 

Delaware I 

Florida I 

Georgia 8 

Illinois 9 

Indiana II 

Iowa 2 

Kentucky 10 

Louisiana 4 

Maine 6 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts II 

Michigan 4 

Minnesota 2 

Mississippi 5 

Missouri 7 

New  Hampshire  .  .    3 

New  Jersey 5 

New  York 33 

North  Carolina..  ..  8 

Ohio   21 

Oregon I 

Pennsylvania 25 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina..  ..  6 

Tennessee 10 

Texas 2 

Vermont 3 

Virginia 13 

Wisconsin 3 

Totals 237 


13 

6 

4 
7 
9 
5 
7 

35 
10 

23 

3 

27 

4 

8 

12 

4 

5 

15 

__5 
303 


11 
13 

4 


3 

27 


_5_ 
[80 


5 

4 

35 

23 

3 
27 

4 


_5 

;8o 


3 

3 

10 


15 


72 


72 


39 


39 


*  The  popular  vote  was,  Lincoln,  1,866,352 — 17  States,  N.  J.  divided;  Doug- 
las, 1,375,157 — 1  State,  N.  J.,  divided;  Breckinridge,  845,763 — 11  States;  Bell, 
589,581—3  States. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  573 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State W.  H.  Seward,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Salmon  P.  Chase,  Ohio. 

Secretary  of  War Simon  Cameron,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  Navy Gideon  Welles,  Conn. 

Secretary  of  Interior Caleb  P.  Smith. 

Attorney-General Edward  Bates,  Mo. 

Postmaster-General Montgomery  Blair,  Md. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— -When  Lincoln  came  to  Wash- 
ington to  be  inaugurated  the  Southern  Confederacy  was  formed. 
Of  it  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  its  Vice-President,  said,  March  21, 
1 86 1  :  "The  new  Constitution  (Confederate)  has  put  at  rest  for- 
ever all  the  agitating  questions  relating  to  our  peculiar  institu- 
tions— African  slavery  as  it  exists  among  us — the  proper  status 
of  the  negro  in  our  form  of  civilization.  This  was  the  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present  revolution.  Jeffer- 
son, in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this  as  the  '  rock  upon  which 
the  old  Union  would  split.'  .  .  .  The  prevailing  ideas  enter- 
tained by  him  (Jefferson)  and  most  of  the  leading  statesmen  of 
the  time  were  that  slavery  was  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature, 
that  it  was  wrong  in  principle,  socially,  morally  and  politically, 
and  that  somehow  or  other  it  would  prove  evanescent  and  pass 
away.  .  .  .  Those  ideas  were  fundamentally  wrong.  They 
rested  on  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of  the  races.  This  was 
an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  foundation,  and  the  idea  of  a  govern- 
ment built  on  it  '  when  the  storm  came  and  the  wind  blew  it  fell.' 
Our  new  government  rests  on  exactly  the  opposite  idea.  Its 
foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the  great  truth 
that  the  negro  is  not  the  equal  of  the  white  man ;  that  slavery 
— subordination  to  the  superior  race — is  his  natural  and  normal 
condition.  This,  our  new  government,  is  the  first  in  the  history 
of  the  world  based  on  this  great  physical  and  moral  truth." 

To  convert  this  Confederacy  of  form  into  one  of  fact  was  the 
Southern  cause.  The  condition  was  one  of  war  already,  so  far 
as  the  South  was  concerned.  There  had  been  for  some  time  a 
systematic  transfer  of  government  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
from  Northern  to  Southern  arsenals,  and  these  had  speedily  sur- 
rendered to  insurgent  demands.  The  naval  vessels  had  been 
scattered  in   remote  foreign  parts,   and  were   not   immediately 


574  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

available  for  either  defensive  or  offensive  purposes.  The  Federal 
soldiery  within  the  Southern  States  had  given  up  their  forts  and 
stations  or  were  besieged  therein.  National  finance  was  con- 
fused, the  Treasury  empty,  the  credit  worthless.  Seceded  States 
were  being  reinforced  by  the  secession  of  others.  Officers  in 
the  army,  navy  and  in  places  of  trust  and  power  were  resigning 
every  day  to  join  their  fortunes  with  those  of  their  States,  to  the 
consternation  of  the  loyal  members  of  the  government  and  to 
the  utter  demoralization  of  all  machinery  and  system.  No  of- 
ficial knew  whom  to  confide  in,  how  to  organize,  what  to  do. 
It  seemed  as  if  secession  had  tainted  everything  and  undermined 
everything.  Let  Union  effort  take  what  shape  it  would,  it  was 
confused  by  the  uncertainty  of  its  surroundings,  or  balked  by  in- 
genious constructions  of  laws  and  Constitution.  The  logic  of 
Attorney-General  Black,  which  led  to  the  conclusion  that  "  the 
Union  must  totally  perish  at  the  moment  when  Congress  shall 
arm  one  part  of  the  people  against  another  for  any  purpose  be- 
yond that  of  merely  protecting  the  general  government  in  the 
exercise  of  its  proper  Constitutional  functions,"  had  resulted  in 
fatal  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  government  and  was  to  par- 
alyze it  still  worse.  Add  to  all  the  real  danger  to  life  from 
deeply  laid  and  widely  ramified  plots,  and  some  faint  idea  of  the 
situation  may  dawn,  as  President  Lincoln  was  forced  to  see  it  on 
March  4,  1861. 

His  inaugural  was  conservative,  assuring  to  the  Southern 
States  that  slavery  would  not  be  disturbed  in  the  States  if  they 
would  seek  a  peaceful  remedy  for  their  grievances,  invited  Con- 
stitutional amendments  for  the  troubles,  and  closed :  "  In  your 
hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the 
momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will  not  assail 
you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the 
aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  destroy 
the  government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn  one  to 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  it." 

The  President  proceeded  to  supply  the  Union  garrison  in  Fort 
Sumter.  This  was  what  President  Buchanan  had  hesitated  to 
do,  the  Confederates  having  said  they  would  regard  it  as  a  coer- 


RULING     THROUGH     PARTIES.  575 

cive  act.  They  began  a  bombardment  of  the  fort,  April  13, 
1 86 1,  and  on  April  14,  after  a  fire  of  thirty  hours,  the  flag  was 
lowered  in  surrender.  This  first  overt  act  of  rebellion,  and  this 
first  triumph  of  civil  war,  disillusioned  the  country,  and  resent- 
ment took  the  place  of  conciliation.  For  a  time  Democrats  and 
Republicans  united  in  demanding  sturdy  measures,  not  only  to 
wipe  out  insult  to  the  flag,  but  to  force  the  erring  States  into  the 
restraints  imposed  by  the  Constitution  and  laws.  Armed  attack 
must  be  repelled,  the  majesty  of  law  vindicated,  the  dignity  of 
order  conserved,  the  unity  of  the  nation  restored,  the  supreme 
strength  of  the  government  asserted  throughout  its  jurisdiction, 
and  all  in  the  now  necessarily  armed  and  forceful  way  invited  by 
the  magnitude,  vigor  and  determination  of  the  attack.  The  issue 
thus  joined  was  the  Great  American  Rebellion  of  1 861  ;  or, 
The  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS—  Extra  Session.— Called 
for  July  4,  1861.  The  President  had  promptly  recognized  the 
condition  of  civil  war  and  called  for  75,000  volunteers.  These 
were  plainly  inadequate,  for  the  Confederacy  of  seven  seceded 
States  had  grown  to  eleven.  The  doubtful  border  States  had 
become  a  raiding  ground  for  Confederate  forces.  Armies,  fully 
equipped,  strong  in  numbers,  ably  officered,  fierce  in  determina- 
tion, were  swarming  into  strategical  places  and  centering  on  the 
Capital  of  the  nation.  Men  must  be  had  for  defensive  as  well  as 
offensive  measures.  Materials  of  war  must  also  be  provided — 
money,  guns,  ammunition,  equipments.  Hence  this  extra  ses- 
sion, in  which  only  the  Northern  and  border  States  were  repre- 
sented. Both  branches  were  Republican.  The  Senate  stood  31 
Republicans,  1 1  Democrats,  and  5  War  Democrats ;  the  House 
106  Republicans,  42  Democrats  and  28  War  Democrats.  The 
House  organized  by  electing  Galusha  A.  Grow,  Pa.,  Republican, 
Speaker.  Happily  for  the  country,  there  was  a  strong  prepon- 
derance of  the  Union  element,  and  such  prevalence  of  the  liberal 
construction  doctrines,  in  the  presence  of  dire  necessity,  as  freed 
energetic  war  measures  from  the  tedious  debates  which  they  had 
hitherto  provoked.  The  disastrous  affair  of  Bull  Run  (July  21, 
1 861)  proved  an  additional  incentive  to  speedy  and   vigorous 


576  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

legislation,  for  it  further  disclosed  the  determination  of  the  Con- 
federates, helped  the  Unionists  to  understand  the  magnitude  of 
the  force  they  had  to  meet,  and  proved  the  imminency  of  the 
danger  which  hung  over  the  capital. 

The  President  was  therefore  empowered  to  call  out  500,000 
volunteers,  a  national  loan  was  authorized,  appropriations  were 
made  for  the  army  and  navy,  an  act  was  passed  for  the  punish- 
ment of  conspiracy  and  for  the  confiscation  of  all  property  used 
against  the  government,  and  as  a  means  for  additional  revenue 
an  amended  Tariff  act  was  passed,  Aug.  5,  186 1,  which  con- 
siderably increased  the  duties  and  contained  distinctive  protec- 
tive features.  The  anti-war  or  peace  Democrats  interjected 
measures  of  negotiation  and  compromise  into  all  the  delibera- 
tions on  war  measures,  but  the  hour  for  procrastination  had 
passed,  and  it  was  not  deemed  expedient  nor  proper  to  further 
parley  with  armed,  and  thus  far  triumphant,  rebellion.  After 
resolutions  pledging  further  men  and  money  to  the  administra- 
tion, should  they  become  necessary  to  aid  in  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion  and  the  execution  of  the  laws,  the  Congress  ad- 
journed, August  6,  1 861. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Regular  Session. 
— Met  December  2,  1861.  Like  the  preceding,  this  was  a  War 
Session.  The  Democrats  had  somewhat  recovered  from  the 
shock  occasioned  by  the  firing  on  Sumter,  and  had  drawn  their 
lines  sufficiently  close  to  make  a  party  issue  of  many  of  the 
most  vigorous  war  measures.  Over  the  question  of"  what  to  do 
with  captured  slaves  ? "  they  took  positive  ground  against  the 
bills  which  were  passed,  forbidding  the  return  of  fugitives  and 
declaring  those  free  who  were  employed  against  the  government 
and  for  insurrectionary  purposes,*  and  so  of  the  bill  prescribing 

*  This  is  not  said  of  the  pronounced  War  Democrats,  who  were  in  concert  with 
the  Republicans  on  active  war  measures,  nor  even  of  those  who,  in  official  position, 
used  the  privilege  of  a  minority  to  freely  and  intelligently  criticise  the  acts  of  a  ma- 
jority. It  is  said  of  those  who  sought  to  hold  the  organization  and  to  commit  it  to 
a  decided  anti-war  policy  ;  who  even  went  so  far  as  to  encourage  opposition  to  the 
war  among  their  constituents,  and  keep  up  the  spirit  of  the  Confederates  by  aiding 
associations  like  the  "  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,"  "  Sons  of  Liberty,"  etc., 
whose  objects  were  to  release  prisoners  of  war,  invite  raids,  engage  in  conspiracies 


RULING   THROUGH   RARTIES.  577 

the  "  Iron-Clad  Oath,"  whose  design  was  to  exclude  from  gov- 
ernment service  all  who  were  engaged  in  rebellion  or  who  sym- 
pathized with  it.  The  session  witnessed  the  passage  of  a  bill 
giving  public  lands  to  the  States  for  the  endowment  of  Agricul- 
tural Colleges ;  also  the  passage  of  the  Homestead  Bill,  which 
had  been  so  frequently  before  Congress  since  the  formation  of 
the  Republican  party.  An  increase  in  Tariff  rates  was  made  by 
the  act  of  Dec.  24,  1861.     Congress  adjourned,  July  17,  1862. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  1,  1862.  A  War  Session,  in  the  midst  of  national  neces- 
sity more  imperative  than  ever.  Large  appropriations  were 
made  for  army  and  navy  purposes.  The  Treasury  was  authorized 
to  negotiate  further  loans.  But  ready  money  was  scarce.  There 
was  no  currency  adequate  to  the  huge  transactions  of  the  war, 
and  none  uniform.  In  this  strait  the  Congress  sanctioned  a 
National  (Greenback)  Currency,  after  long  and  able  discussion 
involving  its  constitutionality,  the  meaning  of  the  power  "  to 
coin  money  and  issue  bills  of  credit,"  the  inherent  right  of  the 
government  to  protect  itself,  the  analogy  furnished  by  the  old 
National  Bank,  the  respective  attitude  of  parties  on  the  question 
from  the  beginning. 

Nor  was  the  situation  simplified  when  the  question  of  more 
men  came  up.  This  involved  the  draft  as  a  means  of  procuring 
soldiers,  with  all  the  technical  objections  which  a  strict  construc- 
tion of  the  constitution  gave  rise  to.  The  act  which  passed  pro- 
voked the  hostility  of  anti-war  Democrats  throughout  the  entire 
North,  and  in  several  States  the  Courts  held  it  unconstitutional. 
Its  enforcement  in  New  York  gave  rise  to  the  riots  of  July,  1863, 
which  were  only  suppressed  by  armed  interference  of  the  Federal 
authorities. 

Another  measure,  made  necessary  by  the  exigency  of  the 
hour,  was  the  act  to  suspend  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus.  This  also 
excited  the  opposition  and  enmity  of  all  who  wished  to  be  free 
to  vindicate  the  Confederate  cause,  either  by  writing  or  speaking 
in  its  favor,  or  by  any  other  act  short  of  actual  enlistment  under 

to  resist  drafts — as  in  New  York — enlist  men  for  the  Southern  army,  and  give  aid 
and  comfort  to  the  enemy  in  various  ways. 

37 


578  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

its  banners.  The  peace  Democrats  vehemently  opposed  its  pas- 
sage, and  it  was  perhaps  the  most  unpopular  of  the  stringent 
war  measures,  saving  always  the  draft  act.  Dec.  31,  1862,  the 
act  to  admit  West  Virginia  passed,  which  took  effect  June  19, 
1863.     Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1863. 

ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY.— All  the  pledges  of  the  free 
States  were  of  an  intent  not  to  interfere  with  Slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  existed.  All  the  negotiations  and  compromises 
of  1 861  embraced  the  same  idea.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  inaugural, 
gave  it  out  that  Slavery  in  the  States  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
his  administration,  if  the  issue  of  disunion  were  not  further,  or 
violently,  pushed.  The  anti-slavery  sentiment  was  not  essentially 
an  abolition  sentiment.  Even  the  revulsion  of  feeling  occasioned 
by  the  firing  on  Sumter  had  not  served  to  lift  it  to  the  point  of 
interference  with  the  institution  of   Slavery  within  State  limits. 

But  the  question  of  Slavery,  ever  complex,  was,  after  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  more  complicated  than  ever.  It  was  forcing 
itself  on  the  officers  of  the  army  at  every  step.  In  the  field 
slavery  was  a  part  of  the  Confederate  service,  contributing  to 
the  strength  of  its  armies,  helping  it  to  resist  the  Union  troops, 
aiding  it  to  win  victories.  It  therefore  was  hostile,  as  much  so 
as  the  armies  themselves,  or  as  cannon,  muskets,  ammunition, 
tents,  stores,  whose  destruction  war  justified. 

This  the  Administration  saw.  But  it  saw  other  things  too: 
(1)  A  probability  of  holding  the  doubtful  Border  States  and 
making  their  allegiance  firmer  by  compensating  them  for  their 
slaves  in  case  they  abolished  slavery.  This  the  President  recom- 
mended to  Congress,  March  2,  1862.  It  was  approved,  but 
not  accepted  by  the  Border  States  as  being  impracticable.  In 
fact  it  met  the  opposition  of  the  entire  Democratic  party. 

(2)  He  saw  that  to  take  any  more  decided  step  at  that  time 
would  be  to  alienate  the  conservative  anti-slavery  sentiment  of 
the  Free  States.  That  is,  he  did  not  yet  regard  the  country  as 
educated  to  the  point  of  necessary  or  compulsory  abolition. 

(3)  He  saw  that  if  the  rebellion  were  allowed  to  drag  because 
of  a  want  of  energy  on  the  part  of  the  administration,  or  fear 
to  cripple  any  and  all  the  resources  which  helped  to  sustain  it, 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  579 

the  more  determined  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  Free  States 
would  rise  against  him  and  demand  abolition  as  necessary  to 
the  suppression  of  civil  war. 

Congress  had  moved  very  cautiously,  being  content  with  a 
measure  forbidding  the  return  of  fugitives,  and  one  declaring 
free  those  slaves  who  were  captured  while  aiding  rebellion. 
General  Fremont,  in  the  Department  of  Missouri,  had,  Aug. 
31,  1 86 1,  declared  the  slaves  of  rebels  free,  but  the  President 
overruled  his  order.  General  B.  F.  Butler,  in  Virginia,  had 
declared  slaves  "  contraband  of  war,"  and  liable  to  confiscation. 
Most  of  the  field  officers  were  either  returning  them  to  their 
masters,  or  hesitating  about  what  to  do  with  them. 

Rebellion  was  increasing  in  vigor,  and  slaves  were  part  of 
that  energy.  By  the  laws  of  war  the  contraband  property  of 
the  enemy  is  confiscate.  By  act  of  Congress  "  the  property  of 
persons  engaged  in  treason  or  rebellion  against  the  United 
States  "was  liable  to  seizure  and  confiscation.  The  time  had 
come  when  the  weapons  of  the  enemy  of  whatever  kind  must  be 
wrenched  from  his  grasp,  when  the  "  Union  must  be  saved  with 
slavery,"  or,  that  failing,  "  without  it." 

On  Sept.  22,  1862,  the  President  issued  his  proclamation  to 
the  effect  that  he  would  emancipate  "  all  slaves  within  any  State 
or  designated  parts  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  shall  be  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States  on  the  1st  day  of  January, 
1863."  "  If  such  sections  are  in  good  faith  represented  in  Con- 
gress on  that  day,  it  shall  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  that 
such  State  and  the  people  thereof  are  not  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States."  * 

No  attention  was  paid  to  this.  It  was  followed,  Jan.  1,  1863, 
by  the  celebrated  Emancipation  Proclamation,  for  which  the 
country  now  seemed  ready,  "  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure 
for  suppressing  rebellion."  It  applied  only  to  the  States  and 
portions  of  States  actually  in  rebellion,  and  which  were  unrepre- 
sented in  Congress,  or  were  not  in  the  possession  of  the  Union 
armies.  Two  years  afterwards  (February  1,  1865)  the  Thirteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  passed  the  Congress,  and  was 
ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  States,  so  as  to  become  effective 


580  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

by  Dec.  18,  1865.  It  is  in  almost  the  precise  words  of  the  his- 
toric ordinance  of  1787  relative  to  the  territory  northwest  of 
the  Ohio.  This  amendment  ended  African  slavery  in  the  United 
States  of  America. 

THIRTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
7,  1863.  The  House  organized  by  electing  Schuyler  Colfax, 
Republican,  Indiana,  Speaker.  The  Senate  contained  36  Re- 
publicans and  14  Democrats;  the  House  102  Republicans  and 
83  Democrats.  Nine  of  the  latter  were  from  the  Border  States. 
The  Union  Democrats  had  mostly  gone  entirely  over  to  the 
Republicans.  Some,  however,  had  gone  back  into  the  regular 
Democratic  organization,  which  was  now  pretty  squarely  on  an 
anti-war  basis.  The  session  was  prolific  of  war  measures,  on 
most  of  which  party  lines  were  strictly  drawn.  That  which 
excited  most  bitter  debate  was  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  of  1850  by  a  vote  of  27  to  12  in  the  Senate,  and  86  to  60 
in  the  House.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution 
passed  the  Senate,  but  did  not  pass  the  House  by  the  requisite 
two-thirds  till  the  next  session.  Among  the  revenue  bills 
were  those  creating  a  system  of  Internal  Revenue  by  a  tax  on 
domestic  manufactures,  one  imposing  a  tax  on  incomes  over 
$600  which  was  very  unpopular  and  short-lived,  and  one  creat- 
ing the  system  of  National  Banks.  All  these  were  compara- 
tively new  measures,  justified  by  the  condition  of  the  country 
and  a  state  of  war,  yet  at  variance  with  the  strict  construction 
notions  on  which  the  Democrats  based  a  determined  opposition. 
On  June  30,  the  Tariff  Act  of  1864  was  passed,  which  increased 
the  rate  of  duties,  and  made  them  still  more  protective.  Con- 
gress adjourned,  July  4,  1864. 

ELECTION  OF  1864.— The  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  Baltimore,  June  7,  1864,  and  renominated  for  Presi- 
dent, Abraham  Lincoln,*  111.,  and  for  Vice-President,  Andrew 
Johnson,  Tenn.  The  nomination  of  the  latter  was  a  recognition 
of  the  Union  men  of  the  South.     The  platform:    (1)  Pledged 

*  Mr.  Lincoln  had  inclined  to  the  one  term  idea,  but  by  advanced  endorsement 
for  a  second  term  among  the  Legislatures  of  the  Northern  States,  as  in  the  case  of 
Jackson  for  his  second  term,  he  concluded  to  stand. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  581 

the  party  to  aid  the  government  in  the  suppression  of  rebellion. 
(2)  No  peace  except  one  based  on  unconditional  surrender  of  all 
armed  rebels.  (3)  An  amendment  to  the  Constitution  pro- 
hibiting slavery.  (4)  Thanks  to  soldiers  for  maintaining  the  flag. 
(5)  Approval  of  the  course  of  administration.  (6)  No  vio- 
lation of  the  laws  of  war.  (7)  Favored  foreign  immigration 
and  a  Pacific  Railroad.  (8)  The  national  faith  pledged  to  the 
redemption  of  the  public  debt  must  be  kept  inviolate.  (9)  Ap- 
proval of  the  "  Monroe  doctrine." 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  Aug. 
29,  1864,  and  nominated  for  President,  George  B.  McClellan, 
N.  J.,  and  for  Vice-President,  George  H.  Pendleton,  Ohio.  The 
convention  was  dominated  by  the  reactionary  or  peace  wing  of  the 
party,  called  by  their  opponents  "  Copperheads."  The  platform 
announced:  (1)  Adhesion  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution. 
(2)  Demanded,  "  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by 
war,"  a  cessation  of  hostilities  and  a  peace  convention.  (3) 
Denounced  military  interference  with  elections  as  revolutionary. 
(4)  Objects  of  the  party  are  to  preserve  the  Union  and  the 
rights  of  the  States  unimpaired.  (5)  Denunciation  of  the  war 
measures  in  general.  (6)  Administration  denounced  for  disre- 
gard of  duty  to  prisoners  of  war.  (7)  Sympathy  of  the  party 
for  soldiers  and  sailors. 

A  Convention  of  Radical  Men  met  at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  May 
31,  1864,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont,  Cal.,  for  President, 
and  John  C.  Cochrane,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President.  They  adopted 
a  platform  nearly  like  that  of  the  Republicans,  but  with  a  clause 
endorsing  the  one  term  principle.  This  was  designed  to  head 
off  the  renomination  of  Lincoln,  who  had  given  offense  to  them 
by  his  tardy  action  respecting  slavery.  The  candidates  with- 
drew in  favor  of  the  Baltimore  nominees. 

The  position  taken  by  the  Democrats  in  their  platform  to  the 
effect  that  the  war  was  a  failure,  and  that  its  cessation  was 
demanded  by  the  country,  presented  an  issue  which  the  Repub- 
licans met  squarely,  and  with  confidence.  The  result  was  a 
popular  verdict  in  their  favor,  not  only  in  the  Presidential  but  in 
the  Congressional  contests. 


582  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

THIRTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  5,  1864.  Necessary  war  measures  were  passed,  the  Thir- 
teenth Amendment  to  the  Constitution  by  the  House,  and  the 
bill  creating  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  The  status  of  the  rebellious 
States  came  up  in  the  proceedings  attending  the  electoral  count 
in  February.  Both  Houses  regarded  them  in  such  a  condition 
as  to  make  a  valid  election  for  President  within  their  borders 
and  under  our  laws  impossible.  Their  vote  was,  therefore,  not 
considered.  The  count  showed  212  votes  for  Lincoln  and  John- 
son, and  21  for  McClellan  and  Pendleton.  Congress  adjourned 
sine  die,  March  3,  1865.  On  March  4,  Lincoln  and  Johnson 
were  sworn  into  office. 

XX. 

LINCOLN'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  AND 
JOHNSON'S. 

March  4,  186$ — March  3,  1869. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  III.,  President.    Andrew  Johnson,  Tenn., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

Thirty-ninth  Congress.   /  j  December  4,  ]%H*]J  f ,  '866. 
\  2,  December  3,  1866-March  3,  1867. 

f  1,  March  4,  1867-March  30,  1867.      ]  Extra    ses- 
[  2,  July  3,  1867-July  20,  1867.  [■    sion  with 

Fortieth  Congress.  -j  3,  November  21,  1867-Dec.  2,  1867.  J    recesses. 

I  4,  December  2,  1867-July  27,  1868. 
[5,  December  7,  1868-March  3,  1869. 

ELECTORAL  VOTE* 

Republican.  Democrat. 

Abraham  Andrew       Geo.  B.        Geo.  H. 

Basis  of  Lincoln,  Johnson,  McClellan,    Pendleton, 

States.                 127,381.  Vote.  III.  Tenn.            N.  J.            Ohio. 

f  Alabama 6  8 

f  Arkansas 3  5 

California 3  5  5                5 

Connecticut 4  6  6               6 

Delaware 1  3  ..               ..                 3                3 

f  Florida 1  3 

*  The  popular  vote  was :  Lincoln,  2,216,067 — 22  States;  McClellan,  1,808,725 
— 3  States;  not  voting,  11  States. 

f  In  a  state  of  rebellion.     Not  voting.     81  votes  lost. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES. 


583 


Electoral  Vote — Continued. 


Republican. 


Democrat. 


Vote. 
9 
16 

13 


7 
7 
7 

12 
8 
4 
7 

11 

3 
5 
7 

33 
9 

21 

3 
26 

4 

6 

10 

6 

5 
10 

5 
8 


Abraham 

Lincoln, 

111. 


Andrew       Geo.  B.        Geo.  H. 
Johnson,  McClellan,    Pendleton, 


Tenn. 
13 


33 


3 

26 


2 
5 

33 


3 

26 


Ohio. 


I  vacancy. 


Basis  of 
States.  127,381. 

^Georgia 7 

Illinois 14 

Indiana 1 1 

Iowa 6 

Kansas I 

Kentucky 9 

*  Louisiana 5 

Maine 5 

Maryland 5 

Massachusetts 10 

Michigan 6 

Minnesota 2 

^Mississippi 5 

Missouri 9 

Nevada I 

New  Hampshire. ...  3 

New  Jersey 5 

New  York 31 

*North  Carolina. .  .  7 

Ohio 19 

Oregon I 

Pennsylvania 24 

Rhode  Island 2 

*South  Carolina.  .  .  4 

^Tennessee 8 

*Texas 4 

Vermont 3 

*  Virginia 8 

West  Virginia 3 

Wisconsin 6 

Totals 242 

THE   CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State W.  H.  Seward,  N.  Y Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury.  . . .  Hugh  McCul lough,  Ind. 

Secretary  of  War Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Pa Continued. 

Secretary  of  Navy Gideon  Welles,  Conn " 

Secretary  of  Interior James  Harlan,  Iowa. 

Attorney-General James  Speed,  Ky Continued. 

Postmaster-General William  Dennison,  Ohio. .  .  " 

THE  INAUGURAL.— Gettysburg,  July  2,  3,  4,  1863,  turned 
the  tide  of  rebellion.  It  had  fallen  backwards,  and  was,  March 
4,  1865,  hemmed  in  and  under  control.  The  President's  in- 
augural was  full  of  gratitude  for  past  success,  of  hope  for  final 
success,  and  of  that  kindliness  of  spirit  and  gentleness  of  disposi- 


3H 


212 


21 


*  In  a  state  of  rebellion.     Not  voting.     8 1  votes  lost. 


684  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

tion  which  had  gotten  to  be  accepted  as  characteristic  of  the 
man  and  official.  In  it  he  said,  "  With  malice  toward  none, 
with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  right,  as  God  has  given 
us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are 
in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall 
have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and  orphans — to  do 
all  which  may  achieve  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves 
and  with  all  nations." 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1865,  General  Lee  surrendered  to  General 
Grant,  at  Appomattox  Court-House,  the  remnant  of  the  Con- 
federate army,  26,000  men,  and  the  great  rebellion  was  practically 
ended.  On  the  night  of  April  14  (Good  Friday),  1865,  President 
Lincoln  was  shot  by  J.  Wilkes  Booth,  and  died  on  the  morning 
of  the  15th.  On  the  same  day  Andrew  Johnson  was  sworn  in 
as  his  successor. 

RECONSTRUCTION.— It  was  hoped  by  North  as  well  as 
South  that  President  Lincoln  had  mapped  in  his  mind  a  policy 
of  reconstruction.  But  such  did  not  appear.  The  exact  rela- 
tion a  seceded  State,  which  had  failed  to  establish  its  secession 
by  force,  occupied  toward  the  other  States,  and  how  it  could  be 
reinstated,  were  new  and  delicate  points,  requiring  the  skill  of  a 
master  to  handle.  Much  more  was  involved.  The  place  of  the 
negroes,  now  free  and  citizens,  had  to  be  considered.  The  North- 
ern mind  inclined  to  a  probationary  period  for  the  rebellious 
States,  during  which  time  they  could  adjust  themselves  to  a  new 
situation,  give  guarantees,  through  provisional  governments  that 
they  would  assure  freedom  to  the  negroes,  wipe  out  their  obnox- 
ious codes,  repeal  their  secession  laws,  rescind  their  adhesion  to 
the  Confederacy,  and,  repledged  and  prepared  anew,  re-enter  the 
Union,  on  the  condition  of  any  fully  equipped  State,  with  the 
consent  of  Congress. 

President  Johnson  signalized  his  administration  by  adopting  a 
hastier  policy  of  reconstruction,  one  which  imposed  no  probation 
on  the  States,  but  invited  them  to  reform  State  governments  and 
apply  for  admission  at  once.  He  belonged  to  the  old  South- 
ern school  of  strict  interpreters  or  State  Rights,  and  his  policy 
invited  the  supremacy  in  the  new  States  of  the  most  active  sup- 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  585 

porters  of  rebellion.  This  policy  did  not  receive  the  support  of 
the  Republican  party.  An  antagonism  therefore  sprang  up  be- 
tween the  administration  and  the  majority  party,  which  was 
fiercer  even  than  that  between  Tyler  and  the  Whigs.  The  Presi- 
dent however  forced  his  measures  as  best  he  could,  and  carried 
with  him  what  was  known  at  the  time  as  the  "Amnesty  senti- 
ment "  of  the  country  and  also  the  Democratic  sentiment.  He 
was  squarely  outside  of  the  party  which  had  elected  him  Vice- 
President,  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  term  as  President. 

THIRTY-NINTH  CONGRESS— First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
4,  1865.  The  favorable  turn  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  emphatic 
endorsement  of  Lincoln's  administration  by  the  country,  had 
greatly  increased  the  Republican  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress. The  Senate  stood  40  Republicans  and  1 1  Democrats  ;  the 
House  145  Republicans  and  40  Democrats.  The  House  organ- 
ized by  re-electing  Schuyler  Colfax,  Republican,  Ind.,  Speaker. 

The  passage  of  an  amended  Freedmen's  Bureau  bill  drew  from 
the  President  a  veto,  in  which  he  foreshadowed  his  intention  of 
opposing  reconstruction  legislation  where  it  involved  favors  to 
the  negroes,  and,  in  general,  until  the  whites,  who  were  most 
concerned,  were  again  represented  in  Congress.  Another  bill, 
similar  in  terms,  providing  for  the  education  and  military  pro- 
tection of  the  negro  race,  was  passed  in  July.  This  was  also 
vetoed,  on  the  ground  that  the  civil  courts  were  open  for  their 
protection,  and  that  the  matter  was  one  entirely  within  the  con- 
trol of  the  States.     It  became  a  law  over  the  veto. 

The  passage  of  the  Civil  Rights  bill,  in  March,  which  was  de- 
signed to  secure  to  the  negroes  some  of  the  rights  of  citizenship 
by  enabling  them  to  enforce  their  contracts  in  the  United  States 
Courts,  was  vetoed,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  an  attempt  to  con- 
fer citizenship  on  men  just  released  from  bondage  and  overrode 
the  State  laws  and  State  tribunals.  Though  the  bill  was  passed 
over  the  President's  veto,  the  Congress  proceeded  to  clarify  the 
question  of  citizenship  by  passing  the  Fourteenth  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  June  16,  1866,  which  became  operative,  July 
28,  1868.  This  measure  the  President  also  opposed,  as  did  the 
Democrats.      The  Homestead   laws  were   extended   to   public 


586  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

lands  in  the  South,  the  army  was  reduced,  some  internal  taxes 
were  abolished.     Congress  adjourned,  July  28,  1866. 

THIRTY-NINTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.  — Met 
Dec.  3,  1866.  The  President's  attitude  to  the  majority  in  Con- 
gress had  become  hostile  and  defiant.  By  his  vetoes  of  Con- 
gressional enactments  he  had  given  proof  of  his  intention  to  re- 
duce the  power  of  Congress  over  the  work  of  Reconstruction  to 
a  minimum.  By  his  repeated  proclamations  to  the  Southern 
States  he  had  as  fully  shown  that  he  intended  to  make  the  work 
of  Reconstruction  as  purely  an  executive  one  as  he  could,  and 
this  though  his  attention  and  that  of  the  country  had  been 
called,  by  an  address  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  to 
the  fact  that  no  provisions  existed  in  the  Constitution  or  outside 
of  Congress  for  the  re-establishment  of  States  which  had  broken 
their  allegiance  by  secession  and  failed  to  establish  secession  by 
force. 

The  situation  was  not  conducive  to  deliberate  legislation.  If 
the  President  was  vindictive,  the  majority  was  retaliatory.  More- 
over, fear  began  to  dawn  that  if  he  carried  his  defiance  much 
further  it  might  end  in  an  executive  coup  de  main  on  the  very 
existence  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  government.  Retalia- 
tive  thus  assumed  the  virtue  of  protective  steps.  A  threat  of 
impeachment  was  made  by  the  appointment  of  a  House  com- 
mittee to  take  testimony.  The  time  had  not  yet  come  for 
decisive  action. 

By  act  of  July,  1862,  the  President  had  been  empowered  to 
extend  amnesty  to  those  who  ceased  to  be  rebellious.  The 
President  had  used  his  power  under  this  act  to  what  was  con- 
sidered an  inordinate  extent.  In  January,  1867,  the  act  was  re- 
pealed. He  still  continued  his  amnesty  proclamations,  claiming 
a  right  to  do  so  under  the  Constitution.  To  prevent  the  possi- 
bility of  his  taking  the  advantage  of  Congress  during  a  recess, 
the  meetings  of  the  next  Congress  were  fixed  so  as  to  succeed 
each  other  immediately.  This  lasted  only  during  his  term  of 
office.  His  claim  to  issue  orders  directly  to  the  army  was  met 
by  an  act  compelling  him  to  issue  them  through  the  general  in 
command.     This  was  squeezed  in  with  the  Appropriation  bill, 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  587 

so  that  he  could  not  veto  it  without  defeating  the  whole  measure. 
He  vetoed  the  Nebraska  act,  which  provided  for  the  admission 
of  that  State  on  the  condition  that  suffrage  should  exist  without 
reference  to  race  or  color.  This  was  passed  over  his  veto,  and 
Nebraska  was  admitted,  March  I,  1867. 

Hitherto  the  President  had  possessed  one  advantage.  His  in- 
clination was  his  policy  of  Reconstruction ;  or,  if  policy  he  had, 
it  was  not  so  systematic  as  to  prevent  his  forging  ahead  without 
much  regard  to  legal  forms  and  technical  obstructions.  The 
Republican  majority  had  all  along  been  hampered  by  Constitu- 
tional difficulties  and  baffled  by  their  party  opponents  and  the 
Executive.  But  they  had  at  last  formulated  a  policy.  It  divided 
the  States  which  had  seceded  into  military  districts,  and  placed 
each  under  an  officer  of  the  army,  who  was  empowered  to  keep 
the  peace  and  protect  person  and  property  until  a  State  conven- 
tion could  be  chosen  and  a  State  government  formed  which  re- 
cognized citizenship  without  regard  to  race,  color  or  previous 
condition,  and  contained  a  ratification  of  the  Thirteenth  and 
Fourteenth  Amendments  to  the  Constitution.  Then  only  would 
Congress  agree  to  readmit  the  State.  This  was  the  bill  "  To 
Provide  Efficient  Governments  for  the  Insurrectionary  States," 
and  designed  to  secure  to  the  country  some  of  the  fruits  of  the 
war,  which,  it  was  thought,  the  President  was  fast  frittering 
away.  It  was  passed,  vetoed,  and  passed  over  the  veto,  March 
2,  1867. 

Here  was  a  carefully  outlined  Congressional  policy  against  a 
loose  unsystematic  Executive  policy.  To  make  the  conflict 
sharper,  the  same  day  witnessed  the  passage  of  the  Tenure  of 
Office  bill,  also  over  the  veto,  by  a  strictly  party  vote  in  the 
Senate  of  35  to  11,  and  in  the  House  of  138  to  40.  It  made 
the  Senate,  which  was  a  recognized  part  of  the  appointing  power, 
a  party  also  to  removal  from  office  by  providing  that  the  Presi- 
dent's removals  during  recess  should  not  be  final  unless  approved 
by  the  Senate,  and  that  if  appointees  during  recess  were  not  ap- 
proved by  the  Senate,  the  old  incumbent  held  his  place.  The 
design  was  to  prevent  wholesale  removals  during  recess  and  the 
setting  up  of  a  Cabinet  and  Department  officers  who  might  fur- 


588  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

ther  frustrate  the  will  of  Congress.  Violation  of  its  provisions 
was  declared  a  high  misdemeanor.  This  somewhat  original  and 
summary  work  of  Congress  now  went  before  the  country  for  ap- 
proval or  rejection,  as  did  the  conduct  of  the  President.  A 
Tariff  act  was  passed  March  2,  1 867,  which  made  the  duties  on 
wool  and  woollen  goods  highly  protective.  Congress  adjourned 
sine  die,  March  3,  1867. 

FORTIETH  CONGRESS— Extra  Session.— Met  March  4, 
1867,  according  to  act  passed  at  second  session  of  Thirty-ninth 
Congress.  The  issue  between  the  Congress  and  President  had 
been  carried  into  the  Congressional  campaign,  and  the  result 
was  a  return  of  a  Republican  majority.  The  Senate  stood  40 
Republicans  to  14  Democrats,  the  House  138  Republicans  to 
47  Democrats.  House  organized  by  re-electing  Schuyler  Col- 
fax, Republican,  Indiana,  Speaker.  Positive  legislation  was  not 
the  design  of  the  meeting.  It  was  a  session  for  the  emergency, 
a  policing  of  a  critical  situation,  an  overseeing  of  previous  legis- 
lation, that  it  might  be  executed,  at  least  not  frustrated.  The 
continuity  of  the  session  was  secured  by  an  adjournment  on 
March  30,  1867,  to  meet  July  3,  1867.  A  second  adjournment  was 
had  July  20,  to  meet  Nov.  21.  A  third  adjournment  was  had 
Dec.  2,  1867. 

FORTIETH  CONGRESS— -First  Regular  Session.— Met 
Dec.  2,  1867.  Before  legitimate  work  could  begin,  the  President 
renewed  his  contest  by  removing  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary 
of  War,  Feb.  21,  1868,  and  appointing  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  his 
place,  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act. 
The  Senate  resolved  that  "  the  President  had  no  power  to  re- 
move the  Secretary  of  War  and  designate  any  other  officer  to 
perform  the  duties  of  the  office."  On  the  24th  the  President 
sent  a  message  to  the  Senate  claiming  the  right  of  removal  on 
the  ground  that  Stanton  was  an  appointee  of  his  predecessor, 
and  was  now  holding  only  by  sufferance,  and  that  therefore  he 
was  not  removing  an  appointee  under  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act. 

A  resolution  to  impeach  the  President  passed  the  House  on 
the  24th,  by  a  vote  of  126  to  47.  Articles  were  drawn  bearing 
on  his  violation  of  the  act  in  question,  which  passed  the  House 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  589 

on  March  2.  On  the  5th,  the  trial  began,  and  lasted  till  May 
16,  when  a  test  vote  was  taken  on  the  Eleventh  Article,  a 
leading  one.  The  result  was,  for  conviction,  35  Senators;  for 
acquittal,  19  Senators,  14  of  the  latter  being  Democrats  and  5 
Republicans.  The  Constitution  requiring  a  two-thirds  vote  to 
convict,  the  verdict  was  acquittal  on  this  article.  On  May  26, 
a  vote  was  had  on  the  first  and  second  articles,  with  the  same 
result.  It  being  evident  that  conviction  could  not  be  had,  no 
other  votes  were  taken  and  the  Court  of  Impeachment  adjourned 
sine  die. 

The  political  differences  between  the  President  and  the  Repub- 
lican party  were  not  softened  by  the  impeachment  trial,  yet  sin- 
gularly enough  the  party  did  not  suffer  by  its  failure  to  convict, 
nor  did  the  President  cease  to  pursue  his  policy  of  Reconstruc- 
tion, save  where  he  was  hedged  by  Congress,  till  the  end  of  his 
term,  when  he  retired  to  his  native  State,  quite  restored  to  the 
favor  of  his  old  political  associates,  with  whom  he  had  broken 
on  the  questions  which  gave  rise  to  the  rebellion. 

Congress  adjourned,  July  27,  1868. 

ELECTION  OF  1868.— The  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  Chicago,  May  20,  1868,  and  nominated  Ulysses  S. 
Grant,  111.,  for  President,  and  Schuyler  Colfax,  Ind.,  for  Vice- 
President.  The  platform  (1)  congratulated  the  country  on  the 
success  of  the  reconstruction  policy  of  Congress.  (2)  Approved 
of  equal  suffrage  to  all  loyal  men  in  the  South,  and  of  the  doc- 
trine that  it  was  a  question  properly  belonging  to  the  loyal  States. 
(3)  No  repudiation  of  the  National  promises  to  pay.  (4)  Equal- 
ization and  reduction  of  taxation.  (5)  Reduction  of  interest  on 
National  debt,  and  gradual  payment  of  same.  (6)  Improvement 
of  our  credit.  (7)  Denounced  the  corruptions  of  the  Johnson 
administration,  and  urged  economy.  (8)  Lincoln's  death  re- 
gretted ;  Johnson's  treachery  denounced.  (9)  Protection  of  the 
rights  of  naturalized  citizens.  (10)  Honor  to  the  soldiers.  (11) 
Encouragement  of  foreign  immigration.  (12)  Sympathy  for  all 
oppressed  people  struggling  for  their  rights ;  commendation  of 
those  who  served  in  the  Rebellion,  for  their  co-operation  in 
securing  good  government  in  the  South. 


590  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  New  York,  July 
14,  1868,  and  nominated  for  President,  Horatio  Seymour,  N.  Y., 
and  for  Vice-President,  Francis  P.  Blair,  Mo.  The  platform  (1) 
recognized  the  question  of  secession  and  slavery  as  settled  by 
the  war.  (2)  Demanded  immediate  restoration  of  the  Southern 
States,  and  the  settlement  of  the  question  of  suffrage  by  the 
States  themselves.  (3)  Amnesty  for  all  past  offences.  (4)  Pay- 
ment of  the  public  debt  in  lawful  money,  where  coin  is  not  called 
for.  (4)  Equal  taxation;  one  currency.  (5)  Economy;  abolition 
of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau ;  a  Tariff  for  revenue,  with  incidental 
Protection.  (6)  Reform  of  abuses  in  administration ;  independ- 
ence of  Executive  and  Judicial  branches  ;  subordination  of  mil- 
itary to  civil  power.  (7)  Maintenance  of  the  rights  of  naturalized 
citizens.  (8)  General  arraignment  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
gratitude  to  Johnson  for  "  resisting  the  aggressions  of  Congress." 

The  campaign  was  an  active  one.  The  leading  topics  were 
the  Reconstruction  measures  of  the  Republican  party,  and  equal 
suffrage.  The  latter  was  a  new  question,  given  prominence  by 
the  condition  of  the  freedmen,  and  by  the  probability  that  they 
would  not  be  able  to  maintain  their  rights  as  citizens  without 
the  ballot.  It  may  be  said  that  the  verdict  of  the  campaign  led 
to  the  proposal  and  adoption  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment. 
Grant's  apothegm,  "  Let  us  have  Peace,"  did  much  to  tone  the 
severities  of  a  campaign  which  would  else  have  been  very  bitter, 
owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  Republicans  toward  the  Adminis- 
tration. And  as  to  the  merits  of  the  issue  between  the  Congress 
and  President — that  is,  as  to  whether  the  Congress  or  President 
had  a  right  to  fix  the  terms  on  which  a  revolting  State  could  be 
readmitted — the  verdict  was  in  favor  of  Congress  and  its  plan  of 
approving  of  the  Constitution  of  the  applicant  States,  just  as  in 
case  of  Territories  when  they  first  applied  for  admission.  The 
November  result  was  a  decided  Republican  victory. 

FORTIETH  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec.  7, 
1868.  The  leading  political  measure  was  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  which  conferred  the  right  of  suffrage 
on  all  citizens,  without  distinction  of  "  race,  color,  or  previous 
condition  of  servitude."     It  passed  Feb.  25,  1869,  and  by  March 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  591 

30,  1870,  was  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  all  the  States.  In  Con- 
gress it  was  a  distinctive  party  measure,  drawing  full  Democratic 
opposition.  Before  the  country,  it  met  with  a  conservative  Re- 
publican opposition,  partly  because  it  was  regarded  as  too  radical 
an  advance,  and  partly  because  it  got  complicated  with  the  ques- 
tion of  amnesty,  as  advocated  by  Mr.  Greeley  and  a  school  of 
statesmen  who  thought  that  "  universal  amnesty  "  ought  to  pre- 
cede, and  be  a  consideration  for,  "  universal  suffrage." 

The  Electoral  count  showed  214  votes  for  Grant  and  Colfax, 
and  80  for  Seymour  and  Blair.  A  question  was  raised  over  the 
9  votes  of  Georgia,  but  as  they  did  not  affect  the  result,  it  was 
not  urged.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1869.  Grant 
and  Colfax  were  sworn  into  orifice  on  March  4. 

XXI. 

GRANT'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1869 — March  3,  1873. 

'lTlysses  S.  Grant,  III.,  President.      Schuyler  Colfax,  Ind.. 

Vice-President. 


Congresses.  Sessions. 

{1,  March  4,  1869-April  10,  1869,  extra  session. 
2,  December  6,  1869-July  15,  1870. 
3,  December  5,  1870-March  3,  1871. 

{r,  March  4,  1871-April  20,  187 1,  extra  session. 
2,  December  4,  1871-June  10,  1872. 
3,  December  2,  1872-March  3,  1873. 

ELECTORAL   VOTE.* 

Republican.  Democrat. 

Basis  of  Ulysses  S.    Schuyler          Horatio  Sey-    Francis  P. 

States.  127,381.    Vote.  Grant,  111.  Colfax,  Ind.        mour,  N.  Y.     Blair,  Mo. 

Alabama 6             8  8  8 

Arkansas 3              5  5  5 

California 3              5  5  5 

Connecticut 46  6  6 

Delaware I             3  ..  ..                   3                   3 

Florida I             3  3  3 

Georgia 79  ..  ..                   9                   9 

Illinois 14           16  16  16 

*  Popular  vote— Grant,    3,015,071—26    States;  Seymour,  2,709,613— 8   States; 
not  voting,  3  States. 


592 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 


Republican. 


Basis  ot 

States.  127,381. 

Indiana 11 

Iowa 6 

Kansas I 

Kentucky 9 

Louisiana 5 

Maine 5 

Maryland 5 

Massachusetts.......  10 

Michigan 6 

Minnesota 2 

^Mississippi 5 

Missouri 9 

Nebraska I 

Nevada 1 

New  Hampshire....  3 

New  Jersey 5 

New  York 31 

North  Carolina 7 

Ohio 19 

Oregon 1 

Pennsylvania 24 

Rhode  Island 2 

South   Carolina  ....  4 

Tennessee 8 

*Texas 4 

Vermont 3 

^Virginia 8 

West  Virginia 3 

Wisconsin 6 

Totals 243 


Vote. 

13 
8 

3 

7 

7 

7 

12 


4 

7 

3 
3 
5 
7 

33 
9 

21 

3 
26 

4 

6 

10 

6 

5 
10 

5 
8 


Ulysses  S.     Schuyler 
Grant,  111.  Colfax,  Ind. 


1-3 


26 


3i7 


214 


9 
21 

26 

4 

6 

10 


5 

5 
8 

214 


Horat 
mour 


v; 


7 
33 


Blair,  Mo. 


7 
33 


So 


80 


THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State E.  B.  Washburne,  111. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Geo.  S.  Boutwell,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  War John  A.  Rawlins,  111. 

Secretary  of  Navy Adolph  E.  Borie,  Pa. 

Secretary  of  Interior Jacob  D.  Cox,  Ohio. 

Attorney-General E.  R.  Hoar,  Mass. 

Postmaster-General J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  Md. 


FORTY-FIRST  CONGRESS— Extra  Session.— Met  March 
4,  1869,  with  a  very  large  Republican  majority  in  both  branches. 
The  Senate  stood  58  Republican,  10  Democrat,  and  8  vacancies ; 
the  House,  149  Republican,  64  Democrat,  and  25  vacancies ; 
Mississippi,  Texas,  Virginia  and  Georgia  not  being  represented. 
The  House  organized  by  electing  James  G.  Blaine,  Me.,  Speaker. 


*  These  States  not  yet  readmitted.      23  votes  lost 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  593 

This  brief  session  was  made  interesting  by  a  strictly  party 
struggle  over  the  admission  of  Texas,  Virginia  and  Mississippi, 
before  they  had  ratified  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution. On  April  io  a  bill  passed  which  required  them  to 
submit  their  constitutions  as  they  stood  to  the  people,  and  their 
Legislatures  to  ratify  both  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ments, after  which  they  would  be  readmitted.  The  extra  session 
adjourned  April  io,  1869. 

FORTY-FIRST  CONGRESS— First  Regular  Session.— Met 
December  6,  1869.  The  lot  of  President  Grant  had  not  thus 
far  been  a  happy  one.  Unlike  his  predecessor,  he  had  no  policy 
of  Reconstruction  aside  from  the  acts  of  Congress,  and  these  he 
declared  he  would  enforce,  on  the  principle  that  the  best  way 
to  secure  the  repeal  of  such  as  were  objectionable  was  to  show 
their  defects  by  actual  and  literal  enforcement.  But  in  this  he 
was  largely  headed  off  by  a  condition  of  affairs  in  the  late  rebel- 
lious States,  which  was  then  attributed  to  the  mistaken  policy 
of  President  Johnson.  From  whatever  cause,  a  party  arose  in 
the  Southern  States  which  prided  in  the  name  of "  Unrecon- 
structed "  and  "  Irreconcilable."  It  opposed  the  Reconstruction 
acts  of  Congress,  and  especially  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth 
Amendments  to  the  Constitution.  Further,  many  Northern 
men  had  settled  in  Southern  States.  These,  being  in  favor 
with  the  negroes,  and  naturally  supporters  of  the  government, 
gained  a  control  of  local  politics  which  made  them  enemies  of 
the  "  Unreconstructed."  They  were  denounced  as  "Carpet- 
Baggers,"  and  the  State  governments  they  erected  and  supported 
as  "  Carpet-Bag  Governments."  But  as  they  were  operating 
under  color  of  local  law,  and  insisting  on  rights  for  the  citizen 
which  the  Constitution  plainly  gave  him,  they  could  hardly  be 
ousted  by  regular  forms.  Ousted  they  must  be,  however.  The 
plan  of  terrorizing  the  negroes  was  hit  upon.  This  was  perfected 
and  carried  out  by  those  secret  organizations  which  became 
known  as  the  Ku-Klux-Klan.  Their  operations  were  so  effective  as 
not  only  to  intimidate  the  negroes  but  to  drive  out  the  Northern 
immigrants.  This  achieved,  the  doctrine  of  "a  white  man's  gov- 
ernment" became  popular,  and  under  it  the  regime  of  the  respec- 
38 


594  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

tive  States  passed  back  into  the  hands  of  those  who  had  made, 
supported  and  controlled  them  before  the  rebellion. 

The  operations  of  the  Ku-Klux-Klan  had  not  only  been 
locally  violent,  but  defiant  of  the  Reconstruction  acts  of  Con- 
gress. Hence  the  President  found  his  authority  practically  ig- 
nored. All  the  time,  too,  questions  arose  as  to  the  constitution- 
ality of  the  Reconstruction  acts.  These  occasioned  delays  and 
invited  dangers.  In  the  latter  part  of  1869  the  Supreme 
Court  came  to  his  assistance  and  greatly  strengthened  his  hands 
by  a  decision  to  the  effect  "  that  Congress  had  the  power  to  re- 
establish the  relations  of  any  rebellious  State  to  the  Union." 
This  decision  sustaining  the  policy  of  Congress  and  the  Republi- 
can majority  modified  the  tone  of  the  Democrats,  and  in  a  great 
measure  changed  their  purpose  to  make  Reconstruction  a  central 
party  feature. 

The  above  situation  gave  rise  to  the  Enforcement  act,  passed 
May  31,  1870,  by  a  party  vote,  which  endowed  the  President  all 
needed  powers  to  protect  the  freedmen  and  punish  the  perpetra- 
tors of  outrages  against  white  and  black.  Enforcement  of  this 
act  did  much  to  awaken  Southern  sentiment  to  the  extent  and 
danger  of  the  "  Klan"  and  to  correct  its  abuses.  It  fell  into  dis- 
repute, but  was  succeeded  by  other  more  open  and  ingenious, 
yet  not  less  effective,  means  of  intimidation,  some  of  which  took 
the  shape  of  "  Rifle  Clubs,"  the  "  White  League,"  and  so  on,  all 
of  which  were  harder  to  meet  by  legal  processes  than  the  more 
violent  "  Klan." 

Before  the  close  of  this  session  the  halting  States  of  Virginia, 
Georgia,  Texas  and  Mississippi  had  complied  with  the  conditions 
of  reconstruction  and  were  readmitted.  This  practically  com- 
pleted the  work  of  reconstruction  so  far  as  the  States  were  con- 
cerned ;  that  is,  they  had  complied  with  the  forms  of  law,  but 
much  remained  to  be  done  to  insure  equitable  enforcement  of 
law.  By  July  15,  1870,  the  date  on  which  Georgia  was  received, 
after  hanging  back  with  her  ratification  of  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment, the  happy  spectacle  of  a  restored  Union  was  again  pre- 
sented, though  the  votes  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  not 
received  on  account  of  technical  objections  in  1872. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  595 

The  other  leading  political  acts  of  the  session  were  one  to 
enforce  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  and  one  to  amend  the  naturali- 
zation laws.  The  latter  law  made  penal  the  issue  of  fraudulent 
naturalization  papers,  and  authorized  Federal  supervisors  of  Con- 
gressional elections  in  cities  of  over  20,000  inhabitants.  The 
Democrats  opposed  it  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unconstitutional ; 
the  Republicans  favored  it  on  the  charge  of  frauds  in  New  York 
by  which  the  State  had  been  carried  for  Seymour.  They  used 
with  effect  the  language  of  Horace  Greeley  that  "  more  votes 
had  been  cast  for  Seymour  in  one  of  the  warehouse  wards  of 
the  city  than  there  were  men,  women,  children,  cats  and  dogs 
in  it." 

In  March,  1870,  the  Constitutionality  of  the  Legal  Tender 
Act  of  1862  came  before  the  Supreme  Court  as  newly  organized. 
It  was  decided  to  be  constitutional.  This  was  a  partisan  issue 
from  beginning  to  end.  The  Republicans  pleaded  absolute 
necessity  as  a  support  for  the  law ;  the  Democrats  claimed  that 
it  was  an  inexcusable  stretch  of  constitutional  power.  The 
former  were  consistent  with  that  liberal  interpretation  of  the 
Constitution  on  which  they  based  their  ideas  of  Internal  Im- 
provement, Protection  to  American  Industries,  and  scores  of 
measures  relating  to  war  and  reconstruction.  The  latter  were 
hardly  so  consistent,  for  very  many  of  them,  when  members  of 
the  Confederate  Congress,  had  for  reasons  of  imperative  necessity 
advocated  the  issue  of  similar  money,  and  that  too,  with  the 
"  promise  to  pay  "  extended  to  a  period  beyond  which  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Confederacy  should  be  recognized. 

The  decision,  notwithstanding  its  opposition,  soon  won  popu- 
larity, and  greatly  increased  the  national  credit.  The  popular- 
ized "  Greenback  "  soon  after  became  the  banking  capital  of  a 
new  party.  The  Tariff  Act  of  July  14,  1870,  had  the  effect 
of  greatly  enlarging  the  free  list.  Congress  adjourned,  July  15, 
1870. 

FORTY-FIRST  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
5,  1870.  Reconstruction  being  completed  in  form,  all  the  States 
were  represented  for  the  first  time  since  1861.  The  Senate  stood 
61  Republicans;  13  Democrats;  the  House,  172  Republicans;  71 


596  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Democrats.  The  President's  message  advocated  the  annexation 
of  San  Domingo.  This  gave  rise  to  a  bitter  opposition  on  the 
part  of  Charles  Sumner,  which  took  the  shape  of  direct  attack 
on  the  administration.  A  commission  was  appointed  which 
reported  favorably,  and  the  matter  was  dropped. 

A  supplement  to  the  enforcement  act  was  passed,  Feb.  28, 
1 87 1.  It  incurred  the  usual  Democratic  opposition,  and  was 
passed  by  a  strict  party  vote.  It  extended  the  power  of  super- 
visors and  marshals,  and  gave  the  Federal  Courts  jurisdiction 
of  cases  arising  out  of  violation  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment. 
On  March  3  the  first  civil  service  act  in  the  history  of  the 
government  was  passed.  Under  it  a  commission  was  appointed, 
whose  recommendations  were  not  cordially  received.  Congress 
adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1871. 

FORTY-SECOND  CONGRESS -«*  Extra  Session.— Met 
March  4,  1871.  The  Republicans  had  suffered  somewhat  in 
their  representation.  The  Senate  stood,  Republicans,  57  ;  Demo- 
crats, 17;  House,  Republicans,  138;  Democrats,  103.  House 
organized  by  re-electing  James  G.  Blaine,  Me.,  Speaker. 

The  leading  political  act  was  that  of  April  20,  1871,  known 
as  the  Ku-Klux  Act.  It  was  aimed  directly  at  the  secret  organ- 
izations existing  in  Southern  States,  which  could  not  be  effectually 
reached  under  the  enforcement  acts  of  the  previous  session. 
Indeed,  these  acts  were  proving  weak  in  all  respects,  and  in 
view  of  the  opposition  they  were  meeting  with,  their  propriety 
was  beginning  to  be  questioned.  Congress  adjourned,  April  20, 
1871. 

FORTY-SECOND  CONGRESS—  First  Regular  Session.— 
Met  Dec.  4,  1871.  This  session  gave  rise  to  two  acts,  both  of 
which  became  noteworthy.  The  first  was  The  Amnesty  Bill. 
In  its  earliest  shape  it  was  a  Democratic  measure,  formulated  so 
as  to  secure  the  influence  of  Mr.  Greeley,  editor  of  the  New 
York  Tribune \  soon  to  be  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President. 
It  was  baffled  by  the  Republicans  for  a  long  time  by  amend- 
ments adding  Mr.  Sumner's  Supplementary  Civil  Rights  Bill. 
But  it  finally  passed,  May  22,  1872.  Its  effect  was  to  remove 
the  disabilities  imposed  by  Sec.  3  of  14th  Amendment  to  the 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  597 

Constitution,  from  all  but  about  350  participants  in  the  rebel- 
lion.* 

The  second  was  a  Supplementary  Enforcement  act.  The 
former  acts  of  Enforcement,  including  the  Ku-Klux  act,  were 
not  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  Executive  in  preserving  order 
and  securing  the  rights  of  citizens,  as  they  were  designed  to. 
The  Democrats  were  squarely  opposed  to  them,  and  so  was  a 
strong  minority  within  the  Republican  ranks.  It  became  a 
question  whether  the  Congress  should  retreat  or  experiment  fur- 
ther with  a  doubtful  question.  A  majority  sentiment  favored 
another  trial.  Consequently  the  bill  of  June  10,  1872,  was 
passed,  which  gave  any  citizen  deprived  of  his  rights  access  to 
the  Federal  courts,  made  it  a  penal  offense  to  deprive,  or  con- 
spire to  deprive,  any  citizen  of  his  rights  under  the  amendments, 
placed  the  United  States  troops  at  the  call  of  the  States  to  sup- 
press conspiracies,  and  further  declared  such  conspiracies  rebel- 
lions, to  be  suppressed  by  Federal  force  if  the  States  failed- 
This  was  regarded  as  the  last  stretch  of  Constitutional  power  in 
time  of  peace,  even  by  the  advocates  of  the  bill.  If  its  effect 
was  to  hasten  the  final  disintegration  of  the  annoying,  defiant 
and  cruel  "  Ku-Klux-Klan,"  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  those 
more  ingenious  and  popular  methods  of  opposition  which  were 
relied  on  as  supports  of  the  idea  of  "A  White  Man's  Govern- 
ment." The  Tariff  Act  of  June  6,  1872,  made  a  material  reduc- 
tion in  duties  and  added  largely  to  the  free  list.  Congress 
adjourned,  June  10,  1872. 

ELECTION  OF  1872. — The  first  party  in  the  field  was  a  new 
one,  styling  itself  "  Liberal  Republican."  This  misnomer  origin- 
ated in  Missouri,  in  1870.  A  Liberal  Republican  would  naturally 
be  one  who  favored  a  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution. 
But  the  new  Liberal  Republicans  were  those  who  thought  the 
Republicans  had  already  exceeded,  in  their  legislation,  the 
powers  contained  in  the  Constitution.  They  were  therefore  not 
so  liberal  as  the  Republicans,  but  stricter  in  their  interpretations, 
sufficiently  strict  to  draw  the  Democratic  support,  as  we  shall 

*  Subsequently  other  acts  removed  these  disabilities  from  all  who  participated  ia 
the  rebellion,  except  Jefferson  Davis. 


598  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

see.  A  considerable  Republican  sentiment  had  been  inclining 
to  this  movement  for  some  time.  It  was  encouraged  by  the 
"  General  Amnesty "  idea,  advocated  by  Mr.  Greeley  and  by 
others  who  were  at  the  time  called  M  Sentimentalists."  The  fail- 
ure of  so  many  of  the  Reconstruction  measures  of  Congress  to 
bring  about  desired  results,  the  opposition  they  all  excited,  the 
growing  thought  that  they  were  of  doubtful  propriety,  and  even 
of  doubtful  constitutionality,  considering  that  they  had  no 
longer  the  imperative  necessity  of  war  as  a  basis  of  vindication, 
further  encouraged  the  movement. 

In  1870  the  Republican  party,  then  in  control  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Missouri,  split  over  the  question  of  the  removal  of  dis- 
abilities from  Confederates,  under  the  State  Constitution.  Those 
favoring  removal,  headed  by  B.  Gratz  Brown  and  Carl  Schurz, 
called  themselves  Liberal  Republicans ;  those  opposing  removal 
accepted  the  name  of  Radical  Republicans.  The  former  tri- 
umphed. This  was  the  nucleus  around  which  kindred  sentiment 
gathered  throughout  the  country.  It  gained  headway  by  acces- 
sions in  several  States,  as  Mr.  Greeley  and  Mr.  Fenton  in  New 
York,  Curtin  in  Pennsylvania,  Trumbull  in  Illinois,  and  Charles 
Francis  Adams  in  Massachusetts.  The  Democrats  in  Congress 
had  fostered  the  sentiment.  In  the  spring  of  1 871  there  had 
been  an  actual  fusion  of  the  Liberal  Republicans  and  Democrats 
in  Ohio.  The  leaders  denounced  the  Enforcement  acts  of  Con- 
gress and  the  efforts  of  the  administration  to  bring  about  Recon- 
struction under  them.  On  the  basis  of  a  common  feeling  it  was 
thought  the  Democratic  party  could  be  captured  by  the  move- 
ment. A  call  was  issued  from  Missouri,  Jan.  24,  1872,  for  a 
National  Convention  of  Liberal  Republicans,  at  Cincinnati,  on 
May  1.  It  nominated  Horace  Greeley,  N.  Y.,  for  President,  and 
B.  Gratz  Brown,  Mo.,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  (1)  re- 
cognized the  equality  of  all  men ;  (2)  pledged  the  party  to 
Union,  emancipation,  enfranchisement,  and  to  oppose  the  open- 
ing of  any  question  settled  by  the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth  and 
Fifteenth  Amendments ;  (3)  demanded  the  immediate  removal 
of  all  disabilities ;  (4)  local  self-government  with  impartial  suf- 
frage, for  the  nation  a  return  to  the  methods  of  peace ;  (5)  Thor- 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  599 

ough  reform  of  the  civil  service,  no  President  a  candidate  for  re- 
election ;  (6)  modest  revenue  for  all  the  needs  of  the  government ; 
on  the  matter  of  a  tariff,  the  question  relegated  to  the  people  of 
the  Congressional  districts  for  discussion ;  (7)  maintenance  of 
public  credit,  return  to  specie  payments,  honor  for  the  soldier, 
no  more  land  grants  to  railroads,  fair  dealing  with  foreign 
powers. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia, 
June  5,  1872,  and  renominated  for  President  Ulysses  S.  Grant, 
111.,  and  nominated  for  Vice-President  Henry  Wilson,  Mass.  Its 
platform  (1)  pointed,  as  the  result  of  Republican  policy,  to  a 
suppressed  rebellion,  emancipation,  equal  citizenship,  universal 
suffrage,  no  punishment  of  men  for  political  offences,  a  humane 
Indian  policy,  a  Pacific  railroad,  public  lands  freely  given  to  ac- 
tual settlers,  protected  immigration,  uniform  national  currency, 
high  national  credit,  careful  collection  and  expenditure  of  rev- 
enue, large  reduction  of  taxes  and  of  public  debt;  (2)  enforcement 
of  the  new  amendments  to  Constitution;  (3)  enjoyment  of  civil 
and  political  liberty  by  all,  no  discrimination  as  to  citizenship  on 
account  of  race,  color  or  previous  condition  ;  (4)  an  improved  civil 
service;  (5)  no  more  land  grants  to  corporations, but  free  homes 
for  the  people ;  (6)  gradual  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  Tariff 
for  protection ;  (7)  honor  to  soldiers  and  sailors,  abolition  of 
franking  privilege,  reduction  in  rate  of  postage,  approval  of  the 
administration,  repudiation  denounced,  additional  rights  for 
women,  amnesty  approved,  respect  for  the  rights  of  States. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  in  Baltimore,  July 
9,  1872.  By  pre-arrangement  and  with  the  hope  of  triumph 
through  the  Republican  schism  it  accepted  the  platform  and 
nominees  of  the  Liberal  Republicans,  and  thus  stood  fully  com- 
mitted to  "  emancipation  and  enfranchisement,  and  to  oppose  any 
reopening  of  the  questions  settled  by  the  Thirteenth,  Four- 
teenth and  Fifteenth  Amendments  to  the  Constitution,"  and  to 
the  further  doctrine  "  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
mete  out  exact  justice  to  all,  of  whatever  nativity,  race,  color  or 
persuasion,  religious  or  political." 

A  Straight-out  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Louis- 


600  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

ville,  Ky.,  Sept.  3,  1872,  and  nominated  for  President  Charles 
O'Conor,  N.  Y.,  and  for  Vice-President  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Mass.  The  platform  was  a  plea  for  the  rights  of  the  States  and 
a  repudiation  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  as  a  betrayal  of  the 
Democratic  party  "  into  a  false  creed  and  a  false  leadership." 

The  Temperance,  or  Prohibition,  party  met  in  National  Con- 
vention, for  the  first  time  as  a  nominating  body,  at  Columbus, 
Ohio,  Feb.  22,  1872,  and  nominated  for  President  James  Black, 
Pa.,  for  Vice-President  John  Russell,  Mich.  The  platform  de- 
clared that  as  all  political  parties  had  proved  unwilling  to  adopt  an 
adequate  policy  on  the  question  of  traffic  in  intoxicating  drinks; 
therefore  (1)  the  party  pledges  itself  to  the  principles  of  the 
Declaration  and  Constitution  ;  (2)  that  effective  legal  prohibition, 
State  as  well  as  national,  is  the  only  means  of  suppressing  traffic 
in  intoxicants;  (3)  that  existing  party  competition  for  the  liquor 
vote  is  a  peril  to  the  nation;  (4)  dissuasion  from  the  use  of  in- 
toxicants, competency,  honesty  and  sobriety  as  qualifications  for 
office,  no  removals  from  office  for  political  opinion,  prevention 
of  corruption  and  encouragement  of  economy,  direct  vote  of 
the  people  for  President,  a  sound  national  currency,  redeemable 
in  gold,  labor  reform,  suffrage  without  regard  to  sex,  fostering 
of  the  common  schools. 

The  campaign  was  peculiar  in  every  respect.  The  Republi- 
cans were  sanguine,  and  scarcely  needed  to  use  ordinary  cam- 
paign energies.  The  Democrats  were  cold  toward  their  nominee, 
and  mistrustful  of  the  situation  from  the  start.  The  Liberal 
Republicans  bore  the  "  heat  and  burden  "  of  the  day,  their  can- 
didate even  taking  the  stump,  or  rather  making  long  railroad 
jaunts  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  with  and  inspiring  his 
admirers. 

The  November  result  was  not  a  realization  of  Liberal  Repub- 
lican hopes.  They  had  not  captured  the  Democratic  party. 
The  strength  they  brought  to  that  party  was  far  more  than  off- 
set by  Democratic  desertions  to  the  Republicans  or  outright  re- 
fusals to  vote.  Nor  was  it  any  more  a  realization  of  Democratic 
hopes.  The  expected  profit  from  Republican  schism  was  not 
forthcoming  at  the  polls.  "  Fusion  had  resulted  in  confusion," 
was  wittily  said  of  the  after-election  situation. 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES.  601 

FORTY-SECOND  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met 
Dec.  2,  1872.  An  interesting  measure  of  the  session  was  the 
creation  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  commission  by  the  House.  It 
was  created  at  the  instance  of  Republicans  to  inquire  into  the 
truth  of  charges  made  against  prominent  men  during  the  cam- 
paign by  Democratic  orators.  The  commission,  consisting  of 
two  Republicans,  one  Liberal  Republican,  and  two  Democrats, 
made  a  full  investigation  and  practically  exonerated  the  mem- 
bers charged,  except  Oakes  Ames  and  James  Brooks,  who  re- 
ceived the  condemnation  of  the  House. 

The  Franking  privilege  was  abolished,  the  President's  salary 
raised  to  $50,000,  and  the  salary  of  Senators  and  Representatives 
to  $7,500.  This  was  the  offensive  "salary  grab"  which  met 
with  such  condemnation  as  to  defeat  many  of  the  members  who 
participated  in  its  passage.     It  was  speedily  repealed. 

The  electoral  count  in  February  showed  286  votes  for  Grant 
and  Wilson.  Mr.  Greeley  died  in  November.  The  66  Demo- 
cratic electors  therefore  voted  for  other  persons.  Of  these  42 
voted  for  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Ind.,  for  President,  with  24 
scattering.  Three  of  the  scattering  were  for  Greeley.  They 
were  rejected.  B.  Gratz  Brown  received  47  for  Vice-President, 
with  19  scattering.  A  grave  question  arose  over  the  vote  of 
Louisiana  and  Arkansas.  Two  sets  of  Returning  Boards  existed 
in  these  States,  each  of  which  had  forwarded  returns.  The  re- 
sult was  that  both  were  rejected,  and  these  two  States  lost  their 
vote. 

Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1873.  On  March  4 
Grant  and  Wilson  were  sworn  into  office. 

XXII. 

GRANT'S  SECOND   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1873 — March  3,  1877. 

Ulysses   S.    Grant,    III.,   President.     Henry  Wilson,  Mass., 

Vice-President. 

Congresses.  Sessions. 

t,  „  ft,  December  1,  i87vJrme  i-x,  1874. 

Forty-third  Congress.      {    '  T.         ,        '  „0' J  i,      u°'   mJjl 

\  2,  December  7,  1874-March  3,  1875. 

^  r,  ft,  December  6,  1875-Aucrust  IS.  1876. 

Forty-fourth  Congress.   |  ^  December  \  l8'7i_March  3,  1877. 


602 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE.* 


Basis  of 
States.  131.425. 

Alabama 8 

Arkansas 4 

California 4 

Connecticut 4 

Delaware I 

Florida 2 


Georgia 


Illinois 19 

Indiana 13 

Iowa 9 

Kansas 3 

Kentucky 10 

Louisiana 6 

Maine 5 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts  ....  1 1 

Michigan 9 

Minnesota 3 

Mississippi 6 

Missouri 13 

Nebraska I 

Nevada I 

New  Hampshire.  .   3 

New  Jersey 7 

New  York 33 

North  Carolina..  ..  8 

Ohio 20 

Oregon I 

Pennsylvania 27 

Rhode  Island 2 


South  Carolina. 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West  Virginia  . 
Wisconsin 


Total 


••  5 
..10 
..  6 
•  •  3 
•  9 
••  3 
..  8 

292 


Vote. 

IO 

6 

6 
6 
3 

4 

11 

21 

15 
11 

5 

12 


15 


5 

9 

35 

10 

22 

3 
29 

4 

7 

12 

8 

5 
11 

5 
10 


366 


Republican. 


Ulysses 

S.  Grant, 
111. 
IO 

*6 
6 
3 
4 


3 

3 

5 

9 

35 

10 

22 

3 
29 

4 

7 


286 


Henry 

Wilson, 

Mass. 

IO 

'o 

6 
3 

4 


3 

3 

5 

9 

35 

10 

22 

3 
29 

4 
7 


5 
10 

286 


Lib.  Republican. 

Horace    B.  Gratz 

Greeley,    Brown, 

N.  Y.  Mo. 


Not  counted. 


6  for  Brcwn. 

2  for  Perkins,  Dem.,  Ga. 

3  for  Greeley  (not  counted). 


8  for  Hendricks.,  D., 
4  for  Brown,  Mo. 

.  .  Not  counted 


Ind. 


8  for  Hendricks. 


8  for  Brown. 
6  for  Hendricks. 
I  for  Davis. 


1 2  for  Hendricks. 
8  for  Hendricks. 


*  The  death  of  Mr.  Greeley  before  the  Electoral  count  caused  the  casting  of  his  66 
votes  as  scattering.  The  above  table  indicates  the  way  they  went  for  President. 
For  Vice-President  the  vote  was  still  more  scattered.  Brown,  Liberal  Republican, 
Mo.,  received  47  ;  Julian,  Democrat,  Ind.,  5  ;  Colquitt,  Democrat,  Ga.,  5  ;  Palmer, 
Democrat,  111.,  3;  Bramlette,  Democrat,  Ky.,  3;  Groesbeck,  Democrat,  O.,  I; 
Macken,  Democrat,  Ky.,  I;   Banks,  Liberal  Republican,  Mass.,  1.     The   14  votes 


RULING     THROUGH     PARTIES.  603 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State Hamilton  Fish,  N.  Y Continued. 

Secretary  of  Treasury William  A.  Richardson,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  War William  W.  Belknap,   Iowa.  .  .Continued. 

Secretary  of  Navy   .....  .  .George  M.  Robeson,  N.  J " 

Secretary  of  Interior Columbus  Delano,  Ohio " 

Attorney-General .  .Geo.  H.  Williams,  Oregon.  ...  " 

Postmaster-General J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  Md " 

FORTY-THIRD  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec.  I, 
1873.  The  Republican  majority  was  still  large.  Senate:  50  Re- 
publicans, ^Democrats,  5  Liberal  Republicans.  House:  198  Re- 
publicans and  91  Democrats,  with  a  sprinkling  of  Liberal  Repub- 
licans. House  organized  by  re-electing  James  G.  Blaine  Speaker. 
The  business  depression  which  culminated  in  the  panic  of  1873 
made  cautious  financial  legislation  necessary.  An  act  increas- 
ing the  national  currency  to  $400,000,000  was  vetoed  as  tend- 
ing to  inflation  at  a  time  when  the  tendency  should  be  toward 
resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  bill  could  not  be  passed 
over  the  veto  for  want  of  the  necessary  two-thirds,  though  a 
strong  minority  in  both  parties  thought  inflation  the  proper 
remedy.  This  idea  became  the  basis  of  the  Greenback  party, 
which  began  to  figure  about  this  time. 

Lengthy  debates  which  took  a  party  turn  were  indulged  over 
a  Republican  measure  to  regulate  inter-State  commerce.  So 
with  Sumner's  Civil  Rights  bill,  which  was  designed  to  secure 
to  the  colored  citizens  the  rights  comprehended  in  the  Four- 
teenth Amendment.     It  passed  the  House,  but  got  no  further. 

An  act  was  passed  Sept.  14,  1872,  which  referred  all  matters 
in  dispute  between  this  country  and  England  to  what  became 
known  as  the  Geneva  Commission.  This  Commission  now  re- 
ported that  the  sum  of  $15,500,000  was  due  the  United  States 
for  damages  occasioned  to  American  commerce  by  privateers 
fitted  out  under  British  auspices,  bearing  the  British  flag,  or 
permitted  to  sail  from  British  ports.  At  this  session  a  Commis- 
sion was  raised  to  distribute  this  award  (June  23,  1874). 

of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  not  counted  on  account  of  frauds  in  the  elections 
and  duplicate  counts  by  two  opposing  Returning  Boards.  The  popular  vote  was: 
Grant,  3,597,070 — 31  States  ;  Greeley,  2,834,079 — 6  States;  O'Conor,  29,408;  Black, 
5,608. 


$04  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

What  was  known  as  the  Poland  Utah  Bill  became  a  law.  It 
created  a  District  Court  for  the  Territory,  and  excluded  polyga- 
mous persons  from  the  jury-box  when  bigamy  cases  were  being 
tried. 

The  Tariff  Act  of  June  22,  1874,  was  passed.  It  was  an  effort 
to  correct  the  tendency  of  the  act  of  1872  toward  low  rates  of 
duty.  The  act  of  1872,  as  well  as  the  preceding  one,  had  been  in 
the  line  of  reduction.  The  panic  of  1873  had  taught  the  folly  of 
too  rapid  a  reduction  of  rates,  or  too  wide  a  departure  from  the 
protective  idea.  The  act  of  1 874  stiffened  rates  on  dutiable 
articles,  clung  to  the  protective  idea,  and  at  the  same  time  allowed 
a  liberal  free  list,  mostly  of  raw  or  unmanufactured  articles. 

Congress  adjourned,  June  23,  1874. 

FORTY-THIRD  CONGRESS— Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
7,  1874.  The  Administration  was  pinched  in  its  Southern  policy. 
In  Louisiana,  for  instance,  two  hostile  State  governments  were 
in  existence,  the  one  favorable  to  the  rights  of  all  citizens,  the 
other  working  under  the  auspices  of  the  White  League.  They 
had  gotten  to  blows.  Blood  had  run  in  the  streets  of  New  Or- 
leans. The  riots  there,  not  to  dignify  them  as  war,  threatened 
to  culminate  in  a  war  of  races.  The  President  had  been  appealed 
to.  The  time  had  passed  for  that  active  interference  which  the 
early  period  of  reconstruction  might  have  warranted.  Yet  he 
could  do  no  less  than  make  some  kind  of  effort  for  peace,  and 
naturally  in  behalf  of  the  government  which  recognized  the 
largest  liberty  and  secured  the  amplest  rights  to  all  citizens. 
Such  interference  was  turned  greatly  to  his  hurt  by  politicians. 
It  was  somewhat  of  an  unfortunate  juncture,  for  the  President's 
Private  Secretary,  O.  E.  Babcock,  came  to  trial  for  complicity 
with  the  "  Whisky  Ring,"  but  was  acquitted  and  resigned. 
Then  came  the  impeachment  of  Belknap,  Secretary  of  War 
(July  26,  1876),  on  the  charge  of  selling  an  Indian  trading  es- 
tablishment. He,  too,  was  acquitted.  But  by  this  conspiracy 
of  circumstances  the  Administration  suffered,  and  perhaps  un- 
justly, for  though  the  efforts  of  its  enemies  were  desperate  to 
bring  some  of  the  alleged  irregularities  home  to  the  White 
House,  they  in  no  case  succeeded.     All  these  things,  however, 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  605 

had  their  effect  on  public  sentiment  and  contributed  to  bring 
about  that  political  whirl  which  made  the  Forty-fourth  Congress 
Democratic. 

This  session  was  marked  by  the  passage  of  the  Civil  Rights 
bill,  by  a  strict  party  vote.  It  secured  the  approval  of  the  Pres- 
ident, March  I,  1875.  It  is  the  bill  which  the  Supreme  Court 
decided  to  be  unconstitutional  (October,  1883),  on  the  ground 
that  the  authority  conferred  on  Congress  by  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  give  such  amendment  effect  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation, was  not  an  authority  which  took  away  from  States  the 
power  to  do  the  same  thing,  or  interfered  with  their  right  to 
do  it. 

On  Feb.  24,  1875,  House  bill  to  permit  Colorado  to  form  a 
State  government  was  passed  by  a  strict  party  vote,  and  so,  or 
nearly  so,  of  the  Resumption  Act  of  Jan.  14,  1875.  In  this  in- 
stance, the  Republicans  strove  to  crown  their  financial  career  by 
looking  to  a  period  when  the  National  promises  to  pay  should 
reach  par  in  gold  and  silver.  They  were  antagonized  by  the 
Democrats,  who,  for  the  time  being,  seemingly  forgot  their  hard 
money  notions  of  the  Jackson  era. 

The  Tariff  Act  of  Feb.  8,  1875,  stiffened  the  rates  on  silks, 
wines,  tin-plates,  and  some  other  articles. 

Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1875. 

FORTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  Dec. 
6,  1875.  The  House  was  Democratic  and  the  Senate  Repub- 
lican. The  former  organized  by  electing  Michael  C.  Kerr,  Ind., 
Speaker.  This  lengthy  session  was  barren  of  far  reaching  polit- 
ical results,  owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  two  Houses.  The  Demo- 
crats in  the  House  cultivated  their  majority  situation,  so  as  to 
stand  well  before  the  country  during  the  next  presidential  cam- 
paign, by  advocating  a  reduction  of  appropriations,  taxation,  etc. 
In  most  of  their  efforts  they  were  met  half  way  by  the  Repub- 
licans.    Congress  adjourned,  August  15,  1876. 

ELECTION  OF  1876.— The  year  1875  had  been  one  of 
political  turmoil,  especially  in  the  Southern  States.  It  had  been 
a  year  of  political  reverses  for  the  Republicans  in  all  sections — 
a <f  tidal  wave  "  year,  to  use  a  popular  expression.     It  was  evident 


606  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

that  a  close  election  was  impending.  By  the  extermination  of 
what  were  called  the  "  carpet  bag  "  governments  in  the  South, 
the  Republicans  lost  much  ground  there,  and  could  not  hope  to 
control  more  than  two  or  three  of  the  States.  Owing  to  side 
parties,  the  reverses  of  the  previous  year,  the  general  feeling  of 
weariness  over  Southern  agitation,  and  especially  the  hard  ac- 
countability to  which  a  dominant  party  is  naturally  held  during 
financial  crisis,  many  Northern  States  hitherto  strongly  Repub- 
lican had  become  debatable. 

The  new  party  calling  itself  "  The  Greenback  Party,"  or  rather 
"  The  Independent  Party,"  met  in  National  Convention,  at  Indi- 
anapolis, May  17,  1876.  This  was  an  attempt  to  give  coherency 
to  a  movement  which  had  for  its  object  relief  of  the  financial 
stringency  and  business  depression  which  prevailed.  It  would 
reach  its  end  by  using  the  credit  of  the  government  in  the  shape 
of  Greenbacks,  and  insisting  on  a  sufficient  issue  of  them  to  re- 
lieve all  stringency  and  depression.  The  thought  naturally  dated 
from  1873,  the  beginning  of  the  financial  crisis.  It  received  en- 
couragement from  the  fact  that  the  greenback  was  popular,  and 
would  ere  long  be  redeemable  in  gold.  But  it  may  be  said  to 
have  received  its  greatest  impetus  from  the  date  of  the  Resump- 
tion Act  of  1875.  The  Democratic  party,  contrary  to  its  tradi- 
tions, arrayed  itself  squarely  against  that  measure.  It  was  there- 
fore in  a  position  to  ally  itself  with  the  Greenbackers.  These 
alliances  were  made  in  several  States,  and  in  some  the  coalitions 
were  successful.  Standing  alone,  the  Greenback  party  obtained 
a  hold  only  in  industrial  districts,  and  there  more  on  account  of 
the  pleasing  delusion  of  unlimited  money  than  of  any  deeply 
imbedded  principle.  It  nominated  for  President,  Peter  Cooper, 
N.  Y.,  and  for  Vice-President,  Samuel  F.  Carey,  Ohio. 

The  platform  (1)  arraigned  both  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic parties  for  refusing  to  foster  "  financial  reform  and  indus- 
trial emancipation."  (2)  Demanded  the  repeal  of  the  Specie 
Resumption  Act  of  Jan.  14,  1875.  (3)  The  United  States  note 
as  a  circulating  medium,  and  a  legal  tender,  and  insistence  on 
Jefferson's  theory  that  "  bank  paper  must  be  suppressed  and  the 
circulation  restored  to  the  nation  to  whom  it  belongs."     (4)  The 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  607 

government  to  legislate  for  the  full  development  of  all  legitimate 
business.  (5)  No  further  issue  of  gold  bonds.  (6)  No  further 
sale  of  bonds  with  which  to  purchase  silver  as  a  substitute  for 
fractional  currency. 

The  American  National  Party  met  as  early  as  June  9,  1875, 
in  mass  meeting,  at  Pittsburg,  and  nominated  for  President, 
James  B.  Walker,  111. ;  for  Vice-President,  Donald  Kirkpatrick, 
N.  Y.  Its  platform  favored  a  Sabbath;  prohibition ;  opposed 
secret  societies  ;  favored  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth 
amendments ;  arbitration  as  a  means  of  averting  war ;  the  Bible 
in  schools ;  return  to  specie  payments ;  a  sound  Indian  policy ; 
a  direct  vote  of  the  people  for  President. 

The  Prohibition  Party  met  in  National  Convention  at  Cleve- 
land, May  17,  1876,  and  nominated  for  President,  Green  C.  Smith, 
Ky. ;  for  Vice-President,  G.  T.  Stewart,  Ohio.  The  platform  in- 
vited (1)  prohibition  in  all  places  under  control  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  opposed  all  traffic  in  alcoholic  drinks.  (2)  Equal 
suffrage  and  eligibility  to  office.  (3)  Lands  to  actual  settlers ; 
reduction  of  postage,  and  land  and  water  transportation.  (4)  No 
lotteries  nor  stock  gambling.  (5)  Abolition  of  polygamy ;  Na- 
tional observance  of  Sabbath  ;  Free  public  schools  ;  Free  use  of 
Bible ;  Separation  of  sect  from  government  and  schools ;  Arbi- 
tration ;  direct  vote  of  people  for  President ;  redemption  of  paper 
money  in  gold  ;  economy. 

The  Republican  party  met  in  National  Convention  at  Cincin- 
nati, June  14,  1876.  A  significant  feature  of  the  Convention 
was  the  controversy  over  the  method  of  casting  the  voice  of  the 
States.  Hitherto  the  State  delegations  had  voted  as  a  unit,  the 
sentiment  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  being  the  sentiment  of 
the  State.  This  rule  was  now  broken  and  the  delegates  voted  their 
choice  directly.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Ohio,  was  nominated  for 
President,  and  William  A.  Wheeler,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President. 
The  platform  declared  (1)  the  United  States  is  a  nation,  not  a 
league ;  (2)  Republican  work  is  not  finished  until  the  principles 
of  the  Declaration  are  acknowledged  in  every  State;  (3)  protec- 
tion of  all  citizens;  rigorous  use  of  all  constitutional  powers  to 
that  end;  (4)  redemption  of  U.  S.  notes   in  coin;  (5)  improved 


G08  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

civil  service ;  (6)  rigid  responsibility  in  office ;  (7)  no  sectarian 
control  of  schools;  sufficient  revenue  with  protection;  no  more 
land  grants  to  corporations ;  protection  to  emigrants ;  enlarged 
eights  for  women  ;  extirpation  of  polygamy  ;  honor  to  soldiers ; 
deprecation  of  sectional  lines  ;  arraignment  of  Democrats  for 
preferring  Confederate  to  Union  soldiers  in  public  places ; 
approval  of  the  Administration. 

The  Democratic  party  met  in  National  Convention  at  St. 
Louis,  June  28,  1876,  and  nominated  for  President,  Samuel  J. 
Tilden,  N.  Y. ;  for  Vice-President,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Ind. 
The  platform  (1)  affirmed  a  need  of  reform  and  pledged  the 
party  to  the  Union  and  to  acceptance  of  the  amendments  as  a  final 
settlement  of  the  controversies  of  civil  war;  (2)  denounced  the 
reconstruction  policy  of  Congress  ;  the  failure  to  make  good  the 
legal  tender  notes  ;  the  high  taxes  and  extravagance;  the  finan- 
cial imbecility  which  had  made  no  advance  toward  resumption  : 
the  Resumption  Act  of  1875  as  hindering  resumption  ;  demanded 
its  repeal  ;  (3)  demanded  a  "judicious  system  of  economics;  " 
reform  in  taxation ;  (4)  the  existing  tariff  denounced  as  a 
"  master-piece  of  injustice,  inequality  and  false  pretence  ;*'  (5) 
Reform  in  public  land  system ;  reform  in  treaties  with  China  ; 
reform  in  civil  service ;  in  higher  grades  of  service  ;  in  abuses 
of  Republican  party. 

DISPUTED  RESULT.— The  result  of  the  election,  Nov.  7, 
1876,  gave  rise  to  a  prolonged  dispute  which  involved  many 
grave  questions  of  law,  and  necessitated  the  raising  of  a  special 
tribunal  for  its  final  determination.  Up  to  the  meeting  of  Con- 
gress the  condition  of  affairs  was  thus  :  The  election  returns 
showed  that  the  Republicans  carried  all  the  Northern  States 
except  New  York,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey  and  Indiana,  and 
that  the  Democrats  had  carried  all  the  Southern  States  except 
Louisiana,  Florida  and  South  Carolina.  Owing  to  lack  of  faith 
in  the  Returning  Boards  of  these  three  States,  the  result  was 
disputed  by  the  Democrats.  Owing  to  a  similar  lack  of  faith  in 
the  methods  of  the  Democrats  in  those  States,  the  Republicans 
were  suspicious  of  their  interference  with  the  Returning  Board 
counts  and  reports. 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  609 

Committees  of  both  parties  visited  the  scenes  of  strife. 
Whether  their  presence  and  advice  helped  a  just  conclusion  has 
never  been  definitely  ascertained.  But  it  did  not  take  much  in- 
vestigation to  find  that  the  vote  of  South  Carolina  was  Republi- 
can, and  this  the  Democratic  members  of  the  Congressional 
Investigating  Committee  conceded.  This  disposed  of  one  of 
the  doubtful  States. 

The  Returning  Board  of  Florida  gave  926  Republican  major- 
ity for  the  Republican  electors.  It  was  cited  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State,  and  a  recount  was  ordered.  This  gave  206 
Republican  majority.  But  before  this  recount  was  finished  the 
electors  had  met  and  cast  their  votes  for  the  Republican  nominees. 

The  Returning  Board  of  Louisiana,  appointed  by  Gov.  Pack- 
ard, made  up  from  the  confused  returns  at  their  command  a 
Republican  majority  of  3,931.  The  Returning  Board  appointed 
by  McEnery,  who  claimed  to  be  Governor,  made  up  from  the 
same  confused  election  returns  a  Democratic  majority  of  7,876. 

The  trouble  in  Oregon  was  not  one  of  popular  majority,  which 
was  admittedly  Republican,  but  was  over  the  claim  that  one  of 
the  three  electors  was  a  Federal  office-holder.  The  Democratic 
Governor  of  the  State  therefore  certified  to  two  Republican 
electors  and  one  Democratic  (Mr.  Cronin).  The  Secretary  of 
State  certified  to  the  three  Republican  electors,  he  being  the 
legal  canvassing  officer. 

FORTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.  — Met 
December  4,  1876.  The  Speaker,  Mr.  Kerr,  having  died,  Sam- 
uel J.  Randall,  Pa.,  was  elected  to  that  position.  The  disputed 
Electoral  count  occupied  almost  the  entire  time  of  the  session. 
The  inadequacy  of  all  laws  regulating  the  count  was  painfully 
manifest.  Both  parties  were  firm.  The  situation  was  such  that 
a  false  step  might  have  led  to  an  outbreak.  The  Republicans 
claimed  that  the  President  of  the  Senate  had,  under  the  law,  the 
sole  authority  to  open  and  announce  the  returns  in  the  presence 
of  the  two  Houses.  The  Democrats  claimed  that  the  two 
Houses  acting  as  a  joint  body  could  control  the  count  under  the 
law.  Some  Democrats  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  House 
39 


eiO  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

alone  could  decide  when  an  emergency  had  arrived  in  which  it 
was  to  elect  a  President. 

Danger  was  avoided  by  the  patriotism  of  prominent  members 
of  Congress,  of  both  parties,  who  after  several  conferences  agreed 
to  report  the  Electoral  Commission  Act.  It  passed,  and  was 
approved  Jan.  29,  1877.  The  Senate  vote  for  it  was  47  to  17 
against.  Of  this  47,  21  were  Republicans  and  26  Demo- 
crats. Of  this  17,  16  were  Republicans  and  I  Democrat.  It 
therefore  had  an  almost  unanimous  Democratic  support  in  the 
Senate.  The  House  was  Democratic.  It  passed  there  by  a  vote 
of  191  to  S6.  The  act  created  an  Electoral  Commission,  com- 
posed of  five  Representatives,  five  Senators,  and  five  Judges  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  15  in  all.  Each  of  these  bodies  was  to  select 
its  representatives  on  the  Commission.  To  this  Commission 
were  referred  the  disputed  returns.  Its  decision  was  to  be  final 
unless  overruled  by  both  Houses.  The  decisions  of  the  Com- 
mission on  all  the  disputed  returns  were  to  the  effect  that  the 
electoral  vote  as  certified  and  sent  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Senate 
by  the  regularly  constituted  authorities  in  each  State  must  be 
accepted  as  conclusive  and  beyond  investigation  or  question  by 
any  authority  outside  of  that  State.*  The  final  count  as  thus 
ascertained  gave  the  Republican  nominees  185  Electoral  votes, 
and  the  Democratic  184.  Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3, 
1877.    On  March  4,  Hayes  and  Wheeler  were  sworn  into  office. 

*  A  remarkable  feature  of  this  controversy  was  the  fact  that  the  Republicans 
were  standing  on  old-time  Democratic  ground  and  relying  on  rigid  Democratic 
doctrine.  They  were,  for  the  time  being,  construing  the  Constitution  strictly  and 
insisting  on  the  right  of  the  State  to  ascertain  its  own  vote  and  certify  and  forward 
it  in  its  own  way,  all  of  which  was  to  be  conclusive  on  outside  tribunals.  The  Dem- 
ocrats on  the  other  hand  combated  their  old  rigid  interpretation  theories  by  urging 
that  the  Congress  should  reject  the  certificates  from  a  State  Returning  Board. 
Happily  the  political  complexion  of  the  two  Houses,  one  Democratic,  the  other 
Republican,  prevented  any  successful  appeal  from  the  decisions  of  the  Commission. 
If  both  Houses,  under  the  terms  of  the  act,  could  have  agreed  to  upset  any  one  or 
the  Commission's  decisions,  then  riot,  if  not  civil  war,  must  have  ensued.  But  the 
act  was  wisely  framed  with  a  view  to  the  entire  political  situation. 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES. 


611 


XXIII. 


HAYES'  ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1877 — March  3,  1881. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  Ohio,  President.      William  A. 
Wheeler,  N.  Y.,   Vice-President. 


Congresses. 
Forty-fifth  Congress 


Forty-sixth  Congress 


13. 


Sessions. 
I,  October  15, 1877-December  3, 1877.  Extra  Session. 
December  3,  1877-June  20,  1878. 
December  2,  1878-March  3,  1879. 

March  18,  1879-July  I,  1879.    Extra  Session. 
December  1,  1879-June  16,  1880. 
December  6,  1880- March  3,  1881. 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Basis  of 
States.  131,425. 

Alabama 8 

Arkansas 4 

California 4 

Colorado I 

Connecticut 4 

Delaware I 

Florida 2 

Georgia 9 

Illinois 19 

Indiana 13 

Iowa 9 

Kansas.  .  . 3 

Kentucky 10 

Louisiana 6 

Maine 5 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts 11 

Michigan 9 

Minnesota 3 

Mississippi 6 

Missouri 13 

Nebraska 1 

Nevada 1 

New  Hampshire 3 

New  Jersey 7 

New  York 33 

North  Carolina 8 

Ohio 20 


Republican. 


Democratic. 


Vote. 
IO 

6 
6 

3 
6 

3 

4 

II 

21 

15 
11 

5 
12 

8 

7 
8 

13 
11 

5 
8 

15 

3 

3 

5 

9 

35 

10 

22 


R.B.Hayes,  W.  A.  Wheel 


Ohio. 


II 

5 

8 

7 

13 
11 

5 


N.  Y. 

6 
3 


21 

11 

5 

8 

7 

«j 

11 

5 


22 


S.  J.  Til- 
den,  N.Y. 
IO 

6 


T.  A.  Hen- 
dricks, Ind. 
10 

6 


*  The  popular  vote  was :  Hayes,  4,033,950 — 21 
States;  Greenback,  Cooper,  81,740;  Prohibition, 
scattering,  14,715. 


States;   Tilden,  4,284,885—17 
Smith,  9,522;  American,  539; 


(312  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Electoral  Vote — Continued. 

Republican.  Democratic. 


Basis  of  R.  B.  Hayes,  W.A.  Wheel-  S.  J.  Til-     T.  A.  Hen* 

States.                   131,425-  Vote.  Ohio.  er,  N.  Y.     den,N.Y.  dricks.Ind. 

Oregon 1  3  3  3 

Pennsylvania 27  29  29  29 

Rhode  Island 2  4  4  4 

South  Carolina 5  7  7  7 

Tennessee 10  12  ..  ..              12                12 

Texas 6  8  ....  8                 8 

Vermont 3  5  5  5 

Virginia ..      9  II  ..  ..              11                 11 

West  Virginia 3  5  ..  ..                5                  5 

Wisconsin 8  10  10  10 

Totals 293  "369  "185  f8Y          T84            "184 

THE  CABINET. 

Secretary  of  State William  M.  Evarts,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  of  Treasury John  Sherman,  Ohio. 

Secretary  of  War Geo.  W.  McCrary,  Iowa. 

Secretary  of  Navy Richard  W.  Thompson,  Ind. 

Secretary  of  Interior Carl  Schurz,  Mo. 

Attorney-General Charles  Devens,  Mass. 

Postmaster-General David  M.  Key,  Tenn. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— The  President's  inaugural  was 
pacific.  He  visited  the  South,  and  the  tone  of  his  speeches  there 
was  very  conciliatory.  There  was  a  general  departure  from  Re- 
publican ideas  respecting  the  questions  which  had  disturbed  the 
reconstructed  States.  They  were  given  over  to  such  rule  as 
seemed  inevitable  for  a  long  time,  in  case  the  Federal  troops  were 
withdrawn.  While  the  President's  conservatism  gave  rise  to 
criticism  among  his  party  friends,  very  many  thought  it  proper 
that  he  should  pursue  an  intermediate  political  course  in  view 
of  the  circumstances  surrounding  his  election  and  the  seeming- 
desire  for  a  breathing  spell  after  the  excitement  attending  the 
electoral  count. 

FORTY-FIFTH  CONGRFSS— Extra  Session.— Called  Oct. 
I5.  }$77-  This  Congress,  like  the  Forty-fourth,  was  Democratic 
in  the  House,  and  Republican  in  the  Senate.  The  latter  body 
stood  38  Republicans ;  37  Democrats ;  1  Independent.  The 
House  stood  156  Democrats,  and  136  Republicans.  The  House 
organized  by  re-electing  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Pa.,  Speaker.  Party 
lines  were  strictly  drawn  over  a  determined  effort  of  the  Demo- 
crats to    repeal  the   Resumption  Act.     The    platform    of  1 880 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  (Jig 

pledged  the  party  to  repeal.  Their  measure  failed  in  the  Senate. 
The  same  effort  was  made  in  the  first  regular  session  of  this 
(Forty-fifth)  Congress,  with  no  better  success.  Congress  ad- 
journed, Dec.  3,  1877. 

FORTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS—  First  Regular  Session.— Met 
Dec.  3,  1877.  From  this  time  on  financial  legislation  largely 
occupied  the  respective  sessions.  Government  income  was 
ample  for  every-  purpose.  The  national  credit  was  high.  Efforts 
to  defeat  resumption,  fixed  for  1879,  were  made  by  the  Demo- 
crats this  session,  but  failed  owing  to  the  Republican  majority 
in  the  Senate.  The  era  of  refunding  was  beginning,  and  was  to 
be  carried  on  till  it  became  evident  that  the  entire  public  debt 
could  be  turned  into  bonds  bearing  no  more  than  three  per  cent 
interest,  if  such  an  end  should  prove  desirable.  As  a  conse- 
quence bitter  partyism  was  not  indulged  in  as  during  slavery 
times  and  the  period  of  reconstruction,  though  even  these 
financial  and  business  topics  could  not  altogether  escape  modest 
party  colorings  when  an  advantage  was  likely  to  accrue. 

An  act  to  remonetize  silver  and  coin  $2,000,000  (Bland)  a 
month  was  passed  and  received  the  President's  veto,  Feb.  28, 
1878.  It  was  passed  over  the  veto.  This  legislation  was  not 
of  any  party,  but  was  thought  to  be  in  the  interest  of  the  Pacific 
or  mining  States.  On  May  28,  1878,  the  Bankrupt  Act  was  so 
amended  as  to  virtually  work  its  repeal.  The  River  and  Har- 
bor Bill  of  this  session  (April  23,  1878)  appropriated  the  large 
sum  of  $8,000,000  for  this  class  of  coast  and  internal  improve- 
ments. This  was  extraordinary,  not  only  on  account  of  the 
sum  involved,  but  because  it  came  from  a  Democratic  House 
which  had  started  on  an  economic  career,  and  further  because 
the  old  Democratic  constitutional  objections  to  appropriations 
of  this  kind  were  no  longer  heard.  Both  parties  were  now  fully 
committed  to  appropriations  of  this  character,  and  all  for  the 
worse  unless  a  check  be  provided,  which,  as  we  shall  see,  soon 
came  in  the  shape  of  executive  veto.  Congress  adjourned,  June 
20,  1878. 

FORTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS— Second  Regular   Session.- 
Met  Dec.  2,  1878.     The  President's  message  referred  with  favor 


614  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  the  process  of  funding  now  rapidly  and  successfully  going  on, 
by  which  so  many  millions  were  being  saved  in  annual  interest. 
It  was  much  firmer  as  to  the  Southern  situation  than  his  former 
message,  and  the  party  became  assured  of  his  fealty,  began  to 
harmonize  in  the  several  States  and  to  recover  from  what,  at  one 
time,  seemed  to  be  permanent  factional  estrangement. 

An  important,  though  not  strictly  party  measure,  was  the 
Anti-Chinese  bill,  which  was  vetoed  by  the  President  as  being 
against  the  Burlingame  Treaty.  It  was  passed  over  the  veto, 
Feb.  22,  1879.  It  prohibited  the  immigration  of  Chinese  as 
laborers. 

The  Republicans  in  the  House  made  a  determined  effort  to 
stop  the  coinage  of  Bland  dollars.  Their  measure  was  defeated 
by  an  almost  solid  Democratic  vote. 

The  great  bone  of  party  contention  was  the  old  Republican 
measures  which  provided  for  keeping  peace  at  the  polls  in  the 
respective  States  during  Congressional  elections.  These  bills 
authorized  the  appointment  of  United  States  Marshals,  and  even 
the  calling  out  of  troops  in  case  of  danger.  The  Democrats 
used  their  power  over  the  Appropriation  bill  of  this  session,  to 
work  their  repeal,  by  withholding  pay  for  Marshals  and  for  the 
army,  except  on  the  condition  that  troops  should  never  be  used 
at  elections.  Two  Army  Appropriation  bills  were  vetoed  by  the 
President  on  the  ground  that  Congress  could  not  deprive  the 
Executive  of  the  power  to  keep  the  peace,  and  that  judicious  use 
of  troops  was  still  necessary  to  suppress  riotous  demonstrations 
in  certain  sections.  The  end  of  the  session  came  before  an  ap- 
propriation was  made  for  the  army.  Congress  adjourned  sine 
die,  March  3,  1879. 

FORTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS-—  Extra  Session.  —  Called 
March  18,  1879,  to  pass  the  Army  Appropriation  bill  which  the 
Forty-fifth  Congress  failed  to  do.  Now  both  Houses  were 
Democratic.  The  Senate  contained,  Democrats,  42 ;  Republi- 
cans, 33;  Independent,  1.  The  House,  Democrats,  148;  Re- 
publicans, 130;  Greenbackers  or  Nationals,  15. 

This  was  a  stormy  session.  The  Democrats  had  their  way  in 
both  Houses.     They  passed  the  Army  Appropriation  bill,  with 


RULING    THROUGH    PARTIES.  615 

the  same  "  riders  "  as  before,  providing  pay  for  the  troops  in 
case  they  were  not  used  for  preserving  peace  at  the  polls.  The 
excitement  had  the  effect  of  uniting  the  Republicans  and  stimu- 
lating the  administration,  who  regarded  the  withholding  of  ap- 
propriations as  an  attempt  to  coerce  the  Executive  branch  by 
starving  the  government.  The  President  vetoed  the  bill,  and 
thus  stated  his  position :  "  The  army  and  navy  are  established 
by  the  Constitution.  Their  duty  is  clearly  defined  and  their 
support  provided  for  by  law.  The  money  required  for  this  pur- 
pose is  now  in  the  Treasury.  It  was  not  the  intention  of  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution  that  any  single  branch  of  the  gov- 
ernment should  have  the  power  to  dictate  conditions  upon  which 
this  money  should  be  applied  to  the  purpose  for  which  it  was 
collected."  The  bill  could  not  be  passed  over  the  veto.  The 
offensive  riders  were  therefore  removed  and  the  bill,  as  amended, 
passed. 

The  Republicans  made  an  ineffectual  effort  to  pass  a  measure 
for  insuring  peace  at  Congressional  elections  by  imposing  a  pen- 
alty on  carrying  fire-arms  or  concealed  weapons.  The  Demo- 
crats in  the  House  passed  the  Warner  Silver  bill  providing  for 
the  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  dollars.  The  members  of  their 
party  in  the  Senate,  under  the  lead  of  Bayard,  refused  to  recog- 
nize it.     Congress  adjourned,  July  I,  1879. 

FORTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS—  First  Regular  Session.— 
Met  Dec.  I,  1879.  The  summer  had  witnessed  an  exodus  of 
the  colored  population  of  the  South,  and  a  movement  toward 
kinder  localities.  It  gave  rise  to  much  discussion  in  the  journals 
of  all  sections,  and  those  of  the  South  advised  more  liberal 
treatment  of  the  blacks  in  matters  of  education,  labor  contracts, 
etc.  The  President's  message  was  the  firmest  and  ablest  he  had 
yet  presented.  It  spoke  of  the  success  of  resumption  and  the 
great  saving  thereby  effected  ;  took  decided  ground  against  fur- 
ther  coinage  of  the  Bland  dollar ;  urged  the  necessity  of  organ- 
izing an  effective  Civil  Service  Reform  Commission,  and  favored 
the  retirement  of  the  Legal  Tender  notes. 

The  Democrats  again  brought  up  their  measure  to  prevent  the 
use  of  the  army  to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls.     After  receiving 


616  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

what  was  known  as  the  Garfield  amendment  to  the  effect  that 
the  "  bill  should  not  be  construed  so  as  to  prevent  the  Constitu- 
tional use  of  the  army  to  suppress  domestic  violence  in  a  State," 
it  was  passed  and  approved. 

The  same  offensive  "  riders  "  were,  however,  attached  to  the 
Army  Appropriation  bill,  which  was  again  vetoed.  Before  the 
end  of  the  session  the  Democrats  modified  their  hostility  to  the 
Congressional  Election  Law,  owing  to  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  affirming  its  constitutionality.  A  long  discussion  was  had 
on  a  bill  to  regulate  the  electoral  count.  A  bill  to  this  effect 
had  been  in  many  previous  Congresses.  Imperative  as  some 
such  legislation  seemed,  nothing  came  of  it.  The  River  and 
Harbor  bill  of  the  session  appropriated  $9,000,000.  Congress 
adjourned,  June  16,  1880. 

ELECTION  OF  1880.— The  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  Chicago,  June  5,  1880.  There  was  much  excitement 
in  the  party  ranks  over  the  candidacy  of  ex-President  Grant, 
whose  friends  were  urging  him  for  a  third,  but  not  consecutive, 
term.  After  36  ballots,  James  A.  Garfield,  Ohio,  was  nominated 
for  President,  and  Chester  A.  Arthur,  N.  Y.,  for  Vice-President. 
The  platform  recited,  as  Republican  party  history,  the  suppression 
of  rebellion,  reconstruction  of  the  Union,  manumission  of  4,000,000 
slaves,  raising  of  a  paper  currency  from  38  per  cent,  to  par,  pay- 
ment in  coin  of  all  national  obligations,  raising  of  government 
credit  from  where  6  per  cent,  bonds  sold  at  86  to  where  4  per 
cent,  bonds  sold  at  par,  increase  of  railways  from  31,000  miles  in 
i860  to  82,000  in  1879,  increase  of  foreign  trade  from  $700,000,- 
000  to  $1,150,000,000,  and  of  exports  from  $20,000,000  less  than 
our  imports  in  i860  to  $264,000,000  more  than  our  imports  in 
1880,  revival  of  depressed  industries.  (2)  Pledge  of  similar 
action  for  the  future ;  to  pay  soldiers'  pensions ;  to  further  re- 
duce the  debt,  to  encourage  commerce.  (3)  The  Constitution 
the  supreme  law ;  boundary  between  reserved  and  delegated 
powers  to  be  determined  by  the  nation,  not  by  the  States.  (4) 
Favored  popular  education ;  no  appropriation  of  school  funds  to 
sectarian  uses.  (5)  Protective  duties ;  no  land  grants  to  corpora- 
tions ;  extinction   of  polygamy ;  internal  improvement ;  obliga- 


RULING   THROUGH    PARTIES.  (517 

tion  to  soldiers  and  sailors.  (6)  Limitation  of  Chinese  immigra- 
tion ;  approval  of  Hayes'  administration ;  charges  of  corrupt 
practices  and  vicious  principles  on  the  Democratic  party ;  radical 
civil  service  reform. 

The  National  (Greenback)  Convention  met  at  Chicago  June 
9,  1880,  and  nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  Iowa,  for  President, 
and  E.  J.  Chambers,  Texas,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform 
adhered  to  the  principle  of  a  large  legal  tender  currency  ;  opposi- 
tion to  refunding  of  the  debt ;  abolition  of  national  banks  and 
their  currency  ;  favored  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  ; 
enforcement  of  the  eight  hour  law;  opposed  the  immigration  of 
Chinese;  land  grants  to  actual  settlers  only;  regulation  of  inter- 
State  commerce  by  Congress;  a  graduated  income  tax;  no  re- 
striction on  suffrage  ;  no  bondholders'  government ;  no  section- 
alism. 

The  Prohibition  Reform  Party  met  in  National  Convention  at 
Cleveland,  June  17,  1880,  and  nominated  for  President  Neal 
Dow,  Me.,  and  for  Vice-President  H.  A.  Thompson,  Ohio.  A 
very  lengthy  platform  took  the  usual  ground  against  traffic  in 
intoxicants  and  arraigned  both  political  parties  for  shirking  the 
question. 

The  Democratic  Party  met  in  National  Convention  at  Cincin- 
nati, June  22,  1880,  and  nominated  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  N.  Y., 
for  President,  and  William  H.  English,  Ind.,  for  Vice-President. 
The  platform  (1)  pledged  the  party  to  Democratic  traditions  and 
doctrines.  (2)  Opposed  centralization  and  sumptuary  laws; 
favored  separation  of  church  and  State ;  fostered  common  schools. 
(3)  Home  rule;  honest  money;  maintenance  of  public  credit; 
"tariff  for  revenue  only;"  subordination  of  military  to  civil 
authority ;  reform  of  civil  service.  (4)  A  free  ballot  (5)  De- 
nunciation of  Hayes'  administration  and  Republican  party.  (6) 
Eulogy  on  Tilden.  (7)  Free  ships ;  no  Chinese  immigrants  ; 
public  land  for  actual  settlers ;  protection  of  laboring  ,  man 
against  "  cormorant  and  commune;  "  congratulations  over  work 
of  the  Democratic  Congress. 

The  campaign  opened  disastrously  for  the  Republicans,  Maine 


618  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

having  gone  Democratic,  or  Coalition,  in  September.  The  loss 
of  Indiana  to  the  Democrats  in  October  threw  the  advantage  to 
the  Republican  side.  The  Democrats  felt,  as  the  canvas  ad- 
vanced, the  weight  of  their  commitment  to  "  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only,"  a  Protective  Tariff  being  the  issue  directly  pushed  by  the 
Republicans.  "  The  Morey  letter,"  circulated  for  the  purpose 
of  injuring  Garfield  in  the  Pacific  States,  was  a  conspicuous  cam- 
paign sensation.  The  impression  that  it  was  a  malicious  invention 
served  to  deaden  its  effect,  if  not  to  turn  it  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  Democrats.  The  result  in  November  was  favorable  to  the 
Republicans.  The  Congressional  elections  were  also  favorable 
to  that  party,  reversing  the  Democratic  majority. 

FORTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met  Dec. 
6,  1880.  The  President's  message  was  a  strong  paper.  It  took 
high  ground  in  favor  of  the  inviolability  of  the  Constitutional 
amendments ;  favored  an  appropriation  to  perfect  a  civil  service 
code;  opposed  political  assessments;  asked  that  polygamy  be 
punished  by  excluding  those  who  practiced  it  from  the  jury  box; 
and  that  a  silver  dollar  be  coined  equal  in  value  to  the  gold  dol- 
lar. An  effort  was  made  to  pass  a  law  regulating  the  electoral 
count.  It  failed  as  usual.  The  count  in  February  (9th)  showed 
214  votes  for  Garfield  and  Arthur,  and  155  for  Hancock  and 
English.  Congress  adjourned  sine ''die,  March  3,  1881.  On 
March  4  Garfield  and  Arthur  were  sworn  into  office. 

XXIV. 
GARFIELD'S  AND  ARTHUR'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

March  4,  1881 — March  3,  1885. 

James  A.  Garfield,  Ohio,  President.     Chester  A.  Arthur, 
N.  Y.,   Vice-President. 


Congresses. 

INGRESS.      f  lt 

December  4,  1882-March  3,  1883. 
Forty-eighth  Congress.     {  l'  December  3,  1883- 


Forty-seventh  Congress.    J  *>  December  5,  1881-August  8 


RULING  THROUGH   PARTIES. 


619 


ELECTORAL  VOTE* 


Republican. 


Democrat. 


1.425- 
8 


Basis  of 
States. 

Alabama 

Arkansas 4 

California 4 

Colorado I 

Connecticut 4 

Delaware I 

Florida 2 

Georgia 9 

Illinois 19 

Indiana 13 

Iowa 9 

Kansas 3 

Kentucky 10 

Louisiana 6 

Maine 5 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts 1 1 

Michigan 9 

Minnesota 3 

Mississippi 6 

Missouri 13 

Nebraska I 

Nevada I 

New  Hampshire 3 

New  Jersey 7 

New  York ^^ 

North  Carolina 8 

Ohio 20 

Oregon I 

Pennsylvania 27 

Rhode  Island 2 

South  Carolina 5 

Tennessee 10 

Texas 6 

Vermont 3 

Virginia 9 

West  Virginia 3 

Wisconsin 8 

Totals 293 

THE  CAB WET. 


Vote. 

IO 

6 

6 

3 
6 

3 

4 
11 
21 

'5 
11 

5 
12 

8 

7 
8 

13 
11 

5 
8 

15 

3 

3 

5 

9 
35 
10 
22 

3 
29 

4 
7 
12 

8 
5 

5 
10 

369 


James  A.   Chester  A.  Winfidd  S. 
Garfield,      Arthur,       Hancock, 
Ohio.  N.  Y.  N.  Y. 

IO 
6 

1      1     5 


7 
3 
5 

3 

5 

35 

22 

3 

29 

4 


10 

214 


3 

5 

35 

22 

3 
29 

4 


10 

214 


8 
'5 

3 

9 

10 


7 

12 
8 

11 
5 

i55 


William  H. 
English, 
Ind. 
IO 

6 

5 


5 
[55 


Secretary  of  State James  G.  Blaine,  Me. 

Secretary  of  Treasury William  Windom,  Minn. 

Secretary  of  War Robert  T.  Lincoln,  111. 

Secretary  of  Navy W.  H.  Hunt,  La. 

Secretary  of  Interior Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Iowa. 

Attorney-General Wayne  McVengh,  Pa. 

Postmaster-General Thomas  L.  James,  N.  Y. 

*  The  popular  vote  was,  Garfield,  4,449,053 — 19  States;  Democrat,  Hancock, 
4,442,035 — 19  States;  Greenback,  Weaver,  308,578 ;  Prohibition,  10,305  ;  Ameri- 
can, 707  ;  scattering,  989. 


620  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

POLITICAL  SITUATION.— The  conservatism  of  the  Hayes' 
administration,  always  manifested  save  on  extraordinary  occa- 
sions, had  softened  party  asperities  and  allayed  sectional  feeling. 
It  had  given  play  to  two  currents  within  the  Republican  party, 
the  one  conservative,  like  the  administration,  the  other  radical. 
The  new  administration  had  the  support  of  both  during  the  cam- 
paign. It  therefore  opened  auspiciously.  The  inaugural  was 
an  able,  patriotic  paper,  in  which  the  President  took  a  high  stand 
on  the  question  of  suffrage,  education,  morals,  public  faith  and 
civil  service  reform. 

The  Senate  sitting  in  extra  session  confirmed  the  Cabinet 
officers,  but  the  minor  appointments,  especially  those  for  New 
York  State,  gave  rise  to  much  feeling,  which  ended  in  the  resig- 
nation of  the  Senators  from  that  State,  May  17,  1881.  This 
was  the  date  of  a  disastrous  division  in  the  Republican  party 
which  led  to  the  "tidal  waves"  of  opposition  in  1882-83.  The 
conservative  sentiment  of  the  party  strove  to  purify  and  popular- 
ize the  methods  of  party  management.  It  took  the  shape  of 
"  Independent  "  revolt  in  many  States.  In  others  it  administered 
quiet  rebuke  to  those  it  was  pleased  to  designate  as  "  Bosses" 
by  refraining  from  voting. 

THE  ASSASSINATION.— The  President  was  shot  at  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  depot,  Washington,  on  July  2,  1881, 
at  9.20  A.  M.,  by  Charles  J.  Guiteau,  a  persistent  seeker  of  po- 
litical places  far  beyond  his  ability  to  fill,  and  a  maliciously  dis- 
posed, cowardly  semi-idiot,  in  whom  disappointment  had  stirred 
natural  diabolism  to  the  point  of  assassination.  The  President 
rallied  from  the  effects  of  the  shot,  lingered  hopefully  for  a  long 
time,  but  finally  died  at  Elberon,  N.  J.,  at  10.35  p-  M-»  Sept.  19, 
1 88 1,  amid  the  tears  of  a  nation  and  the  sympathies  of  a  world. 

THE  NEW  ADMINISTRATION— The  Cabinet  at  once 
telegraphed  Vice-President  Arthur  of  the  death  of  President 
Garfield  and  suggested  that  he  take  the  oath  of  office.  He  did 
so  at  2.15  A.  M.,  Sept.  20,  1 88 1,  at  New  York  city,  before  Judge 
Brady;  and  again  at  Washington,  Sept.  22,  at  12  M.,  before  the 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 


RULING   THROUGH   PARTIES.  621 

THE  CABINET. — He  did  not  reorganize  his  Cabinet  at  once, 
but  when  the  changes  were  complete  it  stood  as  follows : 

Secretary  of  State Fred.  T.  Frelinghuysen,  N.  J. 

Secretary  of  Treasury Charles  J.  Folger,  N.  Y. 

Secretary  of  War Robert  T.  Lincoln,  111.,  continued. 

Secretary  of  Navy .William  E.  Chandler,  N.  H. 

Secretary  of  Interior Henry  M.  Teller,  Col. 

Attorney-General Benjamin  Harris  Brewster,  Pa. 

Postmaster-General Timothy  O.  Howe,  Wis. 

FORTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS—  First  Session.— Met  De- 
cember 5,  1 88 1.  The  Republican  party  had  control  of  the  House, 
there  being  Republicans,  1 50;  Democrats,  131 ;  Nationals,  10 ;  Re- 
adjusters,  2.  The  Senate  stood  Republicans,  37;  Democrats, 
37;  Independent,  1  ;  Readjuster,  1.*  The  House  organized  by- 
electing  Warren  B.  Keifer,  Ohio,  Speaker.  A  conspicuous 
measure  of  this  session  was  the  Edmunds  Polygamy  bill,  which 
was  not  a  party  measure,  but  singularly  enough  met  with  only 
Democratic  opposition.  It  became  final  March  23,  1882.  Its 
gist  was  the  disfranchisement  of  those  practising  polygamy. 
On  May  15,  1882,  the  bill  to  create  a  Tariff  Commission  was 
signed.  This  Commission  sat  at  various  places  during  the 
summer  and  fall.  The  Tariff  act  of  the  next  session  was  based 
on  their  report.  An  amended  anti-Chinese  bill  was  passed,  pro- 
hibiting their  immigration  for  a  period  of  twenty  years.  Ques- 
tions of  banking  and  refunding  took  up  a  great  part  of  the  ses- 
sion. It  was  now  an  easy  matter  to  place  government  bonds 
bearing  interest  as  low  as  3  per  cent.  An  immense  appropriation 
was  made  for  River  and  Harbor  purposes.  It  was  vetoed  by  the 
President,  but  was  passed  over  the  veto  by  a  vote  of  41  to  16  in 
the  Senate,  and  122  to  59  in  the  House,  showing  that  both  par- 
ties were  of  the  same  spirit  respecting  this  question  of  Internal 
Improvement.  The  veto  took  the  ground  that  this  species  of 
legislation,  as  exemplified  by  this  particular  bill,  had  passed 
beyond  the  only  warrant  to  be  found  for  it,  viz. :  the  authority 
*  to  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare,"  and 

*  This  was  Senator  Mahone,  Va.,  who  stood  at  the  head  of  a  State  party  called 
"  Readjusters"  of  the  Stale  debt. 


622  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

had  become  the  means  by  which  money  was  taken  for  small 
streams  and  purely  local  improvements,  with  which  the  people 
at  large  had  no  concern  and  through  which  they  could  receive 
no  benefit.*  Feb.  25,  1882,  an  apportionment  bill  passed.  It 
fixed  the  number  of  Representatives,  under  the  census  of  1870, 
at  325.     Congress  adjourned,  Aug.  8,  1882. 

FORTY-SEVENTH  CONGRESS—  Second  Session.— Met 
December  4,  1882.  This  Congress  seemed  to  be  a  point  at 
which  an  immense  amount  of  previously  prepared  and  debated 
work  culminated.  It  was  prolific  of  important  and  far-reaching 
measures,  many  of  them  political  but  most  of  them  of  general 
moment.  The  Tariff  Commission  had  made  its  report  and  both 
Houses  had  it  under  discussion.  The  outcrop  was  the  Tariff 
Act  of  March  3,  1883,  which  lowered  duties  on  most  of  the  lead- 
ing imports,  but  whose  main  feature  was  to  equalize  rates  and 
abolish  the  incongruities  of  existing  Tariff  laws.  It  cannot  be 
said  that  the  act  was  a  success  in  this  respect.  Interests  to  be 
consulted  were  so  conflicting  that  it  was  impossible  to  avoid 
crudities  and  hardships.  Demand  for  lighter  duties  on  raw  ma- 
terials made  by  manufacturing  sections  worked  to  the  injury  of 
producing  sections,  and  vice  versa.  The  act  was  in  the  nature 
of  a  compromise.  It  served  to  show,  however,  that  the  entire 
country  had  come  to  regard  this  class  of  legislation  as  vital.  The 
act  went  into  operation  as  to  sugar  and  molasses  on  the  1st 
of  June,  1883;  as  to  its  other  provisions  on  the  1st  of  July, 
1883. 

The  Civil  Service  Reform  Bill  passed  at  this  session.  It  was 
introduced  in  the  Senate  by  Geo.  H.  Pendleton,  Democrat,  of 
Ohio,  and  authorized  a  commission  to  devise  a  plan  of  civil  ser- 
vice and  put  it  in  operation.  Though  this  bill  was  introduced 
by  a  Democrat  and  ably  sustained  by  him,  the  Democrats  were 
its  active  opponents.     Its  final  passage  in  both  Houses  was  by 

*  The  rapid  growth  of  this  class  of  appropriations  after  they  began  to  receive  the 
favor  of  both  parties  appears  thus:  1870,  #3,975,900;  1875,  #6,648,517;  1880, 
#8,976,500;  1881,  $11,451,000;  1882,  #18,743,875,  the  amount  in  vetoed  bill. 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  government  there  has  been  expended  in  the  respective 
States  for  river  and  harbor  improvements  the  total  sum  of  #108,796,401. 


RULING  THROUGH    PARTIES.  623 

an  almost  solid  Republican  vote  against  an  almost  solid  Demo- 
cratic opposition.* 

An  act  of  March  3,  1883,  reduced  letter  postage  to  two  cents 
for  each  half  ounce  and  authorized  a  Postal  note  whose  value 
should  not  exceed  five  dollars.  Large  reductions  were  made  in 
Internal  taxes.     Congress  adjourned  sine  die,  March  3,  1883. 

FORTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS- -First  Session.— Met  De- 
cember 3,  1883.  The  political  "tidal  wave"  of  1882,  partially 
repeated  in  1883,  had  been  very  disastrous  to  the  Republican 
party.  They  lost  governors  and  legislators  in  many  of  their 
strongest  States,  and  the  National  House  of  Representatives  was 
Democratic.  The  Senate  stood,  Republicans,  40,  to  Democrats, 
36.  The  House  was  composed  of  Democrats,  195  ;  Republicans, 
126;  Independent,  1;  vacancies,  3.  Much  interest  was  felt  in 
the  election  of  a  Speaker.  The  Democrats,  as  a  party,  seemed 
to  be  composed  of  two  wings,  one  in  favor  of  quiet  respecting 
existing  Tariff  legislation,  the  other  in  favor  of  reduced  duties. 
Mr.  Carlisle,  Ky.,  exponent  of  the  latter  idea,  became  Speaker. 

The  President's  message  recommended  closer  commercial  and 
political  relations  with  Mexico ;  an  extension  of  our  trade 
interests  to  South  America  and  to  the  new  Congo  country; 
called  attention  to  the  national  surplus  of  $132,874,444.21,  and 
recommended  reduced  tariff  and  internal  taxation,  with  a  partial 
appropriation  of  the  surplus  to  the  building  of  a  navy;  advised 
the  redemption  and  recoinage  of  the  trade  dollars ;  a  settlement 
of  the  Mormon  question  by  repeal  of  the  Territorial  act  and  es- 
tablishment of  a  government  through  a  Commission ;  reduction 
of  postal  rates  in  cities  to  one  cent  for  every  half  ounce ;  pro- 
visions for  Inter-State  traffic  or  commerce ;  new  legislation  re- 
specting civil  rights  under  the  Fourteenth  Amendment.  The 
country  regarded  the  paper  as  plain,  practical,  business-like 
and  assuring. 

*  Politicians  attribute  the  defeat  of  Senator  Pendleton  for  re-election  to  the  Sen- 
ate by  the  Democratic  Legislature  of  Ohio,  in  January,  1884,  to  his  advocacy  0! 
this  bill. 


PART  III. 

LIVING  QUESTIONS. 


CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM. 

TS  NATURE. — The  Civil  Service  properly  embraces  all 
officials,  outside  of  the  army  and  navy,  engaged  in  ad- 
ministering a  government,  National  or  State. 

In  our  government  a  part  of  these  officials  are  elected 
by  the  people,  as  the  President  and  members  of  Con- 
gress. Senators  are  elective,  but  by  Legislatures.  .  So  in  the 
States,  Governors  and  various  State  officers  are  elective.  What- 
ever their  importance,  their  number  is  smaller  than  the  appointive 
officials.  Whether  elective  or  appointive,  all  these  officials  go 
to  make  up  the  civil  service ;  that  is,  they  carry  on  the  civil 
administration. 

But  elective  officials  are  responsible  directly  to  the  people. 
They  do  not  constitute  a  part  of  the  civil  service  in  its  narrower 
sense.  In  this  narrower  sense  the  civil  service  embraces  only 
the  appointive  officials.  But  before  we  reach  that  part  of  the 
civil  service  which  is  now  the  object  of  reform,  we  must  still 
further  narrow  it  to  those  officials  who  are  appointive  and  whose 
duties  are  subordinate  to  the  heads  of  the  various  departments 
in  which  they  serve.  The  heads  of  all  important  departments, 
and  especially  those  ranking  as  Cabinet  officers,  are  so  closely 
identified  with  the  elective  officials,  and  their  function  has  still 
so  much  of  a  political  caste  that  they  are  not  yet  regarded  as 
within  the  scope  of  statutory  civil  service  reform,  though  they 
may  be  if  the  reform  is  ever  carried  to  completion. 
(624) 


CIVIL  SERVICE   REFORM.  625 

The  theory  of  civil  administration  which  prevailed  in  all  the 
feudal  countries  of  Europe  was  that  office,  from  king  to  lowest 
retainer,  was  a  right  and  a  property.  It  was,  therefore,  used  in 
a  selfish,  arbitrary  way,  not  to  advance  the  welfare  of  the  State 
or  citizen,  but  in  the  interest  of  the  official  and  his  party.  All 
office  became  a  source  of  corruption,  tyranny  and  positive  dan- 
ger. This,  more  than  anything  else,  was  what  broke  the  back 
of  feudalism.  The  battle  carried  on  for  centuries  between  the 
people  and  titled  officials  was  really  a  battle  for  reform  in  the 
administration  of  civil  affairs.  The  death  of  feudalism  meant 
the  substitution  of  a  new  for  the  old  doctrine  respecting  office 
and  officials.  Office  was  no  longer  a  right  nor  its  possessor  a 
despotic  owner.  It  was  a  trust,  and  its  possessor  a  trustee  for 
the  people.  The  change  was  not  immediate,  but  civil  adminis- 
tration came  to  mean  something  vastly  different  from  before.  It 
was  no  longer  a  system  for  the  perpetuation  of  party  or  men  in 
power,  nor  for  the  subjugation  of  sentiment  to  their  uses.  The 
civil  service  was  not  a  machine  organized  for  personal  and  ambi- 
tious ends,  but  an  agency  for  conducting  the  business  of  the 
State  or  people  on  honest  and  economic  principles.  All  this  in 
theory  at  least. 

Ever  regarding  the  problem  of  civil  administration*  with 
anxiety,  and  ever  wishing  to  profit  by  the  wisest  experience  and 
best  examples  of  the  old  world,  our  early  statesmen  held  with 
the  utmost  tenacity  to  the  doctrine  that  office  was  a  trust,  sacred 
in  proportion  to  its  dignity  and  responsibility,  whose  administra- 
tion in  order  to  be  effective  must  be  wholly  in  the  interest  of  the 
entire  people,  and  into  which  there  should  creep  as  little  of  the 
selfishness  and  personalism  of  the  holder  or  the  ambitions  of  his 
party  as  possible.  This  doctrine  characterized,  if  it  did  not 
dominate,  all  civil  administration  prior  to  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution.  After  that  it  was  conspicuous  in  every  national 
administration  up  to  that  of  President  Jackson.  Without  much 
drift  toward  the  opposite,  with,  as  it  were,  a  skip  and  a  bound 
over  all  precedent,  there  was  then  a  sudden  return  to  the  ex- 
ploded doctrine  of  feudal  times.  With  a  simple  wave  of  his 
presidential  wand  Jackson  called  up  out  of  the  recesses  of  a 
40 


626  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

hoary  past  what  became,  in  its  newly  vitalized  form,  the  dogma 
that  "  to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy."  It  was  as 
if  civic  administration  had  been  thrown  back  four  hundred  years 
by  some  giant  of  retrogression.  It  was  the  incorporation  of  a 
principle  into  modern  civil  procedure,  which  crowned  king  and 
titled  retainer  had  used  for  a  thousand  years  to  perpetuate  war- 
like power  at  the  expense  of  the  people's  manhood  and  ability, 
of  all  political  progress,  and  even  of  liberty  itself.  It  was  strange 
that  such  a  thing  could  happen  at  a  time  so  remote  from  the 
feudal  ages,  and  amid  institutions  which  had  grown  out  of  oppo^ 
sition  to  feudal  practices.  It  was  stranger  still  that  it  should 
find  ready  acceptance  by  politicians  and  all  political  classes,  and 
become  so  popular  as  to  require  years  of  organized  reform  to 
check  and  banish  it.* 

The  practical  application  of  the  Jacksonian  doctrine  resulted 
in  the  removal  of  all  civil  service  officials  and  the  substitution  of 
those  who  professed  a  politics  in  accord  with  the  Administration. 
He  justified  his  action  by  the  charge  that  he  found  himself 
surrounded  by  political  enemies,  and  by  the  claim  that  he  had  a 
right  to  be  surrounded  only  by  political  friends  if  a  perfect 
administration  of  civic  affairs  were  expected.  What  po- 
litical opinion  had  to  do  with  mere  clerical  or  administrative 
ability ;  why  he  chose  to  regard  personal  or  party  allegiance  as 
preferable  to  supreme  allegiance  to  the  government ;  whether 
subserviency  of  mind  or  conviction  was  a  guarantee  of  business 
qualification  and  pure  civil  methods  ;  these  were  questions  he  did 
not  ask,  or  if  so,  did  not  answer. 

Administration  has  followed  administration  in  recognizing  the 
right  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  civil  service  officials.  Every 
head  of  a  department  feels  that  it  is  incumbent  on  him  to  cast 
his  eye  along  the  civil  service  lines  and  spy  out  hostile  heads  for 

*  "  From  that  hour  (Jackson's  administration)  this  maxim  has  remained  an  invio- 
lable principle  of  American  politicians,  and  it  is  owing  only  to  the  astonishingv 
vitality  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  and  to  the  altogether  unsurpassed  and 
unsurpassable  favor  of  their  natural  conditions  that  the  State  has  not  succumbed 
under  the  onerous  burdens  of  the  curse." — Van  Hoist's  Constitutional  History  of  the 
United  States. 


CIVIL   SERVICE    REFORM.  (J27 

the  political  guillotine.  A  change  is  expected  with  every 
administration,  and  failure  to  make  it  is  not  only  a  disappoint- 
ment but  a  source  of  unpopularity.  If  such  change  were  made 
in  order  to  secure  greater  official  merit,  it  would  be  desirable  at 
all  times.  But  there  is  no  such  plea,  nor  any  test  to  insure  it. 
On  the  contrary,  the  popular  plea  is  now  justification  by  prece- 
dent and  reliance  on  the  feudal  dogma,  "  to  the  victor  belong 
the  spoils."  And  as  to  test,  it  is,  what  has  he  done  ?  what  can 
he  do,  for  the  party  or  the  patron  ?  The  entire  civil  service  is  a 
farming  ground  for  political  leaders  and  their  lieutenants. 
Promises  of  place  are  the  incentives  for  prior  political  exertion  ; 
places  themselves  the  rewards  of  such  exertion,  if  success 
ensue.  Thus  there  is  always  an  army  of  aspirants  for  civil 
places  who  have  no  merit  except  ability  to  manipulate  a  ward 
or  district  in  the  interest  of  a  prospective  patron.  They  be- 
come henchmen  rather  than  competent,  trustworthy  officials,  and 
rely  for  their  places  more  on  allegiance  to  men  than  on  the  honesty 
and  capacity  which  alone  could  sustain  them  in  business  circles. 
The  effect  of  a  system  like  this — called  by  some  the  "  system 
of  rotation,"  by  others  the  "  spoils  system " — cannot  but  be 
dangerous  in  the  end  to  all  purity,  economy  and  efficiency  in 
civil  administration.  It  finds  no  countenance  in  any  business, 
nor  in  any  place  outside  of  the  civil  service  of  the  country.  It 
tends  directly  to  the  destruction  of  confidence  in  the  method  of 
popular  government  through  and  by  means  of  parties,  whose 
real  will  it  as  often  thwarts  as  carries  out.  It  gives  rise  to 
closely  corporate  and  mercenary  political  classes,  to  cliques  and 
juntas  of  stipendiaries;  to  despotic  machines  which  run  away 
with  higher  party  instincts  and  pervert  the  sober  judgments  of 
the  people.  Popular  election  fails  to  be  a  faithful  registry  of 
studied  sentiment  and  abiding  conviction,  but  is  a  record  simply 
of  the  desires  of  a  scheming  and  ambitious  few,  at  odds,  as  like 
as  not,  with  every  interest  except  their  own.  And  these  demor- 
alizing effects  are  not  limited  to  civic  administration  of  National 
affairs.  They  are  felt  in  all  the  States,  in  all  the  larger  cities,  in 
fact,  wherever  civic  officials  are  sufficiently  numerous,  and  civic 
affairs  sufficiently  intricate,  to  pass  beyond  the  direct  scrutiny 
and  knowledge  of  the  individual  voter. 


628  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  is  the  province  of  Civil  Service  Reform  to  overcome  these 
dangerous  tendencies  and  break  up  this  demoralizing  system  by 
substituting  the  principles  of  civic  administration  which  prevailed 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  and  so  embalming  them  in  the 
forms  of  law  and  practice  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  President, 
Governor  or  any  elective  official  to  set  them  aside  at  his 
pleasure.  Since  the  subject  of  this  reform  has  been  broached,  it 
has  grown  in  proportion  to  its  importance,  and  has  already 
taken  the  substantial  form  of  experimental  law  in  the  National 
and  some  of  the  State  governments,  upon  which  law  has  been 
based  an  intelligent  civil  service  procedure,  destined  to  secure 
appointive  civic  officials  without  regard  to  their  political  opinions, 
but  with  regard  solely  to  their  merits,  and  to  give  them  a  tenure 
and  term  of  office  based  on  manhood  and  administrative  excel- 
lence. 

HISTORY  ABROAD.— A  fuller  understanding  of  the  sub- 
ject of  Civil  Service  Reform  may  be  had  by  brief  reference  to  its 
history,  especially  in  Great  Britain,  whose  civil  service  is  the 
largest  in  the  world,  has  engaged  most  profoundly  the  attention 
of  her  statesmen,  and  has  taken  the  most  perfect  reformatory 
shapes.  During  the  feudal  periods  in  England  and  every  other 
European  country,  power  over  the  civil  service,  which  was 
equivalent  to  the  King's  .service,  was  arbitrary.  Neither  char- 
acter, capacity,  economy,  justice,  duty,  nor  responsibility  of  any 
kind  was  recognized  by  the  ruler,  if  demanded  by  the  subject,  in 
connection  with  civil  appointments  and  removals.  King  and 
chieftain  held  universal,  unchallenged,  despotic  control  over  all 
subordinates,  and  regarded  them  and  their  places  as  appendages 
and  perquisites  of  their  own  paramount  authority. 

Against  this  came  early  revolt.  Magna  Charla,  to  which  we 
trace  many  of  the  principles  of  our  Constitution,  contained  the 
first  civil  service  rule  in  English  history.  King  John  was  made 
to  promise  that  he  "  would  not  make  any  justices,  constables, 
sheriffs,  or  bailiffs,  but  of  such  as  know  the  law  of  the  realm  and 
mean  to  truly  observe  it."  Not  a  State  in  our  Union  insists  on 
a  similar  qualification  for  its  magistrates.  As  soon  as  the  rebel- 
lion which  forced  Magna  Charta  from  John  died  away,  this  high 


CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM.  629 

qualification  for  then  important  offices  was  neglected  and  scorned, 
and  the  old  abuses  were  renewed.  Office  again  became  a  per- 
quisite and  justice  a  farce.  What  the  King  and  the  favored 
officials  chose  to  barter  became  authority,  whose  merchandise 
vitiated  and  benumbed  the  moral  sense  of  the  nation  till  reform 
was  ten  times  harder  than  before.  Not  only  in  matters  of  State 
were  offices  dealt  out  to  servile  holders,  but  church  offices  were 
sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  or  disposed  of  so  as  best  to  secure 
favorites  or  placate  enemies.  This  venality,  running  along  for 
centuries,  and  over  times  when  the  moral  sense  was  not  active, 
begat  a  public  opinion  which  looked  upon  it  as  inevitable.  It 
was  so  in  France,  in  Germany,  and  wherever  feudalism  had  left 
its  impressions.  Besides,  those  who  sanctioned  this  corruption 
were  the  ruling  caste,  the  high-born,  the  titled,  the  educated, 
Kings,  nobles,  priests,  lawyers.  If  ever  reform  was  to  come  it 
must  be  looked  for  from  sources  far  below  these.  The  people 
themselves  must  move.  It  must  be  a  battle  of  the  masses 
against  the  privileged  few,  and  the  cause  one  of  equal  rights  and 
personal  merit  against  the  arrogant  and  narrowing  assumptions 
of  political  officials. 

This  spoils  system,  nurtured  in  despotism,  injustice,  and  even 
violence,  gave  rise  to  a  second  rebellion  in  1377.  It  was  the 
Wat  Tyler  rebellion.  A  third  followed  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
known  as  the  Jack  Cade  rebellion.  Both  were  protests  against  offi- 
cial and  partisan  tyranny ;  both  attempts  to  secure  civil  service 
reform.  They  did  but  scatter  a  little  wider  the  seeds  of  whole- 
some public  sentiment.  In  all  else  they  were  failures.  Planta- 
genet  and  Tudor  adhered  to  their  arbitrary  disposition  of  offices, 
though  in  the  face  of  a  people  whose  fears  of  feudal  practices 
were  gradually  growing  less.  Yet  power  felt  the  weakness  of 
its  position,  for  amid  the  religious  furore  from  Henry  VIII.  to 
James  II.,  it  bolstered  itself  with  the  dogma  of  the  "divine  right 
of  kings,"  and  James  I.  announced,  "As  it  is  atheism  and  blas- 
phemy in  a  creature  to  dispute  what  the  Deity  may  do,  so  it  is 
presumption  and  sedition  in  a  subject  to  dispute  what  a  king 
may  do  in  the  height  of  his  power."  During  his  reign  official 
corruption  became  more  shameless  than  ever  before. 


630  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

Popular  intelligence  was  growing  apace.  Pym,  Elliot,  Hamp- 
den and  Puritanism  were  possible.  So  was  Cromwell,  the  latter 
not  a  mere  administrative  reformer,  but  an  impersonation  of  a 
new  spirit  in  both  religion  and  politics.  He  stood  for  the  peo- 
ple, as  against  rank,  privilege  and  the  entire  spoils  system.  He 
disrupted,  overthrew,  abolished,  purified,  in  the  name  of  economy, 
merit  and  reform.  It  was  a  magnificent  outburst  of  the  people's 
power,  and  a  mighty  lesson  in  political  history.  Cromwell  did 
not  fail  in  the  means  to  precipitate  revolution,  but  when  it 
came  to  perpetuating  it,  not  unmixed  with  his  own  personalism, 
he  resorted  to  the  official  tests  against  which  his  whole  move- 
ment was  a  protest.  His  death  was  the  rapid  decline  of  the 
revolution.  He  reformed  a  wicked  and  daring  system  only 
in  part.  But  he  left  an  army  of  bold  thinkers  on  political 
questions,  and  the  system  he  struck  at  was  never  to  regain  its 
old  prestige. 

The  Bill  of  Rights  which  settled  William  Prince  of  Orange 
on  the  throne  (1688)  was  very  nearly  a  set  of  Civil  Service 
Rules.  It  saved  the  judiciary,  even  down  to  the  magistrates, 
from  all  political  interference,  and  greatly  modified  patronage  in 
every  department  of  civic  administration.  A  few  of  the  higher 
officials  whose  intimacy  with  the  king  was  unquestioned  and 
whose  advice  and  confidence  he  ought  to  have,  were  still  to  be 
his  own  appointees.  These  became  his  especial  ministers,  and 
the  body  together  his  Cabinet.  Thus  the  old  Privy  Council 
was  superseded,  and  the  new  body  became  that  upon  which  our 
own  Cabinet  is  modelled.  Henceforth  in  England  the  per- 
sonalism of  power  was  lost,  and  the  politics  of  the  realm  was 
vested  in  parties  of  the  people.  Would  they  prove  any  purer 
and  better  than  kings,  nobles,  and  the  central  juntas?  Not  a 
whit.  Parties  in  Parliament  resorted  to  the  same  old  means  of 
securing  and  retaining  power.  Partisan  appointments  to  office, 
illegal  use  of  patronage,  the  raising  up  of  an  army  of  political 
adherents  by  distribution  of  spoils,  these  were  to  be  sources  of 
corruption  and  disgrace  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  more. 
The  only  difference  was  they  were  more  visible,  and  parties 
could   be  more  readily  rebuked.      The  people  had,  or  could 


CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM.  631 

have,  temporary  redress.  Parliament  and  parties  could  not 
be  so  effectively  tyrannical  and  dangerous,  such  complete  rob- 
bers of  rights,  as  kings  and  privileged  classes  had  been. 

The  old  reform  battles  between  the  people  and  the  privileged 
classes  were  therefore  to  be  renewed  between  the  people  and  the 
Parliaments.  Manfully  was  the  struggle  carried  on.  The  fall 
of  Lord  North  and  the  Independence  of  America  mark  its  cul- 
minating point.  After  that,  from  1800  to  1853,  the  monopoly 
of  patronage  in  the  Parliament  witnessed  a  decline.  Reform 
statutes  began  to  crowd  the  books.  Notions  of  civil  adminis- 
tration on  a  business  basis  took  deep  hold.  The  people  held 
mass  meetings  and  demanded  economic  service  and  their  right 
to  recognition  on  the  ground  of  merit.  Public  opinion  in  favor 
of  mental  and  moral  tests  of  fitness  for  civil  places  grew  rapidly, 
and  the  political  leaders  were  forced  to  bow  to  it.  The  English 
civil  service  was  then  the  largest  in  the  world,  the  East  Indian 
branch  alone  requiring  an  army  of  officials.  In  1853  the  efforts 
of  reform  were  crowned  with  success  by  the  opening  of  the  civil 
service  to  free  competition,  and  the  acceptance  of  all  minor  offi- 
cials on  the  basis  of  merit  established  by  actual  examination. 
A  permanent  Civil  Service  Commission  was  established,  whose 
business  was  to  complete  the  reform.  The  work  has  gone  on 
from  reform  to  reform,  ever  since.  Official  monopoly  of  nomi- 
nation has  been  broken  up.  Report  after  report  has  been  made 
by  the  commission  in  proof  of  the  signal  superiority  of  the  new 
over  the  old  service.  The  political  atmosphere  is  purer  every- 
where. The  young  of  all  classes  are  stimulated  to  qualify  for 
examination.  Certainty  of  civil  position,  without  a  barter  of 
manhood,  sale  of  principle,  or  promise  of  subserviency,  renders 
place  desirable  and  honorable.  Then  after  the  holder  is  worn 
out  with  labor,  or  bowed  with  years,  he  is  taken  care  of  by  the 
government  he  has  faithfully  served.  There  is  no  leading  Eng- 
lish statesman  to-day  who  does  not  testify  to  the  value  of  this 
great  reform.  It  is  permanently  incorporated  on  the  civic  ad- 
ministration and  for  its  great  purity  and  elevation.  Says  Sir 
Charles  Trevelyan,  "  You  cannot  lay  too  much  stress  on  the 
fact  that  the  making  of  public  appointments  by  open  competi- 


632  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

tion  has  been  accepted  by  all  our  political  parties,  and  there  is 
no  sign  of  any  movement  against  it  from  any  quarter." 

HISTORY  AT  HOME.— -The  first  Congress  had  under  con- 
sideration the  subject  of  civil  service.  It  refused  to  limit  the 
term  of  civic  offices,  for  the  reason  that  the  power  of  executive 
removal  rendered  such  a  limitation  unnecessary.  This  was 
clearly  in  accord  with  the  constitutional  intention,  for  that  in- 
strument when  it  fixes  a  term  and  tenure  for  non-elective  offi- 
cials— judges  for  instance — extends  it  over  a  period  of  efficiency 
and  good  behavior.  Judgment  as  to  a  like  period  for  subordi- 
nate civic  officials  was  left  with  the  President.  They  were 
appointive  for  public  considerations — not  private — and  for  such 
term  as  they  proved  adequate  to  the  discharge  of  duty  properly 
and  satisfactorily. 

As  to  the  higher  offices — cabinet  offices  and  those  intimately 
advisory — Washington  said,  "  I  shall  not,  while  I  have  the  honor 
to  administer  the  government,  bring  a  man  into  any  office  of 
consequence,  knowingly,  whose  political  tenets  are  adverse  to 
the  measures  which  the  general  government  is  pursuing,  for  this 
in  my  opinion  would  be  a  sort  of  political  suicide."  The  Re- 
publican Jefferson  and  Federalist  Bayard  both  reiterated  this 
doctrine  in  1800,  and  took  care  to  exclude  from  it  all  subordinate 
ministerial  officials.  Woolsey  in  his  Political  Science  says, 
"  When  the  Democratic  (Republican)  party  came  into  power 
with  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  removals  were  so  few  that  single  cases 
excited  a  sense  of  wrong  through  a  whole  State."  John  C. 
Calhoun,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate  (1835)  on  Jackson's 
removals,  said,  "  Then  (Jefferson's  administration)  the  dismissal 
of  a  few  inconsiderable  officers,  on  party  grounds  as  was  sup- 
posed, was  followed  by  a  general  burst  of  indignation ;  but  now 
the  dismissal  of  thousands,  when  it  is  openly  avowed  that  the 
public  offices  are  the  spoils  of  the  victors,  produces  scarcely  a 
sensation."  Buchanan  said  in  the  Senate  (1839),  "  I  should  not 
become  an  inquisitor  of  the  political  opinions  of  the  subordinate 
office-holders  who  are  receiving  salaries  of  some  $800  or  $1,000 
a  year." 

When  the  subject  was  up  in  the  First  Congress  (1789)  Madi- 


CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM.  (533 

son  laid  down  the  principles  which  were  generally  accepted  by 
his  contemporaries  and  uniformly  enforced  till  1 820.  They 
were  to  the  effect  that  the  power  and  duty  of  making  removals 
were  equally  vested  in  the  President  alone,  with  an  authority 
on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  impeach  him  if 
he  should  either  allow  an  unworthy  officer  to  continue  in  place 
or  wantonly  remove  a  meritorious  officer.  Eidelity  and  efficiency 
were  the  measure  of  tenure,  as  character  and  capacity  were  the 
tests  of  appointments.  There  was  no  fixed  term  and  apparently 
no  need  of  any.  Washington  made  only  nine  removals,  and  all 
for  cause.  John  Adams  made  only  nine  removals,  and  none,  so 
far  as  is  known,  for  political  reasons. 

Jefferson  confronted  a  situation  somewhat  novel.  There  had 
been  a  political  revolution.  He  saw,  or  chose  to  see,  something 
obnoxious  in  a  few  of  Adams'  appointees,  and  so  removed 
several,  among  whom  was  the  collector  of  New  Haven.  The 
fact  that  his  successor  was  old  and  inefficient  drew  a  remon- 
strance from  the  citizens,  and  this  a  reply  from  Jefferson,  in 
which  he  said,  "  Is  it  political  intolerance  to  claim  a  propor- 
tionate share  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs  ?  If  a  due  par- 
ticipation of  office  is  a  matter  of  right,  how  are  vacancies  to  be 
obtained  ?  Those  by  death  are  few,  by  resignation  none.  I 
proceed  in  the  operation  with  deliberation  and  inquiry  that  I  may 
injure  the  best  men  least,  and  effect  the  purposes  of  justice  and 
public  utility  with  the  least  private  distress,  that  it  may  be  thrown 
as  much  as  possible  on  delinquency,  oppression,  intolerance,  and 
ante-revolutionary  adherence  to  our  enemies."  Then  lamenting 
the  fact  that  he  found  none  of  his  party  friends  in  office,  he  pro- 
ceeds, "  I  shall  correct  the  procedure,  but  that  done,  return  with 
joy  to  that  state  of  things  when  the  only  question  concerning  a 
candidate  shall  be:  Is  he  honest?  Is  he  capable?  Is  he  faith- 
ful to  the  constitution  ?  "  This  is  worthy  of  notice  as  the  first 
announcement  by  a  President  of  a  civil  service  method  to  be 
applied  to  subordinate  officials.  It  has  been  variously  con- 
strued, some  choosing  to  see  in  it  the  enunciation  of  a  principle 
which  in  Jackson's  time  became  the  cry  of  "  to  the  victor  be- 
long the  spoils,"  others  the  doctrine  that  only  honesty,  capacity 


634  BUILDING  AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

and  patriotic  fidelity  should  prevail  in  determining  appointments 
and  removals,  perhaps  obscured  a  little  by  impatience  over  the 
slowness  of  time  to  made  desirable  vacancies.  He  made  only 
thirty-nine  removals,  and  none  of  them,  as  he  declared,  for  politi- 
cal reasons. 

Madison  made  only  five  removals ;  Monroe  only  nine ;  John 
Q.  Adams  only  two  ;  and  all  these  for  cause.  Of  course  defal- 
cations and  inefficiency  in  office  were  not  wholly  unknown,  but, 
in  general,  civic  administration  was  able,  pure  and  respectful. 
No  other  government  had  then  reached  so  high  a  plane  of 
fairness  in  dealing  with  those  who  served  it,  nor  exhibited 
greater  regard  for  character  and  fitness  in  its  subordinate  em- 
ployes. 

It  seems  almost  impossible  that  this  early  system,  so  fully 
agreed  upon  by  statesmen  and  parties,  so  strongly  entrenched 
in  our  institutions,  so  supported  by  custom  and  practice,  should 
shake  and  crumble.  Let  it  be  said  with  pride  that  the  national 
government,  however  responsible  for  its  downfall  later  on, 
was  not  at  first  to  blame.  The  blight  of  the  spoils  system 
spread  to  it  from  the  States,  and  notably  from  New  York.  That 
State  had  gained  unenviable  fame  in  the  political  contests  of 
1808,  in  which  Van  Buren  traded  his  services  to  Tompkins  for 
a  judgeship.  The  Clintonian  school  was  equally  reckless.  The 
judiciary  was  dragged  down  into  the  mire  of  politics.  Before 
1830  no  State  judge  had  ever  gained  office  by  popular  vote. 
After  that  the  infection  spread,  and  now  the  judges  of  twenty- 
four  States  are  selected  at  the  polls  for  short  terms,  though  the 
average  term  has  gradually  lengthened  during  later  years  and 
under  the  influence  of  a  reaction  which  was  inevitable. 

Profiting  by  the  power  which  judicious  use  of  patronage 
bestowed,  Burr  completed  the  system  of  political  spoils  in  New 
York  by  requiring  short  terms  of  office,  strict  partisan  tests, 
and  servile  obedience  to  leaders  on  the  part  of  all  officials. 
Even  Clinton  winced  under  the  organized  interference  of 
Federal  officials  with  the  politics  of  the  State.  Civic  affairs 
there  were  characterized  by  the  most  desperate  and  unscrupulous 
management.     The  new  system  was  not  without  fascination  for 


I 
CIVIL   SERVICE  REFORM.  635 

the  ambitious.  It  never  has  been.  Even  Jackson,  during  his 
early  aspirations  for  the  Presidency,  said,  "  I  am  no  politician, 
but  if  I  were,  I  would  be  a  New  York  politician."  All  this  was 
before  1 820. 

In  that  year  the  infection  of  the  New  York  system  passed 
from  the  States  to  the  Federal  government.  A  law  was  enacted 
which  was  credited  to  the  joint  ingenuity  of  Crawford  and  Van 
Buren,  both  aspirants  for  the  Presidency,  and  which  was  clearly 
designed  to  open  political  patronage  to  ambitious  and  personal 
uses.  It  was  the  first  law  which  fixed  a  term  for  minor  civil 
offices.  Changing  their  constitutional  or  customary  tenure,  it 
gave  to  district  attorneys,  collectors,  naval  officers,  surveyors, 
paymasters  and  several  other  officers  of  like  or  lesser  grade  a 
term  of  four  years.  It  declared  the  commissions  of  all  officers 
dated  Sept.  30,  18 14,  vacant  on  the  same  date  of  September, 
1820.  Thus  by  retroactive  legislation  a  full  line  of  vacancies  was 
secured  on  the  very  eve  of  a  Presidential  election.  The  act 
further  provided  that  all  these  officers  should  subsequently  be 
removable  at  pleasure.  This  was  rotation  for  the  mere  sake  of 
rotation,  and  further  it  was  decided  revolution,  so  far  as  all  pre- 
cedent and  all  constitutional  construction  went.  Such  an  act  must 
have  been  impossible,  but  for  the  fact  that  there  were  no  party 
lines  at  the  time,  and  only  a  set  of  political  factions  or  cliques, 
each  witH  aspiring  leaders,  and  each  leader  anxious  to  circum- 
vent the  other.  A  marvellous  accompaniment  of  the  bill  was 
that  there  never  was  any  previous  thought  of  its  introduction, 
no  allegation  of  civic  wrong-doing  which  it  was  to  correct,  no 
charge  that  the  President  could  not  or  would  not  remove  un- 
worthy officials,  not  a  word  of  debate  over  it,  not  a  record  of 
votes  made  on  its  passage.  It  moved  through  both  Houses 
with  the  stealth  of  a  serpent,  and  brought  a  civic  revolution  as 
disastrous  as  it  was  degrading.  Calhoun  on  hearing  of  its  pass- 
age declared  it  "  one  of  the  most  dangerous  bills  ever  passed,  and 
that  it  would  work  a  revolution."  Jefferson  wrote  to  Madison 
in  November,  1820,  condemning  the  act  as  introducing  fatal 
intrigue  and  corruption.  Madison  replied  that  the  law  was  cer- 
tainly pregnant  with  mischiefs,  and  that   if  the  error  be  not  at 


636  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

once  corrected,  relief  will  be  difficult,  for  it  is  of  a  nature  to 
take  deep  root.  John  Quincy  Adams,  President  Monroe's 
Secretary  of  State,  gave  it  out  that  the  President  signed  the  bill 
unwarily  and  without  perceiving  its  real  character,  and  that  in 
spite  of  it  he  adhered  to  the  only  just  and  constitutional  practice 
of  renominating  every  officer  at  the  expiration  of  his  com- 
mission unless  some  official  delinquency  or  unfitness  was 
proved.  He  further  said,  "  if  the  principle  of  the  statute  is 
sound,  Congress  may  limit  the  term  of  appointments  to  a 
single  year,  to  a  week  or  a  day,  and  so  annihilate  the  executive 
power." 

Six  years  after  its  passage  (1826)  an  effort  was  made  to  repeal 
it,  but  the  spoils  system  had  gotten  a  hold  and  was  gaining 
cankerous  headway  in  the  body  politic.  The  act  was  clearly 
emboldening  the  spirit  which  gave  it  birth.  Van  Buren,  who 
ranked  as  the  greatest  party  manipulator  of  his  time,  did  not 
hesitate  to  show  to  what  uses  it  could  be  put.  More  cautious 
men  still  continued  to  deprecate  party  tests  for  office.  Even 
Jackson,  as  late  as  1824,  in  a  letter  to  Monroe,  declined  to  favor 
such  tests. 

By  1828  Jackson,  then  President,  was  a  thorough  convert  to 
Van  Buren's  idea  and  to  the  spoils  system.  So  full  of  the  spirit 
of  that  system  was  he,  that  his  administration  was  signalized  by 
the  removal  of  twenty  times  more  officials,  for  partisan  purposes, 
than  all  who  had  been  removed  for  any  cause  since  the  founda- 
tion of  the  government.  Nor  was  he  even  yet  satisfied.  Thirsty 
for  other  vacancies,  he  recommended  in  his  first  message,  "a  gen- 
eral extension  of  the  law  which  limits  appointments  to  four  years." 
Even  his  most  admiring  followers  shrank  from  his  suggestion. 
That  message  further  declared  "  rotation  a  leading  principle  in 
the*  Republican  (Democratic)  creed."  Three  years  later  (1832) 
Senator  Marcy,  in  the  Senate,  and  in  answer  to  Clay's  taunt  that 
the  New  York  system  was  fully  abroad  in  the  national  govern- 
ment, entered  upon  its  defense,  and  used  these  memorable  words  : 
"  When  they  (the  New  York  politicians)  are  contending  for 
victory,  they  avow  the  intention  of  enjoying  the  fruits  of  it.  If 
they  are  defeated,  they  expect  to  retire  from  office.     If  they  are 


CIVIL   SERVICE    REFORM.  637 

successful,  they  claim  as  a  matter  of  right  the  advantage  of  suc- 
cess. They  see  nothing  wrong  in  the  rule  that  to  the  victor  belong 
the  spoils  of  the  enemy!' 

This  language  seems  to  have  set  the  seal  of  political  approval 
on  the  new  revolutionary  and  degrading  system  of  official  spoils. 
It  was  the  end  of  the  great  leap  which  civic  administration  had 
taken  backward  into  the  feudal  ages.  The  system  at  full  play 
meant,  no  tenure  for  more  than  four  years ;  office  and  salaries 
the  spoils  of  party  warfare ;  removals  at  pleasure ;  rotation  in 
order  to  give  office  to  as  many  personal  or  party  followers  as 
possible ;  appointments  and  removals  for  political  reasons ;  offi- 
cial duty  to  mean  servility  to  partisan  leadership  and  willingness 
to  work  for  the  party.  Political  assessments  were  of  later 
growth,  but  a  natural  outcrop  of  the  ingenious,  tyrannical  and 
iniquitous  system.  Such  was  the  origin  and  spirit  of  the  spoils 
system. 

On  account  of  its  "  great  and  alarming  strides,"  Calhoun  again 
(1835)  moved  the  repeal  of  the  four  years'  law.  The  debate  was 
memorable.  Webster  and  Calhoun  were  arrayed  against  Madi- 
son, as  to  the  dangerous  enlargement  of  official  power,  but  they 
agreed  in  condemning  the  act  of  1820.  Webster  was  "  for  stay- 
ing the  further  contagion  of  this  plague.  Men  in  office  have 
begun  to  think  themselves  mere  agents  and  servants  of  the  ap- 
pointing power."  White,  a  supporter  of  Jackson,  declared  that 
"  under  the  present  state  of  things,  society  will  become  demor- 
alized, the  business  of  office-seeking  will  become  a  science,  office- 
hunters  will  come  on  with  one  pocket  full  of  bad  characters,  with 
which  to  turn  out  incumbents,  and  the  other  full  of  good  char- 
acters, with  which  to  provide  for  constituents."  Calhoun  said, 
"  that  the  most  certain  road  to  honor  and  fortune  is  servility  and 
flattery."  Southard  declared  that  the  act  of  1 820  "  had  tended 
to  make  office-holders  servile  supplicants,  destitute  of  independ- 
ence of  character  and  of  manly  feeling."  Benton  said,  "  the  act 
had  become  the  means  of  getting  rid  of  faithful  officers,  and  the 
expiration  of  a  four  years'  term  came  to  be  considered  as  the 
vacation  of  all  officers  on  whom  it  fell."  The  bill  for  repeal 
passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  3 1  to  16,  but  that  was  the  end  of  it. 


638  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

There  has  been  no  later  attempt  to  wipe  out  this  four  years' 
law.  The  Whigs,  on  their  accession  to  power  in  1 840,  might 
have  been  expected  to  correct  a  system  they  had  ridiculed,  op- 
posed and  despised.  But  they  adopted  it,  and  from  that  time  on 
it  grew  apace  until  it  finally  came  to  be  regarded  as  indispen- 
sable to  party  success  and  government.  The  sons  seemed  not 
to  be  alarmed  at  the  dangers  which  the  fathers  had  apprehended 
from  an  extended  and  corrupt  official  patronage.  It  remained 
for  the  grandsons,  in  view  of  a  vastly  extended  country  and  a 
mighty  swelling  of  official  numbers,  in  view  of  greater  tyranny 
on  the  part  of  masters  and  greater  dependence  on  the  part  of 
subordinates,  to  strike  an  effective  blow  for  manhood  tenure, 
merit  term,  non-partisan  place,  and  only  patriotic  fealty.  The 
anti-feudal  doctrine  is  that  public  office  is  a  solemn  trust,  whose 
most  important  condition  is  to  choose  the  best  possible  men  for 
the  different  places.  And  this  has  found  sanction  in  our  highest 
judicial  tribunal,  whose  language  is,  "  The  theory  of  our  govern- 
ment is  that  all  public  stations  are  trusts,  and  that  those  clothed 
with  them  are  to  be  animated  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties 
solely  by  considerations  of  right,  justice,  and  the  public  good."  * 

THE  FIRST  REFORM— We  have  seen  that  by  1853  civic 
appointments  in  England  were  based  on  competitive  tests  made 
through  open  examination.  In  that  year  a  law  was  passed  by 
our  Congress  dividing  the  Clerks  of  the  Treasury,  War,  Navy, 
Interior,  and  Post-office  Departments  into  classes,  and  declaring 
that  "  no  clerk  shall  be  appointed  until  found  qualified  by  a  board 
of  three  examiners."  In  1855  the  act  was  extended  to  the  State 
Department.  This  was  known  as  the  "  pass  examination."  It 
was  not  necessarily  open  nor  at  all  competitive.  In  practice,  it 
was  no  examination  at  all.  We  speedily  fell  away  from  the 
policy  which  the  law  was  designed  to  establish,  and  were  soon 
as  much  at  sea  as  before. 

THE  SECOND  REFORM.  In  1868  Mr.  Jenckes,  chairman 
of  the  Joint  Select  Committee  on  Retrenchment,  presented  in 
his  report  a  mass  of  information  bearing  on  the  workings  of  the 
reformed  civil  service  in  England.     His  speeches  on  the  subject 

*  Trist  vs.  Child,  21  Wallace  R.  450. 


CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM.  639 

arrested  the  attention  of  Congress  and  led  to  much  newspaper 
discussion.  His  efforts  were  crowned  by  the  act  of  187 1  author- 
izing inquiry  into  our  civil  service.  President  Grant  appointed 
a  commission  for  the  purpose.  A  set  of  rules  governing  future 
subordinate  appointments  were  proposed  by  the  Commission 
and  accepted  by  the  President.  They  were  to  take  effect  Jan.  I, 
1872. 

Meanwhile  interesting  history  was  being  made  in  the  New 
York  Custom  House.  To  anticipate  it  a  little,  it  had  been 
found  that  from  1858  to  1861  the  Democratic  Collector  had  re- 
moved 389  out  of  690  appointees.  Subsequently,  in  three  years, 
a  Republican  Collector  removed  830  out  of  903,  and  another, 
in  sixteen  months,  had  removed  510  out  of  892.  Every  re- 
moval involved  a  long  and  demoralizing  struggle  for  place.  The 
feeling  that  any  day  might  be  his  last  in  civic  service,  and  that 
merit  could  count  as  nothing  against  political  favor  or  intrigue 
toward  securing  retention  or  insuring  promotion,  repelled  the 
most  worthy  and  correspondingly  destroyed  the  manhood  and 
reduced  the  efficiency  of  those  who  were  successful.  The  same 
results  .were  manifest  in  the  Post-office,  and  they  were  visible 
in  all  the  large  cities  containing  elaborate  Federal  offices.  Gov- 
ernor Cornell  declared  that  one-third  of  the  officials  of  New 
York  could  be  mustered  out  with  advantage  to  the  public.  The 
late  President  Garfield  said,  in  Congress,  that  under  a  judicious 
civil  service  the  government  could  be  carried  on  at  one-half  its 
usual  cost.  President  Arthur  became  Collector  in  1871.  He 
was  soon  convinced  that  a  stable  {enure  was  absolutely  essential 
to  a  reform  of  the  customs  administration.  In  five  years  he  re- 
moved only  144  officials,  and  certified  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Nov.  23,  1877,  that  "  Permanency  in  office,  which,  of 
course,  prevents  removal  except  for  cause,  and  secures  promo- 
tion based  upon  good  conduct  and  efficiency,  is  an  essential 
element  of  correct  civil  service,"  a  conviction  he  reiterated 
in  his  letter  of  acceptance  as  Vice-President,  in  which  he  says : 
11  The  tenure  of  office  should  be  stable.  Positions  of  responsi- 
bility should,  so  far  as  practicable,  be  filled  by  the  promotion  of 
worthy  and  efficient  officers." 


(540  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  system  proposed  by  the  Grant  Commission  was  based  on 
merit,  to  be  ascertained,  in  a  limited  way,  by  competitive  examin- 
ation. It  was  not  received  warmly  in  official  circles,  though  it 
had  the  President's  endorsement.  It  was  therefore  placed  at  a 
great  disadvantage,  though  its  good  effects  were  clearly  apparent, 
In  1874  the  Commission  made  a  report  which  showed  that,  as 
far  as  tried,  the  system  had  secured  for  the  service  persons  of 
superior  capacity  and  character,  and  had  tended  to  exclude  un- 
worthy applicants ;  that  officials  were  more  ambitious  to  acquire 
information ;  that  unreasonable  solicitation,  on  the  part  of  appli- 
cants and  their  friends,  of  the  heads  of  departments  had  dimin- 
ished ;  that  unworthy  persons  could  be  more  readily  dismissed ; 
that  intriguing  pressure  for  place  was  less  noticeable.  The 
President  concurred  with  the  Commission's  report,  and  sent  a 
special  message  to  Congress  asking  for  $25,000  with  which  to 
continue  the  work,  which  met  with  refusal. 

That  this  did  not  arrest  the  reform  sentiment  was  shown  by 
the  fact  that  it  exerted  a  greater  influence  in  the  next  Presidential 
election  than  ever  before.  The  platforms  of  the  leading  parties 
distinctly  announced  the  doctrine  that  office  was  a  public  trust 
and  should  be  administered  only  with  a  view  to  economy  and 
the  highest  good,  and  without  reference  to  partisanship  and  spoils 
In  his  inaugural  President  Hayes  said :  "  I  ask  the  attention  of 
the  public  to  the  paramount  necessity  of  reform  in  the  Civil 
Service  ...  a  reform  that  shall  be  radical,  thorough  and  com- 
plete— a  return  to  the  principles  of  the  founders  of  the  govern- 
ment." Though  no  general  and  uniform  system  of  determining 
minor  appointments  was  adopted  during  his  administration,  It 
witnessed,  as  he  was  forced  along  by  a  growing  public  senti- 
ment, an  abatement  of  the  abuse  of  Congressional  dictation  of 
nominations,  the  overthrow  to  a  great  extent  of  the  custom  of 
Senatorial  control  of  State  patronage,,  prohibition  of  political 
assessments,  and  prevention  of  interference  in  caucusses  and 
conventions  by  Federal  office-holders.  His  administration  also 
witnessed  the  special  application  of  the  merit  system,  and  the 
tests  provided  by  competitive  examination,  to  applicants  for 
place  in  the  New  York  Custom  House  and  Post-office,  by  which 


CIVIL   SERVICE    REFORM.  £41 

means  removals  among  subordinates  for  political  reasons  have 
well-nigh  ceased,  and  a  much  higher,  purer  and  abler  service 
has  been  secured. 

The  Republican  platform  of  1880  contained  a  square  accept- 
ance of  the  radical  civil  service  reform  announced  in  President 
Hayes'  inaugural.  The  Democratic  platform  declared  for  "a 
general  and  thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service."  President 
Garfield  reiterated  the  sentiments  of  his  predecessor,  but  the 
Congress  was  very  perverse.  The  elections  of  1881  and  1882 
were  reminders  that  there  was  a  sentiment  abroad  which  would 
not  longer  tolerate  existing  political  methods.  There  were 
pending  in  Congress  several  bills  all  looking  to  civil  service  re- 
form, the  most  conspicuous  of  which  was  that  in  the  Senate, 
introduced  by  Senator  Pendkton,  of  Ohio.  On  Dec.  4,  1882, 
President  Arthur  sent  in  a  message  urging  the  passage  of  this 
bill,  or  some  other  equally  effective.  On  Jan.  16,  1883,  it  be- 
came a  law  by  a  large  majority  of  the  Congress,  and  went  into 
effect  July  16,  1883.  Since  its  passage  the  Legislatures  of 
several  of  the  States  have  had  under  discussion  a  similar  enact- 
ment, and  one  or  two  have  passed  laws  looking  to  reform  in 
their  civil  service. 

THE  PENDLETON  LAW.— The  act  creates  a  commission, 
composed  of  three  members,  appointed  by  the  President  and 
Senate,  to  be  known  as  the  United  States  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion. They  are  to  provide  rules  for  open  competitive  examina- 
tions for  testing  the  fitness  of  applicants  for  the  public  service. 
Their  duties  are  fully  laid  down  in  the  act,  which  also  pro- 
hibits all  political  assessments,  and  provides  for  the  appor- 
tionment of  officials  among  the  States  in  proportion  to  their 
population. 

The  Commission  was  duly  appointed  and  published  a  set  of 
rules  in  time  to  put  the  law  in  operation,  July  16,  1883.  They 
divide  the  subordinate  Civil  Service  of  the  country  into  three 
classes,  excluding,  of  course,  laborers  and  workmen,  to  wit: 
the  Department  Service  at  Washington,  the  Customs  Service,  the 
Postal  Service.  This  division  is  not  made,  nor  do  the  rules 
apply  to  cities  or  places,  where  the  officials  of  any  of  the  last 
41 


642  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

two  classes  do  not  number  fifty.  Examining  boards  are  created 
at  certain  places,  mostly  in  the  large  cities,  before  whom  candi- 
dates for  place  must  appear  for  examination.  By  addressing 
these  Boards,  or  the  Commission  at  Washington,  any  applicant 
can  find  out  the  conditions  on  which  he  will  be  permitted  to 
enter  the  contest  and  the  manner  of  conducting  the  same.  The 
examination  embraces  spelling,  penmanship,  arithmetic,  gram- 
mar, geography,  history  and  the  principles  of  our  government. 
The  candidates  are  graded.  All  falling  below  an  average  of 
sixty-five  for  all  the  subjects  fail.  All  securing  an  average  of 
sixty-five  or  over  are  booked  with  the  Commission  for  appoint- 
ment. When  a  clerk  is  wanted  in  any  place  to  which  the  law 
applies,  the  names  of  the  four  highest  on  the  list  are  sent  to  the 
chief  official,  who  selects  one.  And  so  with  other  vacancies. 
Examinations  are  held  once  a  year,  or  oftener  if  necessary.  The 
clerk  accepted  or  selected  is  a  probationer  for  six  months.  If 
then  acceptable  his  appointment  becomes  complete.  Promotions 
are  provided  for.  There  is  no  inquiry  into  the  politics  or  reli- 
gion of  the  applicant,  but  he  must  give  certified  assurance  of  his 
moral  and  physical  character. 

Though  the  system  thus  devised  is  new  and  somewhat  crude 
it  promises  to  develop  into  substantial  reform.  The  Commis- 
sion have  made  one  report  on  its  results,  which  is  altogether 
favorable.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  reform  has  a  substan- 
tial hold  on  the  higher  sentiment  of  the  country  and  a  secure 
lodgment  in  the  better  judgment  of  political  parties.  That  it 
will  go  on  in  this  country,  as  in  England,  till  it  becomes  a  sub- 
stitute for  a  system  both  heartless  and  rotten  is  the  conviction 
of  its  originators  and  friends.  What  monarchy  ripened  without 
example  and  against  caste,  a  Republic  should  perfect  beneath 
the  rays  of  experience  and  amid  the  encouragement  of  a  pro- 
nounced sentiment. 

ARGUMENTS  FOR.— Observe,  the  reform  thus  started  does 
not  bear  on  elective  officials,  nor  on  Cabinet  officers,  nor  yet  on 
a  long  line  of  minor  appointees  who  may  be  called  heads  of  the 
sub  or  smaller  departments  both  at  Washington  and  throughout 
the  country.     All  these  are  as  yet  recognized  as  belonging  to 


CIVIL   SERVICE    REFORM.  643 

the  political  side  of  civic  administration.  The  reform  is  not  so 
far  on  as  to  attempt  to  say  where  the  line  of  separation  shall  be 
drawn  between  purely  civil  and  purely  political  administration. 
Nor  does  the  reform  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  Civil  Service. 
Where,  say  a  Collector  of  Customs  or  a  Postmaster  has  only  a 
few  clerks  he  is  supposed  to  know  sufficiently  about  the  ability 
of  each  to  judge  of  their  fitness.  The  reform  only  begins  when 
the  clerks  number  fifty,  and  it  applies  to  the  great  intermediate 
body  of  clerical  employes  or  minor  civic  officials.  Bearing  these 
facts  in  mind,  and  remembering  what  room  there  is  yet  for  the 
extension  of  the  reform  system,  the  arguments  relied  on  by  its 
friends  are  :  (i)  Public  office  is  a  trust  to  be  managed  on  business 
and  not  on  political  principles.  (2)  It  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  have  the  worthiest  citizens  in  the  public  service  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare.  (3)  Personal  merit  is  the  highest  claim  upon 
office.  (4)  Party  government  and  the  salutary  effect  of  party 
activity  are  purer  and  more  efficient  under  a  merit  system  of 
office.  (5)  A  partisan  system  of  appointments  and  removals 
enfeebles  and  debases  government  by  parties.  (6)  Patronage  in 
the  hands  of  legislators  usurps  the  executive  function  and  in- 
creases the  expense  of  administration,  (7)  Non-partisan  and 
actual  fitness  for  public  place  can  only  be  ascertained  by  compe- 
tent examination.  (8)  Competitive  examination  ends  partisan 
coercion  and  official  favoritism,  and,  as  has  been  proved,  gives 
the  best  public  servants.  (9)  Such  methods  leave  to  parties 
their  true  function  and  use.  (10)  The  new  system  has  raised 
the  ambition  and  increased  the  self-respect  of  civic  officials. 
(11)  Open  competition  is  as  fatal  to  bureauocracy  as  it  is  to 
patronage,  nepotism  and  spoils.  (12)  The  merit  system  raises 
the  character  of  the  entire  subordinate  service,  tends  to  economic 
administration,  invigorates  patriotism,  heightens  the  standard  of 
statesmanship  and  causes  political  leaders  to  look  for  support  to 
better  sentiments  and  a  higher  intelligence.  (13)  It  is  a  standing- 
rebuke  to  imbecility  and  indolence.  (14)  It  is  a  return  to  the 
constitutional  methods  of  the  early  Presidents  and  statesmen 
(15)  It  is  as  practical  in  a  Republic  as  under  any  other  form  of 
government.     (16)  Elections  would  turn  only  on  questions  of 


644  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

pure  men  and  pure  measures,  and  not  on  the  ability  of  politicians 
to  secure  places  for  themselves  or  their  friends. 

ARGUMENTS  AGAINST.— <i)  Party  ascendency  would 
be  jeopardized  if  public  patronage  were  not  turned  to  its  account. 
(2)  Party  success  at  the  polls  means  preference  for  its  men  and 
measures,  which  carries  by  implication  the  right  to  partisan  dis- 
tribution of  the  spoils.  (3)  Administration  can  only  do  the  will 
of  the  majority  effectively  through  its  political  friends.  (4)  A 
line  cannot  be  drawn  between  purely  civic  and  purely  political 
administration.  (5)  Patronage  is  an  inducement  for  parties  to 
exist  and  continue  in  active  work.  (6)  The  holder  of  political 
place  should  contribute  to  keeping  his  place.  (7)  Political 
activity  is  proper,  and  there  is  always  a  necessity  for  men  trained 
in  politics  and  political  methods,  who  cannot  be  had  if  the  in- 
ducement of  patronage  is  removed.  (8)  Civil  Service  tends  to 
bureauocracy ;  that  is,  to  a  class  of  officials  who  would  grow 
indifferent  and  insolent  if  their  places  were  permanent. 


POLYGAMY. 

OLYGAMY  presents  an  intricate  problem.  There  is 
almost  a  solid  moral  and  political  sentiment  against  it, 
but  the  problem  is  of  such  a  nature  as  to  escape  this 
and  still  avoid  solution.  The  truth  is  there  is  yet  a 
great  deal  to  be  learned  about  it.  After  one  dwells  upon 
it  long  enough  to  begin  to  see  that  it  has  ingenious,  if  not  plau- 
sible, religious  support,  his  wits  are  taxed  to  the  uttermost  to 
know  whether  a  direct  and  heroic  remedy  is  easy  or  possible. 
It  is  or  is  not  polygamy ;  that  is,  it  is  or  is  not  a  crime  amenable 
to  law  and  removable  by  statute,  just  as  it  is  or  is  not  an 
essential  part  of  a  religion — Mormonism.  The  moment  it 
chooses  to  sit  under  the  panoply  of  Mormonism,  or  use  it  for  an 
aegis,  it  boldly  claims  the  exemption  from  interference  accorded 
to  other  religions  under  Article  I.  of  the  Amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  "  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an 
establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof." 

HISTORY  OF  MORMONISM.— According  to  Mormon 
belief,  the  Lord  appeared  to  Joseph  Smith,  then  fourteen,  at 
Manchester,  New  York,  in  1820.  Seven  years  later  an  angel 
delivered  to  him  certain  metal  plates  on  which  were  engraved  in 
Egyptian  characters  the  Book  of  Mormon.  Two  transparent 
stones  were  with  the  plates,  by  whose  help  Smith  translated  the 
characters  into  English.  The  book  professed  to  be  an  inspired 
record  of  God's  dealings  with  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  America. 
Its  style  is  that  of  the  Old  Testament  Chronicles.  In  1829,  John 
the  Baptist,  and,  shortly  after,  Peter,  James  and  John  appeared  to 
Smith  and  a  follower,  Oliver  Cawdrey,  and  consecrated  them  to 
the  priesthoods  of  Aaron  and  Melchizedek.     The  church  was 

(645) 


646  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

first  organized  at  Seneca,  N.  Y.,  1830.  The  next  year  the  church 
was  removed  to  Missouri.  They  called  themselves  Latter-Day 
Saints.  Driven  from  place  to  place  in  Missouri,  they  were 
finally  expelled  from  the  State  in  1838,  and  took  refuge  in 
Illinois,  where  they  founded  the  town  of  Commerce.  Here 
also  they  were  the  frequent  victims  of  mob  violence,  and  their 
town  of  Nauvoo  was  raided,  resulting  in  the  killing  of  Smith 
and  his  brother.  Brigham  Young,  Smith's  successor  as  Prophet, 
resolved  to  lead  the  community,  which  all  the  while  throve  amid 
persecution,  into  a  new  Canaan  west  of  the  great  desert  and  in 
the  recesses  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  In  1846  the  Mormon 
migrants  were  at  Council  Bluff,  where  in  compliance  with  a  call 
of  the  Federal  government  they  sent  a  battalion  of  500  men  to 
the  Mexican  war.  In  the  spring  of  1847,  Young  with  143 
converts  started  for  the  new  Canaan,  to  be  followed  later  by  a 
train  of  700  wagons  and  the  main  body  of  pioneers.  The 
journey  of  1,000  miles,  through  a  country  as  little  known  and 
as  hostile  as  the  Arabian  desert  was  to  the  Jews  under  Moses, 
was  made  with  success.  They  pitched  their  camp  at  the  mouth 
of  the  canon  where  Salt  Lake  City  now  stands.  The  new 
Canaan  was  anything  but  a  land  of  promise.  Lieutenant  Sher- 
man with  a  band  of  surveyors  nearly  perished  on  the  shores  of 
Salt  Lake  in  1850  for  want  of  water.  The  Latter  Day  Saints 
were,  in  their  imagination,  the  Israelites  of  old.  They  had  fled 
from  Egyptian  persecution,  crossed  a  trackless  desert,  met  with 
miraculous  preservations.  In  their  Canaan,  to  the  south,  was 
Lake  Utah,  their  Sea  of  Galilee.  Flowing  north  was  their  Jor- 
dan, which  emptied  into  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  their  Dead  Sea. 
The  site  selected  for  their  new  Zion  was  Jerusalem  surrounded 
by  mountains.  The  Indians  were  Philistines.  They  were  hardy, 
industrious,  frugal  and  enthusiastic.  Cut  off  from  outward  food 
supply,  they  planted  for  themselves  and  fed  rather  than  fought 
the  Indians.  They  built,  redeemed  the  soil  by  irrigation,  and 
throve. 

By  1857  they  were  a  little  independent  State,  though  within  a 
Territory  organized  as  early  as  1850.  False  knowledge  of  the 
situation  drew  the  ire  of  the  Federal  government.     An  army 


POLYGAMY.  647 

was  sent  out  to  crush  them  or  compel  allegiance  to  the  central 
sovereignty.  This  monumental  junketing  tour  was  a  farce. 
The  Mormons  were  not  the  enemies  they  were  supposed  to  be. 
The  troops  found  nobody  to  fight.  The  money,  arms  and  pro- 
visions they  introduced  helped  to  advance  the  struggling 
colony.  Their  coming  was  regarded  by  the  Mormons  as  a 
providence. 

The  opening  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railway  in  1870  connected 
Utah  with  the  outside  world.  Since  then  the  Mormon  country 
has  rapidly  developed.  Brigham  Young  died  in  1877,  and  the 
community  lost  the  prophet,  priest  and  president  under  whose 
rule  Salt  Lake  Valley  had  been  transformed  from  a  desolate, 
uninhabited  wilderness  to  a  richly  cultivated  and  fertile  land, 
the  home  of  a  prosperous,  contented  people  numbering  over 
100,000  souls. 

THEIR  CONDITION.— In  settling  the  question  of  polyg- 
amy or  even  in  entertaining  opinion  respecting  it,  care  must  be 
taken  to  disabuse  our  minds  of  the  thought  that  Mormons  are 
outcasts  or  heathens.  The  census  shows  that  they  have  long 
since  reached  the  respectability  which  numbers  give.  Utah  has 
more  people  than  any  other  Territory,  more  than  Nevada,  and 
as  many  as  Delaware.  Mormon  colonies  exist  in  Arizona,  New 
Mexico,  Idaho  and  Colorado.  Their  capital  is  the  finest  town 
of  its  size  in  the  West.  It  is  literally  embowered  in  gardens  and 
orchards,  and  streams  of  flowing  water  refresh  its  streets.  Their 
villages  and  farm-houses  are  models  of  neatness  and  beauty. 
They  have  built  10,000  miles  of  irrigating  canals,  and  turned 
every  mountain  stream  to  the  account  of  agriculture.  They  built 
400  miles  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railway,  and  600  miles  of  the  first 
transcontinental  telegraph  line,  besides  500  miles  of  local  rail- 
road and  1,500  miles  of  telegraph.  They  have  extensive  manu- 
factures. They  mine  largely,  and  cultivate  fruits  and  the  cereals 
with  success.  Their  farms  are  small  and  the  price  of  improved 
land  high.  They  have  a  good  school  system,  and  over  400 
schools,  with  an  average  daily  attendance  of  44  per  cent,  of  the 
school  population.  The  per  cent,  of  illiterates  is  lower  than  that 
for  the  United  States  at  large.  They  have  a  university,  a  female 
seminary  and  a  normal  school. 


(J48  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  is  universally  admitted  by  the  Gentile  population  of  Salt 
Lake  City  that  the  Mormon  people  are  honest,  straightforward 
and  faithful  to  business  contracts.  They  are  temperate  beyond 
any  Christian  people,  temperance  in  some  instances  being  carried 
to  abstinence  from  alcohol,  tobacco  and  tea.  Under  a  pure 
Mormon  regime  drinking  saloons  and  other  places  of  vice  were 
prohibited.  Not  a  dozen  of  the  200  saloons  now  in  Utah  are 
kept  by  professing  Mormons,  and  these  are  held  in  disgrace. 
Of  the  population  of  Salt  Lake  City  75  per  cent,  is  Mormon 
and  25  per  cent.  non-Mormon,  yet  the  arrests  in  1881  were: 

Mormons.  Non- Mormons. 

Men  and  boys 1 63  Men  and  boys 657 

Women 6  Women s 194 

Totals 169  85? 

A  census  of  the  prisoners  in  the  winter  of  1 88 1  showed  in  the 
city  prison  twenty-nine  convicts,  and  in  the  county  prison  six, 
all  non-Mormon.  Out  of  fifty-one  in  the  penitentiary,  only  five 
were  Mormons,  and  two  of  these  were  there  for  polygamy,  and 
of  125  in  the  lock-ups  only  eleven  were  Mormons,  some  for 
polygamy.  Says  a  Mormon  publication  in  1878:  "  Oaths,  im- 
precations, blasphemies,  invectives,  expletives,  blackguardism, 
were  not  heard  in  Utah  till  after  the  advent  of  the  anti-Mormon 
element,  nor  till  then  did  we  have  litigation,  drunkenness,  har- 
lotry, political  and  judicial  deviltries,  gambling  and  kindred 
enormities."  Among  the  Mormons  all  are  equal.  From  the 
President  down  it  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  work  for  a  living. 
This  was  the  Puritan  idea,  and  this  Captain  Smith  enjoined  on  the 
Virginia  colonists  by  his  edict, "  he  that  does  not  work  may  not 
eat."  Outside  of  their  religion,  therefore,  the  Mormon  Com- 
munity is  a  pious  and  socialistic  organization,  if  by  Socialism  in 
practical  form  is  meant  a  community  where  each  may  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  labor  and  each  labor  to  live,  where  the  weak  are  not 
trampled  upon,  and  the  unfortunate  in  the  battle  of  life  are 
cared  for  by  the  community.  In  all  the  respects  spoken  of  they 
resemble  a  dozen  other  communities  toward  which  greater  toler- 
ance exists,  though  not  a  whit  more  moral  nor  less  peculiar. 

THE  MORMON  CREED.— With  the  exception  of  polygamy 


POLYGAMY.  649 

the  Mormon  doctrines  do  not  differ  from  those  of  other  Chris- 
tians. They  rest  their  claims  for  non-interference  and  protection 
on  the  fact  that  theirs  is  not  only  a  religion,  but  a  truly  Chris- 
tian religion.  Their  Church  is  the  M  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of 
Latter-Day  Saints."     Its  leading  articles  are  : 

"  We  believe  in  God  the  Eternal  Father,  an(Hn  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  the 
Holy  Ghost. 

"  We  believe  that  men  will  be  punished  for  their  own  sins,  and  not  for  Adam's 
transgression. 

"  We  believe  that  through  the  atonement  of  Christ  all  mankind  may  be  saved  by 
obedience  to  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  Gospel. 

"  We  believe  that  these  ordinances  are:  First,  Faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ; 
Second,  Repentance;  Third,  Baptism  by  immersion  for  the  remission  of  sins; 
Fourth,  Laying  on  of  hands  for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

11  We  believe  that  a  man  must  be  called  of  God  by  prophecy,  and  by  laying  on 
of  hands  by  those  who  are  in  authority,  to  preach  the  gospel  and  administer  the 
ordinances  thereof. 

"We  believe  in  the  same  organization  that  existed  in  the  primitive  church,  viz., 
apostles,  prophets,  pastors,  teachers,  evangelists,  etc. 

"  We  believe  in  the  gift  of  tongues,  prophecy,  revelation,  visions,  healing,  inter- 
pretation of  tongues,  etc. 

"  We  believe  the  Bible  to  be  the  Word  of  God,  as  far  as  it  is  translated  correctly; 
we  also  be'ieve  the  Book  of  Mormon  to  be  the  Word  of  God. 

"  We  believe  all  that  God  has  revealed,  all  that  He  does  now  reveal,  and  that  He 
will  yet  reveal  many  great  and  important  things  pertaining  to  the  kingdom  of  God. 

"We  believe  in  the  literal  gathering  of  Israel  and  in  the  restoration  of  the  Ten 
Tribes ;  that  Zion  will  be  built  upon  this  continent ;  that  Christ  will  reign  person- 
ally upon  the  earth,  and  that  the  earth  will  be  renewed  and  receive  its  paradisiac 
glory. 

"  We  claim  the  privilege  of  worshipping  Almighty  God  according  to  the  dictates 
of  our  conscience,  and  allow  all  men  the  same  privilege,  let  them  worship  how, 
where  or  what  they  may. 

"  We  believe  in  being  subject  to  kings,  presidents,  rulers  and  magistrates,  in 
obeying,  honoring  and  sustaining  the  law. 

"  We  believe  in  being  honest,  true,  chaste,  benevolent,  virtuous,  and  in  doing 
good  to  all  men  ;  indeed,  we  may  say  we  follow  the  admonitions  of  Paul  :  We  be- 
lieve all  things,  we  hope  for  all  things;  we  have  endured  many  things,  and  hope  to 
be  able  to  endure  all  things.  If  there  is  anything  virtuous,  lovely,  or  of  good 
report,  01  praiseworthy,  we  seek  after  these  things." 

Respecting  polygamy  the  Mormon  Confession  of  Faith  merely 
declares  :  "  That  marriage,  whether  monogamic  or  polygamic,  is 
honorable  in  all,  when  such  marriage  is  contracted  and  carried 
out  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  God." 


G50  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Th<_  Church  admits  the  freedom  of  individual  action.  There 
is  no  compulsion  beyond  public  opinion.  Apostacy  is  not  a 
crime,  nor  is  it  attended  with  proscription.  Members  pay  tithe 
a?  among  the  Hebrews,  and  afterwards  a  tenth  of  their  increase 
for  the  advancement  of  God's  work.  The  tithes  are  devoted  to 
the  relief  of  the  poor  anct  needy,  the  building  of  the  Temple, 
and  the  conversion  and  transportation  of  immigrants.  The  offi- 
cials are  the  first  presidency,  with  three  members  ;  second,  the 
twelve  apostles  ;  third,  the  councils  of  seventy ;  of  elders,  com- 
posed of  ninety-six  members  ;  of  priests,  forty-eight ;  of  teachers, 
twenty-four ;  of  deacons,  twelve.  The  first  presidency  and  the 
twelve  apostles  rule  the  whole  Church.  The  Territory  is  divided 
into  twenty-two  "  Stakes  of  Zion,"  each  having  its  council  of 
seventy,  of  elders,  priests,  teachers  and  deacons.  All  are  elected 
annually.  Missionaries  are  sent  to  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  A 
missionary  goes  without  salary  or  travelling  expenses.  If  with- 
out means  of  his  own,  he  must  support  himself  and  work  his 
way  in  his  field  during  his  mission,  which  covers  from  one  to 
two  years.  From  2,000  to  3,000  Mormon  immigrants  arrive  in 
Utah  annually,  as  the  result  of  missionary  solicitation.  They 
come  from  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  but  latterly  largely  from 
Germany  and  Sweden  and  Norway.  The  Central  Church  is  the 
Tabernacle  at  Salt  Lake  City,  a  monument  of  engineering  skill 
and  choice  workmanship,  250  feet  long  by  150  wide.  Near  it  is 
the  Temple,  which  has  been  under  process  of  erection  for  thirty 
years,  and  will  take  four  more  for  completion.  It  is  of  hewn 
stone,  unpretentious  in  design,  and  is  destined  to  be  a  per- 
manent reminder  of  what  is  deemed  an  imperishable  faith.  As 
a  church  organization  Mormonism  is  closely  and  adroitly  ce- 
mented. It  is  calculated  to  gather  and  hold  with  a  vigor  by  no 
means  common,  especially  in  a  field  so  isolated  as  Utah,  or 
wherever  the  enthusiasm  of  religion  assumes,  as  a  matter  of 
necessity  it  may  be,  to  make  partnership  with  the  social  and 
business  sides  of  life.  It  is  organization  all  through,  and  religion 
all  through,  from  the  least  to  the  highest  interest.  As  a  force, 
it  has  fervor  and  coherency.  It  is  questionable  whether  any 
other  organization  could  have  made  the  same  conquests  over 


POLYGAMY.  651 

rugged  and  forbidding  nature  in  the  same  time,  or  could  have 
maintained  so  steady  a  front  amid  apparently  insurmountable 
obstacles. 

POLYGAMY  PROPER.— -This  was  not  an  original  Mormon 
practice,  though  the  creed,  as  we  have  seen,  does  not  prohibit  it. 
Reverence  for  the  Bible  and  respect  for  its  exact  letter  led  to  its 
sanction  theoretically.  Circumstances  led  to  its  general  adop- 
tion. The  drafting  of  500  men  from  the  converts  on  their  way 
to  Utah,  thereby  leaving  the  women  in  a  majority,  or  without 
legal  protectors,  may  have  suggested  the  propriety  of  its  actual 
practice.  The  necessity  for  a  more  rapid  propagation  of  the 
species  than  the  monogamic  marriage  afforded,  and  the  desira- 
bility of  patriarchal  families  in  the  new  Canaan,  may  have 
hastene'd  the  growth  of  the  practice.  Once  fully  embraced,  it  is 
easy  to  see  that  it  must  be  defended  as  a  duty,  for  it  concerned 
the  social  weal  and  all  domestic  happiness  and  comfort.  They 
therefore  pointed  to  the  Old  Testament  examples.  They  asked 
what  was  meant  by  the  great  excess  of  females  in  the  Eastern 
States  and  in  all  full  and  ripe  communities.  They  declared  it 
to  be  a  natural  remedy  for  the  evils  of  prostitution,  and  a  cure 
for  marital  infidelity.  They  dropped  the  term  polygamy  as 
offensive,  and  dignified  the  estate  as  one  of  "  plural  marriage," 
a  contract  for  earth  and  sky,  time  and  eternity.  They  threw 
around  this  plural  and  celestial  marriage  all  the  solemnity  of 
monogamic  ceremony,  and  lest  its  practice  should  become  un- 
worthy or  dangerous,  they  limited  the  privilege  of  undertaking 
it  to  the  virtuous,  honest  and  upright,  whom  the  bishop  and  the 
president  of  the  stake  should  certify  as  worthy.  They  gave  it  a 
paradisiac  glamor  like  the  Mohammedans,  and  as  one  well-edu- 
cated Mormon  was  heard  to  say,  "  You  cannot  take  your  money, 
your  railway  or  mining  stocks  into  the  next  world  with  you ; 
but  our  marriage  is  not  only  for  life  but  for  eternity,  and  we 
shall  have  our  wives,  and  our  children  with  us,  and  so  make  a 
good  start  in  the  world  to  come." 

If  the  vows  of  plural  marriage  are  as  sacredly  taken  as  those 
of  monogamic  marriage,  and  as  sacredly  observed,  both  of  which 
Mormons  declare  them  to  be,  there  is  a  possibility  that,  in  their 


652  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

hands  and  under  their  practices,  it  is  less  objectionable  than  the 
polygamous  estate  of  the  ancient  Jews  or  that  of  modern  Mo- 
hammedanism. It  is  certainly  true  that  they  regard  adultery, 
fornication  and  bigamy  as  among  the  abominable  evils,  and  visit 
on  any  member  known  to  be  guilty  of  them  the  penalty  of  ex- 
communication; that  is,  he  is  cut  off  from  the  communion  of 
the  saints  and  all  fellowship  in  the  Church.  President  Taylor 
boldly  asserts  "  that  there  is  not  to-day  a  more  virtuous  com- 
munity in  the  world,  or  one  where  female  chastity  is  more 
highly  regarded  or  more  vigorously  protected." 

Mormons  take  great  pains  to  controvert  the  popular  notion 
that  the  plural  or  polygamous  marriage  is  illegal.  They  say 
the  Constitution  does  not  touch  the  subject,  but  leaves  all  matters 
relating  to  marriage  to  the  people  of  the  States.  The£  do  not 
admit  the  right  of  Congress  to  regulate  these  matters  in  the 
Territories,  but  claim  that  they  are  of  purely  local  concernment, 
and  of  right  belong  to  the  Territorial  Legislative  Assemblies ; 
and  in  this  connection  they  point  to  the  organic  act  of  Utah, 
"  That  the  legislative  power  of  said  Territory  shall  extend  to  all 
rightful  subjects  of  legislation  consistent  with  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  and  the  provisions  of  this  act."  Resting 
on  this  they  further  claim  that  Congress,  acting  according  to  the 
genius  of  our  institutions,  cannot  interfere  with  matters  in  the 
Territories,  which  in  the  States  are  left  to  the  States,  and  that  it 
should  not  pass  a  law  for  a  Territory  which  a  State  Legislature 
cannot  pass  for  its  State.  When  Congress  vindicates  itself  for 
attempting  to  regulate  social  affairs  in  the  Territories  by  point- 
ing to  British  interference  in  India  for  the  suppression  of  the 
suttee  (widow  burning),  the  Mormons  answer  that  such  inter- 
ference was  justified  because  the  suttee  brought  about  destruc- 
tion of  life.  But  they  say  polygamy  means  the  propagation  and 
perpetuation  of  the  human  species  under  the  same  solemn  forms 
as  monogamy,  and  they  turn  the  argument  on  their  opponents 
by  showing  that  Great  Britain  not  only  tolerates,  but  has  legis- 
lated to  protect  in  her  Indian  institutions,  upwards  of  240,000,000 
polygamous  subjects. 

Mormons  are  equally  sensitive  about  the  error  of  confounding 


POLYGAMY.  653 

bigamy  with  plural  marriage.  They,  in  common  with  all  per- 
sons, look  upon  bigamy  as  a  grievous  crime,  whose  essence  is 
fraud  of  the  very  worst  type — first  vows  broken,  first  wife  de- 
serted, second  vows  falsified,  second  wife  betrayed,  officiating 
officers  deceived.  In  plural  marriage  there  is  no  such  flagrant 
deception.  All  the  parties  know  it  to  be  a  doctrine  of  the 
Church,  and  all  accept  the  obligations  with  that  understanding. 
First,  second,  third  and  all  subsequent  wives,  together  with  all 
interested  in  the  arrangement,  are  acquainted  with  previous  and 
existing  facts,  have  a  full  conception  of  the  nature  of  the  estate, 
and  supposably  believe  in  its  religious  rectitude,  its  social  and 
domestic  advantages,  its  inducements  in  this  and  the  next  world. 
The  obligations  of  the  man  extend  to  all  his  wives  alike,  and  to 
all  his  children.  He  is  expected  to  meet  them  all.  That  he 
does  do  so  may  not  be  fully  proved  by  the  absence  of  waifs  and 
strays  in  a  strictly  Mormon  community,  nor  any  more  by 
absence  of  a  stream  of  children  gravitating  unerringly  toward  the 
poor  house — Mormons  have  no  such  institution — but  wherein 
he  fails,  the  Church  or  system  comes  to  his  relief  with  its  en- 
dowed charities,  administered  through  bishops  and  various  soci- 
eties. 

The  legal  status  of  husband  and  wife  under  the  plural  mar- 
riage is  thus  set  forth  by  Geo.  Q.  Cannon,  formerly  Delegate  to 
Congress  from  Utah :  "  There  is  an  impression  among  the  unin- 
formed that  the  man  who  enters  into  patriarchal  marriage  in 
Utah  has  but  little,  if  any,  responsibility  connected  with  it ;  that 
upon  his  partners  rest  all  the  burdens  and  unpleasant  features 
of  the  relationship ;  that  they,  in  becoming  his  wives,  become 
the  creatures  of  his  will,  and  that,  therefore,  their  civil  rights 
are  interfered  with.  This  view  is  wholly  incorrect.  It  is  the 
women,  under  the  system  of  patriarchal  marriage,  who  have 
liberty  and  not  the  men.  When  once  marriage  has  taken  place 
between  the  parties,  be  the  woman  ever  so  poor  or  friendless, 
ever  so  much  an  unprotected  stranger  in  the  land,  the  man  who 
knows  her  takes  upon  him  a  life-long  obligation  to  care  for 
her  and  the  fruit  of  the  union.  For  a  man  to  seek  for  a  divorce 
is  almost  unheard  of:  the  liberty  upon  this  point  rests  with  the 


654  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

woman ;  and  as  regards  a  separation,  if  her  position  should 
become  irksome,  or  distasteful  to  her  even,  and  she  should  de- 
sire a  separation,  not  only  is  the  man  bound  to  respect  the  ex- 
pressal  of  her  wish  to  that  effect,  but  he  is  bound  also  to  give 
her  and  her  offspring  a  proportionate  share  of  his  whole  property. 
They  are  no  longer  under  his  yoke ;  but  while  he  and  they  live, 
they  have  a  claim  upon  him  from  which  he  is  never  completely 
absolved." 

Again,  Mormons  are  touched  with  the  charge,  inherent  in 
much  of  the  Congressional  action  respecting  them,  to  the  effect 
that  they  are  not  competent  to  manage  the  local  affairs  of  their 
Territory  in  a  proper  way.  They  claim  that  they  are  honorable, 
peaceful,  industrious,  intelligent  and  religious  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  as  such  entitled  to  the  rights  and  privileges 
accorded  to  the  same  class  of  citizens  elsewhere.  They  repudiate 
all  thought  of  hostility  to  our  institutions,  or  of  an  attempt  to 
establish  a  hierarchy  unrepublican  in  spirit  and  inimical  to  the 
central  government.  They  point  with  much  pride  to  the  charac- 
ter of  their  Territorial  legislation  and  invite  a  comparison  of  it 
with  that  of  other  Territories,  or  even  States.  And  when  such 
legislation  is  impartially  examined  much  will  be  found  in  it  that 
is  commendable.  There  is  no  Territorial  debt,  and  the  tax  rates 
are  low.  In  1882  Utah  petitioned  Congress  for  admission  into 
the  Union  as  a  State.  The  Constitution,  agreed  upon  in  a  nine 
days'  Convention  of  seventy-two  delegates,  was  liberal  on  all 
political,  social  and  religious  questions,  and  might  safely  be  taken 
as  a  model  by  any  of  the  Territories.  It  provided  that  the  right 
to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience  should 
never  be  infringed;  that  no  interference  with  liberty  of  con- 
science should  be  permitted ;  that  no  religious  test  or  prop- 
erty qualification  should  be  required  for  any  office  of  public 
trust,  or  vote  at  any  election,  and  that  no  person  should  be  in- 
competent to  testify  on  account  of  religious  belief;  that  every 
citizen  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  should  be  entitled  to  vote  at 
State  elections ;  that  women  were  citizens  and  might  not  only 
vote  but  hold  elective  offices,  being  disqualified  only  as  judges, 
jurors  and  members  of  the  executive  department.     Liberal  as 


POLYGAMY.  655 

all  this  was,  Congress  refused  the  application,  though  the  vote 
of  the  Territory  on  the  Constitution  was  well-nigh  unanimous, 
being  27,814  for,  to  498  against. 

What  has  thus  far  been  said  of  the  peculiar  institution  of 
Mormonism  and  of  that  blot  upon  it  known  as  polygamy,  will, 
it  is  hoped,  serve  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  it  when  viewed  in 
its  most  favorable  light.  The  data  used  has  been  drawn  largely 
from  Mormon  sources,  or  from  writers  adjudged  to  be  without 
prejudices  and  impartial.  The  object  in  thus  presenting  it  is  to 
avoid  the  charge  often  made  by  Mormons,  and  too  often  with 
truth,  that  there  is  a  disposition  abroad  among  anti-Mormons  to 
misrepresent  them.  There  is  nothing  gained  by  this.  No  so- 
lution of  the  serious  problem  of  polygamy  can  prove  satisfactory 
that  proceeds  on  false  information  or  false  premise.  Nor  can 
the  government  do  justice  to  itself  or  to  that  overwhelming 
monogamic  and  Christian  sentiment  of  the  country,  if  in  dealing 
with  what  is  deemed  the  odious  or  criminal  side  of  a  religious 
institution  it  indiscriminately  and  cruelly  crushes  all  its  possi- 
bilities of  doing  good. 

CONGRESSIONAL  LEGISLATION— The  first  anti-Po- 
lygamy law  was  passed  in  1862.  It  simply  disfranchised  those 
who  had  contracted  plural  or  bigamous  marriages.  It  was  of 
no  practical  use.  Only  a  small  per  cent,  of  Mormons  were,  and 
are,  in  the  polygamic  estate.  The  next  important  measure  was 
the  "  Poland  Polygamy  Bill,"  which  passed  the  Forty-third 
Congress,  First  Session,  1874.  It  created  a  District  Court  for 
the  Territory,  and  in  addition  to  the  disqualifications  of  the 
former  acts,  excluded  polygamous  persons  from  the  jury  box 
when  bigamy  cases  were  being  tried.  Like  all  other  acts  thus 
far  it  failed  to  have  any  perceptible  good  effect.  Meanwhile 
public  sentiment  became  more  urgent.  Polygamy  was  de- 
nounced in  many  of  the  political  platforms.  In  1882  the  cele- 
brated Edmunds  Act  was  passed.  It  was  by  far  the  most  radical 
step  the  Government  had  yet  taken.  It  defined  polygamy  and 
provided  for  its  punishment.  It  laid  down  a  code  of  criminal 
procedure  applicable  to  the  trial  of  polygamous  cases.  It  took 
away  the  elective  franchise  from  polygamists,  male  and  female. 


656  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  provided  a  commission  of  five  persons,  appointive  by  the 
President  and  Senate,  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  act.  It 
was  thought  to  be  a  well-digested  and  effective  act.  In  its 
practical  application  it  has  fallen  as  short  as  the  others,  though 
it  has  served  better  than  all  others  to  show  the  country  the 
intricacies  and  true  inwardness  of  the  Mormon  problem.  Its 
constitutionality  is  now  being  contested  before  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  Commission  under  it  succeeded  in  disfranchising 
some  1 6,ooo  polygamic  electors,  male  and  female,  but  the 
monogamic  Mormons  still  constitute  an  overwhelming  majority 
of  the  voters,  and  control  Utah  public  sentiment  as  much  as 
ever. 

Other  bills  have  been  conceived,  and  are  now  pending,  look- 
ing to  a  still  more  heroic  treatment  of  the  situation.  But  many 
of  our  best  statesmen  despair  of  this  species  of  legislative 
remedy.  It  is  not,  thus  far,  apparent  that  the  true  seat  of  the 
cancer  has  been  reached.  Mormonism  is  not  seemingly  dis- 
couraged. On  the  contrary  it  is,  if  anything,  more  ingenious 
and  defiant  than  ever.  It  is,  in  all  probability,  not  unlike  other 
religions,  and  especially  those  of  a  fanatical  type,  which  court 
rather  than  dread  persecution,  and  thrive  rather  than  die  under 
it.  Taking  the  views  of  President  Arthur  as  a  criterion,  some 
more  direct  and  far-reaching  remedy  must  be  devised.  All 
previous  surgery  has  been  too  tame — nothing  more  than 
coquetry  with  a  grave  situation.  He  said  in  his  last  message, 
December,  1883,  "I  am  convinced  that  polygamy  has  become 
so  strongly  entrenched  in  the  Territory  of  Utah  that  it  is  profit- 
less to  attack  it  with  any  but  the  stoutest  weapons  which  Consti- 
tutional legislation  can  fashion.  I  favor  therefore  the  repeal  of 
the  act  upon  which  the  present  government  of  the  Territory 
depends,  the  assumption  by  the  National  Legislature  of  the 
entire  political  control  of  the  Territory,  and  the  establishment  of 
a  commission  with  such  powers  and  duties  as  shall  be  delegated 
to  it  by  law." 

SENTIMENT.— It  is  likely  that  this  conviction  and  these 
recommendations  of  the  President  are  the  beginning  of  a  new 
order  of  thought  and  action  respecting  polygamy.     They  cer- 


POLYGAMY.  657 

tainly  reflect  the  ideas  of  a  large  and  respectable  class,  who  are 
thoroughly  tired  of  piecemeal  attack  upon  an  institution  which 
they  regard  as  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  dangerous 
to  morality  and  religion.  The  merit  of  the  plan  would  consist 
in  its  attempt  to  undermine  the  genius  of  the  institution.  This 
was  partly  the  merit  of  the  Edmunds  law,  whose  central  thought 
was  to  prefer  Mormon  monogamists,  in  matters  of  office  and 
administration,  to  Mormon  polygamists,  well  knowing  that  a 
majority  were  monogamists.  But  this  preference  for  mono- 
gamists did  not  disparage  polygamists  at  all.  On  the  contrary 
they  were  prouder  of  the  fact  that  they  "  lived  their  religion  " 
amid  disqualification.  Moreover  the  discrimination  had  a 
horrible  color,  for  one  must  ever  fail  to  see  how  a  monogamic 
Mormon  who  upholds,  defends  and  supports  an  institution 
that  outrages  virtue  and  the  law  is  any  better,  or  as  good, 
as  the  man  who,  professing  a  belief,  is  consistent  enough  to 
practice  it. 

As  against  this  heroic  method  of  treatment  Mormonism  urges 
(i)  That  it  would  be  the  destruction  of  republican  liberty  in  Utah. 
(2)  That  the  destruction  of  the  local  Territorial  government 
would  not  affect  the  institution  of  polygamy,  which  even  now  is 
not  recognized  by  Territorial  laws,  nor  yet  by  the  civil  law,  but 
which  exists  ecclesiastically,  perpetually  and  eternally,  as  part 
of  a  faith,  and  with  the  sanction  of  the  Almighty  who  established 
it  for  the  benefit  of  his  people  and  the  fulness  of  his  glory.  (3) 
That  the  government  cannot  so  interfere  with  the  local  affairs  of 
a  Territory. 

The  first  two  objections  are  argumentative,  the  last  legal. 
And  as  to  the  last  the  Constitution  says,  "  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations 
respecting  the  Territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States."  The  Supreme  Court  has  said,  1  Peters,  511: 
"  In  legislating  for  them  (Territories)  Congress  exercises  the 
combined  powers  of  the  general  and  of  a  State  government." 
Again,  II  Otto,  129:  "The  Territories  are  but  political  sub- 
divisions of  the  outlying  dominion  of  the  United  States.  Their 
relation  to  the  general  government  is  much  the  same  as  that 
42 


658  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

which  counties  bear  to  the  respective  States,  and  Congress  may 
legislate  for  them  as  a  State  does  for  its  municipal  organizations. 
The  organic  law  of  a  Territory  takes  the  place  of  a  Constitution 
as  the  fundamental  law  of  local  government."  And  again,  18 
Watt,  317:  "The  government  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States  belongs  primarily  to  Congress,  and  secondarily  to  such 
agencies  as  Congress  may  establish  for  the  purpose.  During 
the  term  of  their  pupilage  as  Territories,  they  are  mere  depend- 
encies of  the  United  States.  Their  people  do  not  constitute  a 
sovereign  power.  All  political  authority  exercised  therein  is 
derived  from  the  general  government.  Strictly  speaking  there 
is  no  sovereignty  in  a  Territory  but  that  of  the  United  States 
itself.  Crimes  committed  therein  are  committed  against  the 
government  and  dignity  of  the  United  States." 

It  would  appear  therefore  that  the  power  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment to  deal  with  polygamy  or  any  other  question  in  the 
Territories  is  ample.  It  is  only  its  methods  that  have  been 
faulty.  The  method  proposed  by  the  President  seems  like  a 
last  resort;  or,  at  least,  one  which  involves  the  experience 
derived  from  the  failure  of  all  former  methods.  Some  minds 
favor  the  application  of  direct  force.  This  would  be  brutal  in 
the  extreme,  and  unworthy  the  age.  Mormons  are  numerous, 
and  fixed.  They  are  not  hostile,  except  as  their  institution  on 
its  polygamic  side  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  time 
and  law  of  the  realm.  The  century  cannot  afford  to  repeat,  in 
enlightened  America,  either  the  banishment  of  the  Moors  from 
Spain,  or  the  massacre  of  the  Huguenots  in  France.  Another  set 
of  minds,  among  which  is  Mr.  Beecher's,  favor  letting  the  Mor- 
mons alone,  and  sending  teachers  and  preachers  to  establish 
schools  and  churches  in  their  midst.  They  argue  that  if  it  is 
possible  to  convert  the  people  of  Asia  and  Africa,  it  is  surely 
possible  to  help  Utah  by  gospel  influences.  These  forget  the 
fact  that  Utah  is  already  in  possession  of  as  good  schools  as 
there  are  in  the  country,  and  that  there  already  exist  there 
Episcopal,  Catholic,  Baptist,  Congregational,  Presbyterian, 
and  possibly  other  churches ;  but  that  the  latter  are  dwarfed  by 
the  dominant  faith,  and  converts  are  less  frequent  from  than  to 


POLYGAMY.  659 

Mormonism ;  and  that  the  former  are  prosperous  only  as  they 
suit  the  genius  of  the  people  who  support  them.  Joaquin 
Miller,  who  has  given  much  study  to  the  problem,  is  of  the 
opinion  that  education  will  finally  eradicate  both  polygamy  and 
Mormonism,  but  that  the  Federal  government  must  take  the 
system  of  schools  into  its  own  hands,  and  must  at  the  expense 
of  much  time  and  money  make  it  the  most  enlightened  spot 
in  the  country.  Then  and  then  only  will  the  institution  wane 
and  perish. 

Mr.  Barclay,  a  member  of  the  English  Parliament,  who  made 
a  visit  to  Utah  recently,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  Mormon 
institutions,  thinks  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  get  angry  over 
polygamy,  or  to  take  any  doubtful  constitutional  measures  for 
its  suppression.  He  regards  its  establishment  as  due  to  excep- 
tional circumstances,  which  have  long  since  passed  away,  and 
whose  results  will  be  gradually  overcome  by  the  contact  of  Utah 
with  the  outer  world.  He  further  says,  that  woman's  nature  is 
not  different  there  from  what  it  is  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  and 
that  with  the  ballot  in  her  hands,  she  will  speedily  settle  the 
question  of  polygamy,  in  which  she  is  more  largely  concerned 
than  the  opposite  sex,  if  it  should  appear  to  her  that  it  deprives 
her  sex  of  any  of  its  rights,  and  especially  the  exclusive  right  to 
a  husband. 

The  present  Governor  of  Utah,  E.  H.  Murray,  regards  the 
entire  government  of  Utah,  organized  under  the  act  of  1 850, 
which  created  the  Territory,  as  an  unlawful  government,  because 
it  is  not  republican  in  spirit,  but  a  mixed  religious  and  political 
institution,  designed  to  perpetuate  a  hierarchy.  He  charges  that 
the  Mormons  have  ingeniously  used  the  republican  forms  of 
government  given  them  under  the  organic  act,  and  the  political 
rights  therein  assured,  for  the  purpose  of  building  and  perpetuat- 
ing their  objectionable  faith  and  protecting  their  obnoxious  prac- 
tices, and  that  in  this  respect  they  themselves  are  violators  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  Congress,  none  of  which  sanc- 
tion special  religions,  or  can  be  turned  directly  to  their  account. 
If  this  view  be  correct,  and  he  supports  it  with  much  convincing 
argument,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  why  all  efforts  to  uproot  Mor- 


660  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

monism  or  banish  polygamy  by  penal  or  prohibitory  legislation 
have  failed,  and  why  they  must  prove  abortive  in  the  future. 
They  do  not  touch  the  genius  of  the  institution,  are  not  down  to 
its  tap-roots.  Moreover,  if  the  whole  political  organization  of 
the  Territory  is  thus  infected  with  the  religion,  exists  only  to 
perpetuate  it  and  its  practices,  is  unrepublican  in  spirit  and  fact, 
and  therefore  inimical  to  our  institutions,  not  actively  but  se- 
cretly, it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  a  remedy  short  of  the  heroic 
one  proposed  by  the  President,  unless,  forsooth,  we  cease  entirely 
to  make  polygamy  and  the  peculiar  religion  which  supports  it  a 
prominent  question,  and  give  it  over  for  solution  to  the  agency 
of  time  and  circumstance. 

A  concluding  thought  is,  that  the  charge  made  by  the  Mor- 
mons that  all  this  Congressional  interference  springs  from  an 
unholy  desire  to  get  the  Territorial  offices  and  patronage  for 
Federal  appointees,  as  well  as  the  combined  Gentile  and  Mormon 
charge  that  the  failure  of  remedial  legislation  is  due  to  unworthy 
and  inefficient  agents  appointed  to  carry  it  into  effect,  would  be 
met  by  a  withdrawal  of  the  entire  system  of  Territorial  govern- 
ment, and  the  substitution  of  a  new  one  to  be  framed  and  carried 
on  under  the  auspices  of  an  intelligent  and  impartial  Commission 
until  such  time  as  the  people  themselves  could  give  a  guarantee 
that  it  would  be  conducted  in  a  republican  spirit  and  according 
to  the  statutes  prohibiting  polygamy  and  every  class  of  crime. 


PROHIBITION. 

HAT  IT  IS. — Temperance  in  general  is  as  old  as  morals. 
As  restricted  to  intoxicating  liquors,  it  has  ever  been  a 
profound  sentiment  among  wise  and  good  men,  which 
has  found  oft  and  eloquent  expression.  It  runs  through 
every  grave  philosophy,  and  is  a  part  of  every  promi- 
nent religion. 

The  sacred  books  of  the  Hindoo  urge  total  abstinence  from 
intoxicants.  One  of  the  Buddhist  commandments  reads  :  "  Thou 
shalt  not  drink  any  intoxicating  liquors."  The  Koran  forbids 
the  use  of  wines  and  liquors,  and  Mohammedans  carry  practical 
temperance  further  than  any  other  people.  Christianity  incul- 
cates temperance,  but  in  no  dogmatic  form,  and  quite  too  gen- 
erally to  escape  entirely  the  charge  that  Christian  peoples  are 
not  essentially  temperate. 

No  truth  is  better  established  nor  more  universally  accepted 
than  that  intemperance  is  an  evil.  There  can  be  no  successful 
denial  of  the  fact  that  it  injures  mind  and  body,  depraves  the 
moral  nature,  conduces  to  crime.  It  is  the  pronounced  enemy 
of  the  home  establishment,  introducing  neglect,  discord,  estrange- 
ment, bankruptcy  and  want.  It  is  equally  the  foe  of  society  and 
the  political  state,  degrading  the  one  and  brutalizing  and  endan- 
gering the  other. 

Its  evil  extent  is  shown  in  the  formidable  figures  of  pauperism 
in  this  and  other  countries,  four-fifths  of  which  are  credited  directly 
to  strong  drink.  It  is  similarly  shown  in  the  statistics  of  crime, 
a  like  proportion  of  which  is  attributed  to  drunkenness.  While 
these  figures  are  startling,  they  convey  but  a  slim  impression  of 
the  pernicious  results  of  intemperance.  Leaving  out  the  annual 
expenditure  for  drink,  which  can  only  be  measured  by  hundreds 

(661) 


(362  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

of  millions  of  dollars  in  this  country  alone,  and  which  in  its  most 
favorable  light  is  sheer  waste,  if  not  worse ;  there  are  deeper 
seated,  and  therefore  incomputable,  results  which  men  and  women 
only  witness  inside  of  their  homes  and  in  the  social  circle,  and 
which  are  secretly  mourned  as  something  worse  than  death 
itself. 

So  long  as  intemperance  was  regarded  as  simply  a  misfortune 
of  the  victim,  as  something  over  which  he  had,  or  ought  to  have, 
control,  and  for  which  he  alone  was  individually  responsible,  it 
was  treated  as  a  question  of  pure  morals.  Society,  relying  on 
the  aid  of  the  church  and  on  such  other  agencies  as  were  at 
command  for  convincing  men  of  their  error,  and  establishing  in 
them  a  control  of  their  passions,  rested  her  case  on  the  argu- 
ment of  moral  suasion.  The  argument  took  many  forms,  was 
always  earnestly  pressed,  and  led  to  much  practical  good.  It 
certainly  elevated  the  plane  of  temperance  sentiment,  fortified 
individuals  and  communities  against  drink  temptation,  and  threw 
into  stronger  contrast  the  viciousness  of  intemperance  and  the 
virtue  of  abstinence.     To  this  end  it  is  still  effectually  used. 

But  there  sprung  up  the  advanced  thought,  possibly  from  the 
seeds  of  long  experience,  that  the  victim  of  intemperance  was 
not  the  only  party  responsible  for  the  vice,  and  that  his  reforma- 
tion, however  gratifying  personally  or  socially,  was  not  reaching 
a  cause  which  operated  beyond  him,  and  was  dragging  others 
down.  In  the  new  light  thrown  on  the  situation,  it  appeared 
that  if  temperance  agencies  were  only  to  be  used  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  drunkard,  they  must  have  never-ending  and  hopeless 
employment,  for  the  victim,  being  weakened  in  his  moral  sense, 
is  to  a  certain  extent  beyond  reach  of  those  agencies ;  or  looking 
on  him  from  a  scientific  standpoint,  he  has  contracted  a  disease 
(dipsomania),  and  is  a  fitter  subject  for  a  doctor  than  a  moral 
reformer.  It  further  appeared  that  however  high,  wide,  and 
pure  the  sentiment  against  drinking  might  be  built  by  those 
agencies,  it  was  being  continually  undermined  by  perpetual  in- 
ducement to  drink  provided  by  the  constant  manufacture  and 
general  sale  of  liquors. 

Therefore,  under  the  new  thought,  temperance  got  to  mean 


PROHIBITION.  G63 

vastly  more  than  oratory,  pleading  and  pledges.  It  left  its 
prayerful,  expostulating,  persuasive  abode  in  the  domain  of  re- 
sults, and,  passing  over,  took  a  high,  inquiring,  critical,  threaten- 
ing seat  in  the  midst  of  causes.  It  grouped  the  victim,  vendor 
and  manufacturer  of  liquors  in  a  common  category,  and  chose  to 
see  in  them  all  combined  the  very  power  for  evil  it  sought  to 
smite.     This  power  it  would  hold  responsible  as  an  entirety. 

But  this  was  no  longer  old-fashioned,  simple  temperance.  It 
was  "prohibition,"  and  by  this  name  it  came  to  be  known.  Pro- 
hibition does  not  exclude  temperance  means  and  arguments.  It 
still  persuades  and  instructs,  but  in  addition  it  invokes  political 
aid,  seeks  to  secure  prohibitive  laws  through  triumphant  party 
agency.     It  is  political  temperance. 

Its  direct  advocates  do  not  as  yet  embrace  all  temperance  peo- 
ple, for  prohibition  was  a  virtual  breaking  of  new  ground.  In  a 
certain  sense  it  was  a  bold,  forward  step  in  the  face  of  many  pre- 
judices, and  squarely  in  front  of  a  host  of  novel  and  difficult 
questions.  It  was  a  confession  of  lack  of  faith  in  the  absolute 
efficacy  of  time-honored  and  purely  moral  cures  for  a  great  evil. 
It  very  naturally  startled  temperance  advocates  when  it  asked  them 
to  shake  off  ancient  party  affiliations,  renounce  political  creeds, 
and  join  an  organization  whose  cardinal  tenet  may  have  had  the 
charm  of  novelty,  but  whose  practicability  remained  to  be  proved. 
It  sought  political  coherency  for  thoughts  which  former  genera- 
tions had  declined  to  associate  with  the  ballot.  It  invoked  the 
power  of  direct  law  against  a  manufacture  which  had  all  along 
been  considered  legitimate,  and  against  an  occupation  which  had 
ranked  as  an  industry..  It  defied  the  odium  of  sumptuary  enact- 
ments and  interference  with  personal  liberty,  and  claimed  all 
legislative  measures  as  justifiable  which  society  needed  and  de- 
manded for  its  purification  and  preservation.  It  provoked  con- 
stitutional objections  and  met  them  by  the  heroic  remedy  of  con- 
stitutional amendments,  in  the  name  of  peace,  prosperity  and 
morality.  It  ceased  to  regard  the  liquor  problem,  from  the  still 
to  the  almshouse  or  drunkard's  grave,  as  one  to  be  treated  on 
the  basis  of  an  evil  simply,  but  charged  it  up  as  a  crime  to  be 
prevented,  abated,  or  punished  by  vigorous  statutes. 


664  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Prohibition  had  thus  much  to  contend  with.  But  it  began 
hopefully  and  worked  energetically.  Its  voice  in  the  beginning 
was  smaller  than  that  first  heard  against  involuntary  servitude. 
It  lost  ten  years  by  the  civil  war  and  its  after  questions.  It  may 
have  lost  more  time  than  this  by  early  attempts  to  carry  too 
many  reforms  at  once.  It  has  latterly  unloaded  its  side  issues, 
and  taken  a  more  central  aim.  Prohibition,  to-day,  is  an  un- 
qualified theme. 

Is  there  in  it  or  about  it  that  which  so  commends  it  to  the 
judgment  of  men  as  to  incline  them  to  make  it  the  basis  of  a 
great  party?  If  all  issues  were  dropped  except  that  of  prohibi- 
tion, could  it  triumph  on  its  political  merits  ?  Can  it  ever  so 
engage  the  popular  mind  as  to  overshadow  all  other  party  ques- 
tions ?  If  triumphant,  could  it  permanently  engraft  prohibition 
on  our  political  system  ?  Is  it  more  to  be  relied  on  for  effective 
temperance  reform  than  the  usual  non-political  agencies  ?  These 
questions  must  be  asked,  and  prohibition  must  answer.  Upon 
the  answer  hangs  its  future  success.  It  ought  to  be  encouraged 
by  the  growing  frequency  of  the  questions,  and  further  by  the 
fact  that,  whether  they  are  asked  or  answered,  there  is  deep 
down  in  the  bosom  of  the  masses  a  sentiment  not  by  any  means 
averse  to  a  fair  test  of  the  prohibitive  idea.  There  is  no  telling 
at  what  moment  this  sentiment  may  respond  to  some  timely  and 
masterly  touch,  or  break  forth  in  answer  to  some  clarion  call. 
The  recent  (1883)  movement  in  Ohio  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
revelation.  Till  then  it  seemed  impossible  to  keep  prohibition 
in  sight  while  the  two  leading  parties  were  angrily  wrestling  for 
mastery.  It  not  only  appeared  everywhere  in  the  midst  of  the 
din,  but  gathered  cohorts  of  every  political  shade,  and  doubtless 
won  at  the  polls. 

HISTORIC  GROWTH.— All  the  States  tacitly  regarded  the 
sale  of  liquors  as  something  outside  of  the  usual  line  of  occupa- 
tions. They  therefore  assumed  to  regulate  the  business,  that  is, 
keep  it  in  trustworthy  hands,  for  the  safety  of  the  citizen  and 
society,  by  granting  licenses  to  approved  vendors.  This  check 
was  for  a  long  time  regarded  as  sufficient,  or,  at  least,  as  much 
of  an  interference  on  the  part  of  the  State  as  the  matter  seemed 
to  call  for. 


PROHIBITION.  665 

The  benefits  of  a  license  system  were  largely  lost  by  failure  to 
confer  the  privilege  on  responsible  persons.  It  is  no  longer  re- 
garded as  an  adequate  check,  or  as  a  source  of  safety  to  indi- 
vidual or  society.  Latterly  it  has  come  to  be  viewed  by  pro- 
hibitionists as  an  unwarranted  legalization  of  a  criminal  traffic 
by  the  very  power  whose  duty  it  is  to  prevent  crime.  The 
license  system  and  the  usual  temperance  and  church  agencies 
were  the  restraints  on  intemperance,  till  say  within  fifty  years. 

In  1823  Henry  Ware  in  an  address  before  the  Massachusetts 
Society  for  the  Suppression  of  Intemperance  took  the  ground 
that  no  power  can  suppress  the  evil  of  intemperance  short  of  the 
"  Legislature  of  the  nation."  This  is  just  where  the  more  ad- 
vanced prohibitionists  stand  to-day.  They  regard  State  prohibi- 
tion as  well  enough  in  its  way,  but  ineffective  for  lack  of  concur- 
rence among  the  States,  and  still  so  if  the  general  government 
all  the  while  permits  manufacture,  importation  and  transit  of 
liquors. 

Other  prominent  temperance  men,  divines  and  associations 
reflected  the  above  sentiment  for  many  years.  In  1 837  the  first 
effort  was  made  to  suppress  the  license  laws  of  a  State,  in  the 
Maine  Legislature.  They  were  denounced  as  "  the  support  and 
life  of  the  traffic,"  and  a  committee  reported  in  favor  of  "  the 
entire  prohibition  of  all  sale  of  liquors,  except  for  medicine  and 
the  arts."  The  next  year  (1838)  Massachusetts  prohibited  the 
sale  of  liquors  in  quantities  less  than  fifteen  gallons.  In  the 
same  year  a  move  was  made  in  the  legislatures  of  New  York 
and  Tennessee  to  abolish  license.  Connecticut  did  repeal  her 
license  laws  and  threw  stronger  guards  around  the  traffic. 

LOCAL  OPTION. — This  agitation  of  the  question  set  legis- 
lators to  thinking.  They  were  not  sure  of  ground  much  beyond 
the  old  license  system.  Constituencies  were  divided.  Some 
were  pronouncedly  in  favor  of  change,  others  not.  Out  of  re- 
spect for  the  popular  voice,  and  in  order  to  shove  the  responsi- 
bility on  the  voter,  the  idea  of  Local  Option  got  to  be  largely 
entertained.  From  1840  to  1850  may  be  called  the  Local  Option 
era  of  temperance.  During  that  period  quite  a  number  of  the 
States  enacted  that  the  people  of  any  township,  district  or  county 


QQQ  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

might  vote  on  the  question  of  license  or  no  license,  and  their 
decision  should  be  the  law  till  similarly  revoked. 

This  experiment  was  necessarily  brief,  though  highly  useful  in 
an  educational  sense.  It  taught  the  folly  of  relying  on  laws 
passed  for  localities  and  with  no  machinery  to  enforce  them  ex- 
cept that  of  the  State,  which  was  just  as  likely  to  be  indifferent 
or  hostile  as  favorable.  It  taught,  further,  the  futility  of  an  ex- 
periment liable  to  be  interfered  with  at  each  annual  election,  for 
local  option  was  simply  a  convenience,  hardly  a  substantial 
moral  force  backed  by  pronounced  and  enduring  sentiment. 
Moreover,  the  localities  to  which  it  applied  were  small  and  their 
efforts  were  likely  to  be  neutralized  by  the  opposite  action  of 
surrounding  townships  and  counties. 

DIRECT  LA  IV. — In  1846  Maine  enacted  a  law  prohibiting 
traffic  in  intoxicants  under  penalties.  It  failed  because  the  pen- 
alties were  only  fines,  which  were  paid  by  vendors  who  con- 
tinued their  business.  In  1851  General  Neal  Dow  proposed  the 
"  Maine  Law."  It  was  passed,  and  imposed  the  penalty  of  fine 
and  imprisonment  on  vendors,  as  well  as  authorized  the  seizure 
and  destruction  of  liquors  illegally  held  for  sale.  It  was  re- 
pealed in  1856  and  license  substituted,  but  was  re-enacted  in 
1858  with  severer  clauses.  Its  re-enactment  was  ratified  by  the 
people  by  over  20,000  majority.  It  was  thus  clinched  by  what 
all  previous  temperance  laws  lacked,  viz.,  a  pronounced  popular 
sentiment.  It  has  stood,  in  substance,  ever  since,  subject  of 
course  to  much  criticism  and  to  many  violations,  but  by  no 
means  a  disproof  of  the  wisdom-  of  political  regulation  of  the 
traffic. 

Delaware  followed  Maine  with  a  prohibitory  law,  in  1847, 
which  was  declared  unconstitutional,  but  was  re-enacted  in  1855. 
Rhode  Island  passed  a  prohibitory  law,  in  1 85 2,  which  was  un- 
constitutional. It  was  amended  in  1853  and  stood  till  1 865, 
when  it  gave  way  to  local  option.  This  was  supplanted  by 
prohibition  in  1874,  which  only  lasted  one  year. 

The  Vermont  prohibitory  law  of  1852  still  stands,  though  re- 
peatedly amended  and  elaborated  till  it  is  by  all  odds  the  most 
formidable  code  on  the  statute  books  of  the  State. 


PROHIBITION.  667 

Massachusetts  moved  for  prohibition  in  1852,  but  her  law  did 
not  stand  judicial  test.  A  new  law  was  passed  in  1855,  which 
gave  way  to  a  license  system  in  1868,  but  was  restored  in  1869 
in  a  milder  form.  This  stood,  with  various  modifications,  till 
1875,  when  prohibition  was  overthrown  by  a  license  system. 

In  Connecticut  the  prohibitory  statute  of  1854  was  repealed 
in  1872.  The  New  York  law  of  1855  was  declared  unconstitu- 
tional in  1856  and  fell.  The  modified  prohibition  laws  of  New 
Hampshire,  passed  in  1855,  remain.  In  1859  Michigan  intro- 
duced prohibition  into  her  State  Constitution,  or  rather  an  anti- 
license  clause.  She  had  previously  (1853)  ratified  a  prohibitory 
law,  whose  submission  was  declared  unconstitutional  by  a  di- 
vided bench.  This  law  was  re-enacted  in  1855,  and  since  then 
has  been  a  constant  source  of  worriment  to  political  parties.  It 
was  finally  repealed  in  1875,  and  a  tax  law  substituted. 

Indiana  passed  a  prohibitory  law  in  1853,  which  was  ratified 
by  the  people,  but  pronounced  unconstitutional.  It  was  re- 
affirmed in  1855,  but  again  fell  under  judicial  displeasure.  The 
Iowa  law  of  1855  was  an  anti-license  measure.  Prohibition  has 
recently  received  fresh  impetus  in  the  State  in  the  shape  of  a 
proposed  Constitutional  amendment  and  severer  enactments 
against  indiscriminate  traffic  in  liquors,  and  the  same  may  be 
said  of  Wisconsin.  In  Illinois  the  prohibitory  law  of  1855 
failed  of  approval  by  the  people.  Political  temperance  was  active 
in  nearly  all  the  States  up  till  the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war. 
The  sketch  above  given  shows  where  and,  to  some  extent,  how 
it  culminated  in  what  may  be  called  prohibition  States.  It  will 
be  observed  that  in  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  them  it  was  forced  to 
undergo  judicial  test,  and  that  in  many  it  failed.  It  will  be  ob- 
served further  that  in  other  States  it  was  an  exceedingly  fluctuat- 
ing force,  really  barren  of  practical  results.  Only  in  Maine  and 
Vermont  has  it  been  steady,  and  judgment  respecting  it  ought 
to  rest  on  a  study  of  its  work  in  these  two  States  rather  than  on 
its  ephemeral  career  or  signal  failure  in  others.  Prohibitive  zeal 
may  have  outstripped  discretion  in  some  instances  and  thus 
drawn  judicial  disfavor.  In  other  cases  it  could  scarcely  hope 
to  contend  successfully  or  for  any  long  time  with  organized 
party  forces. 


QQS  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

There  was  now  a  break  in  the  history  of  prohibition.  War 
suspended  its  aggressive  motion  at  a  time  when  very  few  of  the 
States  were  averse  to  fair  experiment  with  it,  when,  it  may  be 
safely  assumed,  there  was  a  strong  current  of  sentiment  against 
the  old  license  or  regulation  system,  and  when  the  popular  mind 
was  in  the  midst  of  intelligent  inquiry  into  all  temperance  pro- 
posals. 

The  thread  of  its  history  was  taken  up  again  in  1865,  and  in 
a  new  shape.  Political  temperance  till  this  time  required  the  use 
of  parties  as  they  were  found  to  exist.  It  forced  situations  so 
that  one  or  another  of  the  political  organizations  came  to  its 
rescue  and  helped  it  to  what  it  demanded.  Therefore  a  larger 
issue,  like  the  war,  or  any  overshadowing  measure  in  a  cam- 
paign, drove  it  into  the  background.  Besides,  parties  did  not 
take  to  it  as  a  matter  of  conviction  but  of  policy.  They  played 
fast  and  loose  with  it,  used  it  as  a  means  of  discomfiting  enemies 
and  scoring  successes.  It  therefore  appeared  useless  to  depend 
further  on  agencies  so  fickle  and  insincere.  Moreover,  these 
were  only  State  or  local  efforts.  The  success  of  any  one  did  not 
assure  general  amelioration  of  the  drinking  evil.  It  must  be  at- 
tacked nationally  if  its  very  roots  were  to  be  cut.  Again,  it 
must  be  confronted  with  a  party  which  could  be  relied  upon — a 
party  of  its  own. 

As  impelling  to  this  end  the  open  opponents  of  prohibition 
had  organized  for  their  protection  both  in  State  and  National  As- 
sociations. The  Beer  Brewers'  Association  was  formed  in  1862. 
It  mentioned  among  the  dangers  which  threatened  their  interests : 
"  The  progress  of  the  prohibition  cause,  through  whose  agency 
thirteen  States  had  enacted  the  '  Maine  Law,'  and  more  than  a 
million  voters  had  been  pledged  to  its  support."  This  was  re- 
garded as  carrying  "  temperance  into  politics  "  by  the  very  ele- 
ments which  had  all  along  deprecated  such  an  aim.  It  was 
therefore  accepted  as  a  challenge. 

All  along  temperance  had  been  using  the  agency  of  various 
societies,  chief  among  which  was  the  Good  Templars.  In  1868 
the  Grand  Lodge  of  this  body  moved  for  "  the  organization  of  a 
national  political  party  whose  principle  should  be  prohibition  of 


PROHIBITION.  669 

the  manufacture,  importation  and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to 
be  used  as  a  beverage."  This  was  very  nearly  reflected  by  the 
Sixth  National  Temperance  Convention,  at  Cleveland,  July  29, 
1868.  The  next  year,  during  a  session  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of 
Good  Templars,  at  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  a  meeting  of  those  favorable 
to  independent  political  action  was  held  which  resulted  in  a  call 
for  a  convention  to  organize  a  "  National  Prohibition  Party." 

This  convention  met  in  Chicago,  Sept.  1,  1869,  with  five  hun- 
dred delegates  present  from  twenty  different  States.  There  was 
but  little  opposition  to  the  thought  that  both,  or  all,  the  existing 
political  parties  could  not  be  depended  upon  to  foster  prohib- 
ition ;  that  the  only  way  to  further  care  for  it  was  to  intrust  it  to 
a  new  and  distinct  party,  and  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  the  for- 
mation of  such  party.  Said  the  Chairman,  Hon.  James  Black  : 
"  I  see  no  party  that  is  taking  up  this  warfare,  hence  I  am  in 
Chicago  to-day  to  help  form  this  party  of  liberty  and  civiliza- 
tion." The  resolutions  adopted  the  name  of  the  "National  Pro- 
hibition Party,"  and  declared  "  that  inasmuch  as  existing  political 
parties  either  oppose  or  ignore  this  great  and  paramount  ques- 
tion      we  are  driven  by  an  imperative  sense  of 

duty  to  sever  our  connection  with  them  and  organize  ourselves 
into  a  National  Prohibition  Party,  having  for  its  primary  object 
the  entire  suppression  of  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  drinks." 
Hon.  Gerritt  Smith,  in  his  "  address  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,"  authorized  by  the  convention,  classed  drunkenness  with 
slavery,  and  argued  that  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  province  of 
government  to  protect  person  and  property,  it  was  therefore  its 
duty  to  suppress  the  dram-shop.  He  regarded  the  time  as 
propitious  for  the  new  party,  because  political  lines  had  been 
relaxed,  and  no  other  prominent  measure  was  pending. 

The  future  of  the  new  party  was  intrusted  to  a  National  Com- 
mittee, who  issued  a  call  for  its  "  First  National  Nominating 
Convention,"  to  be  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  Feb.  22,  1872. 
This  body  went  through  all  the  forms  of  a  regular  political  con- 
vention. It  nominated  Hon.  James  Black,  Pa.,  for  President, 
and  Rev.  John  Russell,  Mich.,  for  Vice-President,  and  published 
a  platform  of  principles,  announcing  as  cardinal  doctrines   the 


670  BUILDING  AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

moral  and  political  wrongfulness  of  the  liquor  traffic;  the  ineffi- 
cacy  of  a  license  system,  and  reliance  on  State  and  National 
prohibition.  It  took  high  ground  on  other  questions,  among 
which  was  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President  and  Sen- 
ators by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  and  female  suffrage.  This 
ticket  received  5,608  votes  at  the  polls.  The  number  received, 
or  rather  returned,  must  not  be  regarded  as  a  measure  of  the 
prohibition  sentiment  of  the  country,  but  rather  as  expressive  of 
the  hopelessness  of  a  first  trial  amid  supreme  odds. 

A  second  nominating  convention  of  the  "  Prohibition  Reform 
Party" — observe  the  name  is  changed — was  called  for  May  17, 
1876,  at  Cleveland.  It  nominated  Hon.  Green  Clay  Smith,  Ky., 
as  the  party  candidate  for  President,  and  Hon.  G.  T.  Stewart, 
Ohio,  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  affirmed  that  of  1872, 
and  demanded  that  the  government  should  enforce  prohibition 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories.  The  ticket  re- 
ceived 9,522  votes  in  the  Presidential  contest. 

The  third  nominating  convention  of  the  party  was  held  at 
Cleveland,  June  17,  1880,  which  placed  Hon.  Neal  Dow,  Me.,  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency,  and  Rev.  H.  A.  Thompson,  Ohio, 
for  the  Vice-Presidency.  This  ticket  received  10,305  votes.  It 
is  the  purpose  of  the  party  to  pursue  its  political  work,  and  to 
this  end  it  has  national  candidates  in  the  field  this  year,  as  well 
as  candidates  in  many  of  the  States.  As  auxiliary  to  its  political 
work  there  has  been  formed  a  National  Prohibition  Alliance, 
whose  object  is  to  educate  the  people  to  the  use  of  the  ballot  as 
a  means  of  securing  prohibitory  legislation.  Whatever  may  be 
said  of  prohibition  in  its  strictly  political  sense,  one  cannot  help 
admiring  the  energy  and  pluck  of  its  advocates.  They  are  men 
of  more  than  ordinary  intelligence,  and  have  the  courage  of  deep 
and  abiding  convictions.  They  may  have  been  indiscreet  in  the 
political  manipulation  of  their  cause  in  the  States,  at  certain 
junctures,  and  at  other  times  may  have  lost  more  than  they 
gained  by  the  intolerance  which  is  inseparable  from  burning  zeal, 
but  in  general  they  have  learned  and  advanced  as  other  great 
organizations  and  movements  have  done.  Progress  up  toward 
prohibition  has  been,  on  the  whole,  steady  and  by  strictly  logical 


PROHIBITION.  671 

steps.  The  first  National  convention  in  the  country  (1833) 
rested  on  the  immorality  of  the  sale  and  use  of  intoxicants.  The 
second  one  (1836)  declared  for  a  total  abstinence  pledge  as  a 
corrective.  The  third  (1841)  attacked  license  and  regulation. 
The  fourth  (185  1)  declared  for  prohibition  on  the  basis  of  the 
"  Maine  Law."  The  fifth  (1855)  repeated  the  work  of  the  fourth. 
The  sixth  (1868)  called  for  the  ballot  as  the  only  effective  pro- 
hibition weapon.  The  seventh  (1869)  culminated  in  a  National 
Prohibition  Party.  This  party  must  itself  make  great  progress 
along  intelligent  and  assuring  paths  before  it  can  hope  to  so 
dominate  sentiment  as  to  secure  a  favorable  expression  of 
popular  will  through  the  medium  of  the  ballot.  It  must  not 
only  pass  through  many  a  Red  Sea  of  trouble,  but  make  many 
long  and  tedious  marches  and  countermarches  in  the  deserts  of 
opinion  and  controversy. 

FOR  AND  AGAINST.— Mention  of  controversy  suggests 
that  this  may  be  very  properly  called  the  controversial  era  of 
prohibition.  The  more  it  makes  itself  conspicuous  in  a  political 
sense  the  more  criticism  and  antagonism  it  invites.  As  it  pushes 
itself  into  national,  State  and  local  campaigns  it  assumes  the 
responsibility  of  discussion.  Being  on  the  aggressive,  it  cannot 
shirk  the  burden  of  proof.  Happily  for  all  interested,  these  con- 
troversies can  be  carried  on  more  intelligently  and  satisfactorily 
than  formerly,  for  prohibitive  experiments  in  the  States  have 
been  sufficiently  numerous  to  afford  valuable  data  for  illustra- 
tion and  argument.  It  is  pleasing  to  note  a  gradual  dropping 
of  the  dogmatic  tone  on  the  part  of  many  really  able  prohibi- 
tionists on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  a  gradual  departure 
from  the  aerial  sensationalism  which  marked  an  emotion  but 
mocked  an  argument.  As  its  men,  in  their  new  departure,  get 
knocked  about  in  the  arena  of  politics,  either  as  candidates  or  as 
campaign  orators,  they  learn  the  proprieties  of  intellectual  com- 
bat and  lose  the  spirit  which  would  force  a  dogma  in  fresh,  un- 
digested and  irreceivable  shape  on  the  popular  mind.  "  'Tis 
right,  therefore  take  it,"  is  not  the  modern  prohibition  dose ;  but 
rather,  "  Come,  let  us  reason  together ;  my  cause  hath  merit,  of 
which  I  may  be  able  to  persuade  you." 


672  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

As  stated  in  the  beginning  of  this  article,  not  all  temperance 
people  are  agreed  as  to  the  practicability  of  prohibition.  A  large 
and  vigorous  temperance  school  still  relies  on  agencies  which 
are  classed  as  moral  and  regards  them  as  the  only  effective  ones. 
Its  members  draw  a  distinction  between  vices  and  crimes.  They 
do  not  see  in  the  liquor  traffic  a  harm  done  with  malice  prepense. 
Therefore  they  do  not  see  a  crime  which  law  can  assume  to 
punish.  They  see  only  a  vice,  which  is  the  subject  of  moral 
correctives.  They  say  that  no  law  can  make  a  crime  of  a  vice, 
or  if  so,  that  such  law  must  fail  of  its  object,  just  as  the  fugitive 
slave  law  and  the  Spanish  laws  against  Protestantism  did.  They 
argue  that  if  one  vice  is  punished  by  law  all  may  be,  and  in  that 
event  the  last  man  would  have  to  reach  out  through  the  cell 
door  and  lock  himself  in,  for  we  are  all  guilty  of  vices.  To 
this  the  prohibitionists  answer,  if  the  law  which  makes  a  vice  a 
crime  is  backed  by  intelligent  sentiment,  a  crime  it  must  be.  We 
propose  to  make  such  a  sentiment.  We  refuse  to  regard  liquor 
as  other  than  the  dynamite  of  modern  civilization,  all  promis- 
cuous or  illegitimate  dealing  in  which  is  criminal  and  worthy 
of  punitive  suppression. 

The  same  school  refuses  to  accept  the  workings  of  prohibition 
as  conclusive.  For  instance,  Dr.  Dio  Lewis,  the  originator  of 
the  "  Woman's  Crusade  "  movement,  says  that  the  "  Maine  Law  " 
has  only  suppressed  the  rum  traffic  in  the  State  on  the  surface, 
and  that  the  official  report  of  the  State  Prison  Inspectors,  for 
the  year  of  his  visit,  showed  17,808  arrests  for  street  drunkenness 
out  of  a  population  of  less  than  700,000.  He  continues:  "From 
that  hour  I  had  no  difficulty  in  believing  all  that  had  been  said 
about  the  cunning  tricks  of  the  business  men  in  Maine;  about 
the  private  drinking-clubs — eighty-six  in  Portland — many  of  them 
in  large  rooms  over  stores,  each  member  of  the  club  carrying  a 
pretty  key,  showing  it  with  pride,  and  chuckling  over  the  helpless- 
ness of  the  constable  who  might  come  to  the  door  which  that 
key  unlocked.  I  have  had  no  difficulty  in  believing  that  this 
has  great  fascination  for  young  men,  and  in  believing  the  state- 
ment made  to  me  in  Maine  by  one  of  her  most  eminent  citizens, 
a  warm  prohibitionist,  to  the  effect  that  prohibition,  like  other 


PROHIBITION.  673 

good  things,  had  its  drawbacks,  the  worst  of  which  was  that  a 
great  number  of  the  better  class  of  young  men,  who  would 
never  drink  in  an  open  saloon,  had  become  victims  of  the  drink- 
ing-clubs." 

This  is  met  by  Neal  Dow  and  prohibitionists  of  his  advanced 
school  by  square  denial.  Others  who  concede  its  truth,  in  great 
part,  claim  that  they  seek  an  absolute  remedy  in  National  pro- 
hibition first  and  then  in  State  prohibition,  or  in  general  State 
prohibition.  Their  thought  is  suppression  of  the  traffic  all  along 
the  line.  Local  suppression  in  the  midst  of  hostile  surroundings 
must  always  partially  fail.  Such  partial  failure,  however,  does 
not  shake  the  principle  involved  nor  operate  as  a  discourage- 
ment. 

The  popular  antagonism  to  prohibition  is  based  on  its  inter- 
ference with  personal  liberty.  This  is  always  plausible.  And 
in  so  far  as  the  measure  of  liberty  for  the  individual  is  every- 
where the  measure  of  liberty  in  society  it  is  not  easy  to  meet. 
The  prohibitionists  say,  "  We  rejoice  in  the  utmost  liberty,  if 
people  will  only  do  right."  This  is  excellent  in  the  abstract, 
but  practically  their  standard  of  right  is  the  one  which  must  be 
subscribed  to.  Their  position  is  therefore  not  unlike  that  of  the 
Puritan,  stout  advocate  of  personal  liberty,  but  to  whom  a 
Quaker  was  a  fellow  with  wrong  views  and  worthy  to  be  hung. 
To  this  argument  the  prohibitionists  answer,  "  We  do  not  seek 
to  force  our  opinions  to  the  verge  of  interference  except  as  they 
are  embodied  in  laws."  Then  the  doctrine  of  personal  liberty 
is  quite  another  thing,  for  it  is  as  civil  liberty  is,  to  wit,  "  natural 
liberty  so  far  restrained  by  human  laws  as  is  necessary  and  ex- 
pedient for  the  general  advantage  of  the  public."  All  other 
notions  of  personal  liberty  would  admit  a  right  to  do  wrong, 
and  would  rise  as  excuses  for  crime  of  every  kind. 

To  the  argument  that  prohibition  legislation  is  odious  because 
it  seeks  to  establish  sumptuary  laws,  the  reply  is  prompt  that 
the  sumptuary  acts  which  formerly  brought  odium  on  law-givers 
and  which  were  inherently  tyrannical  were  those  which  limited 
the  necessities  of  life,  as  food,  furniture,  clothing,  etc.  Laws 
prohibiting  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  a  deadly  poison  or  of 
43 


674.  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

an  article  generally  destructive  of  health  and  morals,  or  danger- 
ous to  the  peace  and  well-being  of  society,  are  not  sumptuary 
in  their  nature,  not  at  all  tyrannical.  The  public  good  is  the 
supreme  law. 

Much  is  made  of  prohibitive  experiments  in  other  ways. 
Kansas  is  conspicuous  as  an  instance  of  triumphant  political 
prohibition.  It  was  inserted  in  the  State  Constitution.  A  gov- 
ernor was  elected  for  two  terms  on  a  distinctive  prohibition  issue. 
It  looked  as  if  the  principle  had  a  political  basis  which  could 
not  be  shaken.  But  it  failed  finally  to  float  a  candidate  into 
gubernatorial  honors,  failed  as  a  party  measure.  Why  it  failed, 
is  a  great  question.  The  sentiment  was  not  a  real,  but  a  curious 
or  experimental  one,  says  one.  It  was  the  sentiment  of  indif- 
ference to  results,  says  another.  It  was  a  sentiment  tired  of 
prohibition  persistency,  and  willing  to  see  it  fail  of  a  trial,  says 
a  third.  The  true  answer  is  doubtless  yet  to  be  found.  In 
finding  it  much  will  be  learned,  much  profit  will  ensue.  There 
should  be  no  apology  for  the  failure,  nor  any  whimpering  about 
the  defeat — they  were  signal — but  an  intelligent  quest  for  causes 
and  speedy  effort  to  remove  them.  What  is  desirable  in  the 
abstract  may  in  its  practical  application  prove  both  obnoxious 
and  injurious. 

The  Vermont  experiment  is  not  much  quoted,  though  it  has 
been  lengthy — thirty  years, — received  a*  popular  majority,  and 
has  never  failed  to  secure  legislative  countenance.  The  pro- 
hibition code  there  is  simply  formidable.  It  prohibits  the  manu- 
facture of  spirituous  and  malt  liquors,  and  the  sale  or  giving 
away  of  the  same.  Cider  must  not  be  sold  at  any  place  of 
public  resort,  nor  may  a  man  furnish  liquors  to  a  minor  in 
his  own  house.  Ingenuity  has  been  taxed  to  the  uttermost  to 
throw  guards  around  the  traffic.  Perhaps  it  has  been  overdone. 
It  is  said  on  good  authority  that  the  law  is  practically  a  dead 
letter,  and  that  446  liquor-shops  are  open  in  the  State.  Efforts 
to  enforce  the  laws  are  spasmodic  and  short-lived.  There  is 
hardly  a  sentiment  against  them,  but  none  for  them.  The  com- 
munity is  oppressed  with  the  dead  weight  of  indififerentism. 
Here  prohibition  is  really  to  blame.     It  suffers  its  case  to  go  by 


PROHIBITION.  675 

default.  If  a  living  thing,  its  vitality  should  not  so  ebb  and 
flow  as  to  invite  the  rebuke  of  inordinate  spasm  and  correspond- 
ing relapse. 

The  Ohio  controversy  has  been  lengthy  and  perhaps  broader 
and  more  profitable  than  any  other.  It  is  yet  open  and  is  enlist- 
ing the  attention  of  all  thinkers.  We  cannot  pursue  it,  but  it 
has  brought  prohibition  to  face  some  of  its  profoundest  problems. 
The  Scott  law  imposed  a  very  high  license,  by  which  the  num- 
ber of  saloons  were  reduced  some  3,000  in  number.  It  also 
contained  a  local  option  clause.  In  addition  to  this  a  prohibitive 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  urged — and  as  some  think 
was  carried,  at  the  last  election.  This  was  the  political  phase 
of  the  situation.  It  has  given  rise  to  the  thought  that  such 
amendment  as  was  anticipated  would  have  prevented  legislative 
action  in  the  future  on  the  basis  of  popular  opinion.  It  has 
opened  the  question  of  how  far  the  dram-buyer  is  particeps 
criminis  with  the  dram-seller  and  manufacturer.  It  has  started 
the  inquiry  as  to  how  prohibition  can  be  made  operative  against 
the  manufacturer  of  spirits  for  the  arts.  It  has  raised  the 
question  of  how  far  the  State  or  nation  can  interfere  with  a 
traffic  which  has  sprung  from  a  demand  of  a  large  part  of  the 
community,  without  making  itself  responsible  for  the  losses  that 
ensue. 

Other  questions,  equally  vital,  will  doubtless  arise  before 
prohibition  achieves  its  final  victory.  They  must  all  be  met 
with  becoming  spirit.  Every  day's  march  is  provocative  of 
deeper  inquiry,  and  the  more  formidable  prohibition  becomes  the 
more  it  will  be  called  upon  to  square  itself*  with  laws,  times,  in- 
stitutions and  constructions.  If  a  political  force  with  a  future, 
it  must  not  only  be  moral  and  intelligent,  but  practical. 

GENERAL  PHA SES.— Whatever  the  sentiment  of  the 
country  or  of  individuals  respecting  prohibition,  the  fact  must  be 
faced  that  in  its  new  nationally  political  form  it  is  a  broader  and 
deeper  movement  than  in  its  old  form  of  local  and  sporadic 
prohibition.  It  is  no  longer  "  hurricane  reform,"  but  rather  a 
silent  force  operating  along  clearly  defined  lines  of  progress,  and 
gradually  nerving  itself  for  a  final  clash  with  the  conservatism 


676  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

of  existing  political  parties  and  even  the  angry  personalism  of 
an  industry  involving  millions  of  dollars.  No  man  ever  dreamed 
of  the  existence  of  320,000  prohibition  votes  in  Ohio,  nor  of  a 
tenth  of  that  number,  till  the  election  of  1883.  If  a  sudden 
dis'solution  of  parties  should  come  about  even  now,  it  is  more 
than  likely  that  they  could  be  instantly  reformed  on  the  basis 
of  progress  and  conservatism,  prohibition  standing  for  the  former 
and  license  or  non-interference  for  the  latter.  Alcohol  is  not 
only  in  politics,  but  apparently  in  to  stay. 

In  addition  to  the  regular  political  steps  already  taken  toward 
a  national  prohibition  convention  in  1884,  for  the  nomination  of 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President,  the  ladies  of  the 
Women's  Christian  Temperance  Union  of  the  United  States 
thus  memorialized  the  Republican  Convention  at  Chicago : 

To  the  National  Convention  of  the  Republican  Party  :  We  the  members  of  the 
Women's  Christian  Temperance  Union  of  the  United  States,  herein  represented  by 
the  signatures  of  our  officers,  while  believing  that  while  the  poison  habits  of  the 
nation  can  be  largely  restrained  by  an  appeal  to  intellect  through  argument,  to  the 
heart  through  sympathy  and  to  the  conscience  through  the  motives  of  religion, 
believe  that  the  traffic  in  those  poisons  will  be  best  controlled  by  prohibitory  law. 
We  believe  that  the  teachings  of  science,  experience  and  the  golden  rule  combine 
to  testify  against  the  traffic  in  alcoholic  liquors  as  a  drink,  and  that  the  homes  of 
America,  which  are  the  citadels  of  patriotism,  purity  and  happiness  have  no  enemies 
so  relentless  as  the  American  saloon.  Therefore,  as  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
irrespective  of  sex,  or  religion  or  section,  but  having  deeply  at  heart  the  protection 
of  our  homes,  we  do  hereby  respectfully  and  earnestly  petition  you  to  advocate  and 
adopt  such  measures  as  are  requisite  to  the  end  that  prohibition  of  the  importation, 
exportation,  manufacture  and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages  may  become  an  integral 
part  of  the  national  Constitution,  and  that  your  candidate  shall,  by  character 
and  public  life,  be  committed  to  a  national  prohibitory  constitutional  amendment. 


PROTECTION  AND   FREE  TRADE. 

ATURE  OF  THE  SUBJECT.— This  chief  of  living  ques- 
tions in  our  economy  and  politics  is  compound  in  sub- 
stance and  form.  In  form  its  parts  take  the  shape  of  a 
case  in  court  between  plaintiff  and  defendant.  In  sub- 
stance it  covers  two  distinct  branches  of  economic 
science,  to  wit,  the  relation  of  labor  to  capital,  and  the  principle 
of  taxation. 

LABOR  AND  CAPITAL.— Touching  these,  the  question 
has  its  broadest  significance.  There  is  practically  no  limit  to  its 
range.  In  this  field  doctrinaires  spin  their  fondest  theories,  and 
practical  men  pile  up  their  cherished  facts  and  figures.  Parties, 
even,  shape  their  lines  on  the  basis  thus  afforded,  and  make  the 
political  arena  ring  with  arguments  of  refutation  and  pleas  for 
recognition  and  support. 

FREE  TRADE.— But  let  it  be  understood  that  Free  Trade  in 
the  abstract  is  confined  only  to  bookish  theorists.  In  this,  its 
fullest  sense,  it  means  open,  unrestricted  commerce  with  all 
nations.  As  to  ourselves,  and  within  the  limitations  of  our  sub- 
ject, it  means  the  opening  of  our  ports  to  the  free  importation 
of  foreign  manufactures  and  direct  competition  with  the  richer 
capital,  riper  machinery,  and  cheaper  labor  of  older  countries. 
This  is  not,  as  yet,  advocated  by  any  political  party  in  this  country, 
though  it  is  contained,  as  a  germ,  in  most  of  the  anti-protection 
arguments.  Those  who  pass  for  Free  Traders,  and  who  must 
be  called  such  since  popular  speech  thus  best  distinguishes  them, 
in  general  recognize  the  right,  and  propriety,  of  a  duty  on 
imports  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the  government  with 
necessary  revenue.  Controversially  they  enter  the  field  of  cap- 
ital and  labor,  practically  they  are  only  within  that  of  taxation. 

(677) 


678  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  fostering  of  our  industries,  in  other  words  protection,  is  an 
incident  of  taxation,  not  an  object.  How  long  they  can  resist 
the  tendency  of  their  arguments  and  refrain  from  a  final  plunge 
into  abstract  Free  Trade  remains  to  be  seen. 

PROTECTION.— On  the  other  hand  it  should  be  understood 
that  Protection,  from  its  very  inception  till  now,  embraced  the 
principles  of  taxation,  and,  taking  advantage  of  them  as  a  founda- 
tion, built  thereon  a  system  designed  to  encourage  the  develop- 
ment of  home  resource.  While  all  agreed  that  duties  on  im- 
ports were  the  least  burdensome  of  indirect  taxes,  and  therefore 
the  most  cheerfully  paid,  Protection  made  them  a  discrimination 
against  foreign  peoples  and  turned  them  to  the  account  of  our 
own.  It  at  first  vindicated  the  procedure  by  the  example  of 
other  countries  and  by  the  desirability  of  commercial  and  indus- 
trial independence.  Now  it  vindicates  its  position  by  reference 
to  what  it  has  achieved  in  the  domain  of  capital  and  labor.  It 
is  the  doctrine  of  a  school^  which  uses  the  flag  and  discipline  of 
a  political  party,  but  whose  scholars  are  found  in  all  parties.  In 
fact  it  has  not  been  inaptly  distinguished  by  the  terms  "Ameri- 
can Idea,"  and  "American  System." 

TAXATION. — The  easiest  approach  to  both  the  history  and 
principles  of  Protection  and  Free  Trade  is  through  the  word 
**  Tariff."  It  is  the  Arabic  word  ta'rif,  "  information,"  either 
because  it  was  the  list  of  goods  on  which  duties  were  levied,  or 
the  name  of  the  town  or  post,  "  Tarifa,"  on  the  coast  of  Spain 
where  the  Moorish  authorities  kept  watch  and  gave  information 
of  vessels  sailing  through  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  on  whose 
cargoes  they  were  accustomed  to  levy  taxes.  These  Moors  left 
their  numerals  and  this  word  tariff  as  a  legacy  to  the  civilized 
nations  of  the  world.  The  refinements  of  trade  have  given  the 
word  tariff  a  definite  meaning. 

All  taxes  are  divided  into  direct  and  indirect.  Indirect  taxes 
are  those  levied  on  goods  in  passing  from  hand  to  hand — say 
from  manufacturer  to  consumer,  or  from  importer  to  consignee. 
It  would  be  better  for  our  purposes  to  say  that  all  taxes  are 
internal  or  external.  External  taxes  are  those  levied  on  imports 
from,  or  exports  to,  a  foreign  country.     They  are  what  the  Con- 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  679 

stitution  means  by  "  duties  "  and  "  imposts,"  in  the  clause,  "  The 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  im- 
posts and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common 
defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States."  They  are 
also  covered  by  the  word  "  Tariff,"  but  since  export  taxes 
are  exceptional,  Tariff  has  come  to  signify  the  taxes  on  im- 
ports alone,  and  also  the  law  or  system  under  which  such 
taxes  are  levied.  All  civilized  nations  have  a  tariff  of  some 
kind. 

TARIFF. — This  tariff,  indirect  or  external  tax,  was  formerly 
used  by  nations  as  a  source  of  revenue  alone,  and  frequently  in 
a  spirit  of  booty.  But  as  soon  as  they  began  to  have  intelligent 
notions  of  trade,  and  of  internal  development,  it  became  an 
economic  force.  Legitimate  trade  may  be  said  to  have  taken  its 
rise  in  England  under  the  auspices  of  Elizabeth.  Its  rapid  pro- 
gress there  must  be  ascribed,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  fostering 
care  of  the  government,  exercised  through  and  by  means  of 
tariff  regulations.  From  a  different  spirit  in  her  institutions, 
though  with  superior  advantages,  France,  at  a  later  period  and 
under  the  endeavors  of  her  ingenious  and  indefatigable  Colbert, 
laid  the  foundation  of  her  industry  and  commerce.  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  woollen  industry  in  a  country,  where  nature 
seems  to  have  denied  the  means,  has  always  been  alluded  to  by 
statesmen  as  an  evidence  of  what  can  be  effected  by  patronizing 
administration  and  a  truly  fostering  government.  The  Dutch, 
who  were  pre-eminent  in  industry  and  trade,  ever  made  them  an 
essential  object  of  State.  Their  government  was  paternal  in  the 
extreme,  and  their  regulations  more  numerous  than  those  of  any 
other  country.  And  so  with  other  peoples,  after  trade  became 
legitimatized,  and  industry  responsive  to  regulation.  The  tariff, 
in  one  shape  or  another,  was  the  great  regulating  lever,  and  the 
main  source  of  encouragement.  Since  unified  Germany  has 
come  upon  the  map,  she  has  resorted  to  special  tariff  enactments, 
which  involve  protective  features.  Italy  has  had  recourse  to 
higher  tariff  laws,  in  order  to  encourage  lagging  industries. 
France,  after  having  for  a  long  time  relaxed  her  earlier  regula- 
tions, has  returned  to  them  as  a  means  of  industrial  revival. 


680  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

There  are  but  three  countries  in  all  Europe,  beside  England,  that 
are  not  protective — Turkey,  Switzerland  and  Norway.  Turkey 
is  now  insisting  on  higher  rates  of  duty. 

THE  ENGLISH  POLICY.— -The  old  English  system  of  ton- 
nage and  poundage  laws,  of  protective  tariffs,  and  of  commercial 
regulations,  was  severely  in  her  own  favor.  It  embraced  over 
four  hundred  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  was  administered  without 
respect  to  the  rights  of  any  other  nation,  but  solely  for  her  own 
industrial  and  commercial  welfare.  She  did  not  hesitate  to  make 
her  tariffs  prohibitive,  nor  to  directly  prohibit  the  exportation 
of  articles  which  might  teach  inferior  nations  the  skill  of  her 
own.  There  is  no  record  of  a  protective  system  so  selfishly 
woven  and  tyrannically  administered  as  hers,  if  we  except  the 
absolutely  exclusive  and  despotic  system  of  China ;  nor  of  one 
so  persistently  sustained  till  it  gave  her  the  manufacturing  and 
commercial  supremacy  she  courted.  This  point  reached,  as  to 
commerce  by  1825,  and  as  to  manufactures  by  1846,  she  resorted 
to  a  change  of  policy.  We  shall  see  hereafter  how  she  turned 
her  American  colonial  policy  to  protective  account.  Let  us  see 
how  she  protected  her  iron.  From  1782  to  1795  the  duty  on 
foreign  bar  iron  was  over  $12  per  ton.  In  1797  it  was  over  $14  ; 
from  1798  to  1802  over  $15;  from  1806  to  1808  over  $23; 
from  1810  to  1812  over  $24;  in  1818  over  $28.  By  1825  the 
duty  was  £6  10s.  per  ton  if  imported  in  British  ships,  and 
£7  iSs.  6d.  if  imported  in  foreign  ships.  Other  manufactured 
iron  paid  ^"20  (#90)  per  ton ;  and  iron  not  otherwise  enumerated 
paid  ,£50  for  every  ;£io©  worth  imported.  All  of  these  rates 
were  then  not  only  protective,  but  prohibitive,  and  they  serve  as 
an  index  to  the  policy  which  prevailed  as  to  other  industries 
which  she  designed  to  foster. 

MODERN  ENGLISH  POLICY.— The  change  from  pro- 
tection of  the  most  studied  and  persistent  kind  to  a  policy  of 
free  trade  came,  after  the  former  had  given  her  wealth  and  a 
mighty  reserve  capital,  multiplied  her  industries,  fostered  inven- 
tive skill,  carried  her  fabrics  to  perfection,  and  enabled  her  to 
dominate  the  markets  of  weaker,  less  skillful,  wealthy  and  inde- 
pendent nations.     "Her  own  markets  for  her  own  wares,"  was 


PROTECTION   AND    FREE   TRADE.  ggl 

the  motto  so  long  as  they  were  in  danger  of  competitive  inva- 
sion by  others.  A  number  of  her  writers  on  political  economy, 
for  more  than  half  a  century  prior  to  1846,  had  inclined  to  the 
doctrine  of  free  trade.  Her  statesmen  followed  in  their  wake 
and  gradually  changed  the  character  of  her  tariff  legislation.  By 
the  latter  date  free  trade  in  manufactures  was  the  accepted 
dogma.  Free  trade  treaties  had  been  effected  with  a  few  of  the 
leading  countries — notably  France — but  these  were  not,  in  gen- 
eral, renewed.  For  a  time  she  hesitated  about  her  commercial 
supremacy,  owing  to  the  cheapness  and  facility  with  which 
Americans  built  fast  sailing  ships.  But  during  the  transfer  from 
wooden  sailers  to  iron  steamers — a  transfer  which,  in  America, 
was  unfortunately  retarded,  or  rather  whose  prosperous  beginning 
was  prevented,  by  the  civil  war — she  took  a  decided  lead.  By 
means  of  enormous  subsidies,  covering  a  period  of  twenty  years, 
she  destroyed  the  effect  of  all  legitimate  competition,  and  created 
for  herself  a  monopoly  in  building  and  operating  a  steam  iron 
marine.  After  this  the  principle  of  subsidies,  like  that  of  pro- 
tection to  her  manufactures,  was  no  longer  insisted  upon.  She 
became  free  trade  all  through,  and  immediately  set  up  to  in- 
doctrinate the  world  with  her  newly  assumed  and  thoroughly 
selfish  dogmas.  Her  Cobden  Club,  an  association  of  British 
noblemen,  was  formed  in  1866.  Its  avowed  object  is  interfer- 
ence with  the  protective  policy  of  newer,  weaker  and  less  favored 
nations,  and  their  conversion  to  English  free  trade  notions.  Not 
content  with  arguments  scattered  abroad  in  tracts  and  books, 
this  club,  which  counts  among  its  numbers  200  members  of 
Parliament  and  12  of  the  14  Cabinet  ministers,  has  established 
agencies  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose 
of  operating  directly  on  our  politics,  especially  in  congressional 
districts.  In  its  issue  of  July  16,  1880,  the  London  Times  said: 
"  It  is  to  the  New  World  that  the  Cobden  Club  is  chiefly  look- 
ing as  the  most  likely  sphere  for  its  vigorous  foreign  policy.  It 
has  done  what  it  can  in  Europe,  and  it  is  now  turning  its  eyes 
westward  and  bracing  itself  for  the  struggle  which  is  to  come. 
It  cannot  rest  while  the  United  States  are  unsubdued." 

BRITISH  COLONIAL  POLICY.— -Tariff,   in   some   shape, 


682  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

prohibitive,  protective  or  general,  was  the  wedge  which  forced 
colonial  America  from  her  British  allegiance.  Says  McCulloch 
in  his  Commercial  Dictionary :  "  It  was  a  leading  principle  in  the 
system  of  colonial  policy,  adopted  as  well  by  England  as 
by  other  European  nations,  to  discourage  all  attempts  to 
manufacture  such  articles  in  the  colonies  as  could  be  provided 
for  them  by  the  mother  country."  Says  Bancroft,  "  England, 
in  its  relations  with  other  States,  sought  a  convenient  tariff;  in 
the  colonies  it  prohibited  industry."  An  Act  of  Parliament  in 
1750  prohibited  as  a  common  nuisance  the  erection  of  any  mill 
in  America  for  slitting  or  rolling  iron,  or  any  plating  forge  to 
work  with  a  tilt  hammer,  or  furnace  for  making  steel.  So  the 
making  of  nails  was  prohibited  in  Pennsylvania.  Even  to  1776, 
England,  according  to  Adam  Smith,  "  prohibited  the  exportation 
from  one  province  to  another  by  water,  and  even  the  carriage 
by  land,  upon  horseback  or  in  a  cart,  of  hats,  of  wools  and 
woollen  goods,  of  the  produce  of  America,  a  regulation  which 
effectually  prevents  the  establishment  of  any  manufacture  of 
such  commodities  for  distant  sale,  and  confines  the  industry  of 
her  colonists  in  this  way  to  such  coarse  and  household  manu- 
factures as  a  private  family  commonly  makes  for  its  own  use  or 
for  that  of  some  of  its  neighbors  in  the  same  province." 

After  the  invention  of  the  puddling  furnace  and  rolling  mill 
by  Henry  Cort,  we  find  English  statutes  (1785)  prohibiting  the 
exportation  of  tools  and  utensils  to  foreign  parts,  the  migration 
of  workmen  skilled  in  manufactures,  and  (1799)  even  of  colliers 
who  mined  her  coal.  The  first  complete  rolling  mill  in  America, 
erected  at  Plumsock,  Fayette  county,  Pa.,  for  Col.  Isaac  Meason, 
was  built  and  started  by  two  Welshmen,  Thomas  and  George 
Lewis,  who  came  under  the  head  of  British  skilled  iron-workers, 
and  as  such  were  compelled  to  "  smuggle  "  their  passage  across 
the  Atlantic. 

We  are  all  more  or  less  familiar  with  the  English  methods  of 
exacting  revenue  from  her  American  colonies,  by  Tea  Acts, 
Stamp  Acts,  etc.  They  were  but  a  part  of  that  stupendous 
system  of  home  protection  and  foreign  discrimination  which  env 
riched  England  and  built  up  her  manufactures  and  commerce  at 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  683 

the  expense  of  other  nations.  By  no  act  or  thought  did  she 
encourage  agriculture  in  America,  though  she  seemed  to  know 
that  this  country  would  in  time  become  her  granary.  No  sooner 
was  this  proved,  under  the  auspices  of  independence  and  in  the 
midst  of  circumstances  she  could  not  control,  than  she  set  about 
to  build  up  rival  markets  in  other,  and  newly  planted,  colonies. 
How  well  she  has  succeeded  in  India  and  Australia  ought  to 
appear  clear  from  the  fact  that  her  wheat  supply  from  these  two 
sources  for  1883-4  so  nearly  equals  her  demand  as  to  leave  our 
splendid  surplus  of  80,000,000  bushels  almost  untouched,  or 
subject  to  a  tardy  movement  at  ruinous  figures. 

THE  AMERICAN  THOUGHT  —  Colonial  independence 
meant  escape  from  this  discriminative  and  ruinous  British  policy. 
There  was  hardly  a  colonial  debate  that  did  not  inveigh  against 
the  selfish  efforts  of  England  to  enrich  herself  at  the  expense  of 
other  nations,  and  to  complete  her  industrial  and  commercial 
supremacy  by  overriding  their  protective  systems  and  sapping 
their  powers  for  independent,  competitive  existence.  A  prime 
fact  mentioned  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  "  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  world  "  as  proof  that  Great  Britain  designed 
to  establish  "  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  States,"  was  "  cut- 
ting off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  ;  "  and  among  the 
rights  of  a  free  people  is  mentioned  that  to  "  establish  commerce." 

The  most  fatal  defect  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  was 
absence  of  power  to  collect  revenue,  regulate  trade,  encourage 
industry.  The  thoughts  of  all  our  early  statesmen  were  turned 
to  this  defect,  which  to  them  was  the  more  glaring,  because  of 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  British  system.  So  paramount 
was  the  necessity  for  escape  from  industrial  and  commercial  de- 
pendence, and  so  momentous  was  deemed  the  power  to  protect 
ourselves  that  Washington  confidently  looked  to  the  trade  regu- 
lations of  a  more  efficient  government  as  a  means  of  giving  the 
country  its  proper  weight  in  the  scale  of  empires,  and,  with  a 
feeling  foreign  to  his  better  nature,  he  declared  that  such  govern- 
ment "  will  surely  impose  retaliating  restrictions,  to  a  certain 
degree,  upon  the  trade  of  England." 

The  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  abound  in  de- 


684  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

bates,  resolutions  and  committees,  having  for  their  object  the 
promotion  of  home  products  and  the  development  of  home  re- 
sources. There  seemed  to  be  no  question,  among  the  leaders 
of  thought,  of  the  right  and  duty  of  a  government  to  foster  in- 
dustry by  legislative  enactment,  nor  of  the  necessity  for  a  new 
government  endowed  with  ample  power  to  provide  revenue 
through  a  tariff  and  at  the  same  time  protect  all  its  vital  interests. 
THE  FREE  TRADE  ERA.—Rwt  this  sentiment  was  not 
universal.  Abuse  of  this  power  on  the  part  of  England  had  led 
to  revulsion  against  it  in  the  minds  of  the  mercantile  community. 
They  needed  the  experience  of  the  free  trade  era,  from  the  date 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  England  to  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution (1783-89),  to  change  their  convictions.  Free  trade  then 
existed,  under  the  hard  compulsion  of  circumstances.  Tariffs 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  States.  Where  one  imposed  a  duty 
the  other  admitted  the  article  free.  There  was  no  uniform  im- 
post law,  and  therefore  practically  none  at  all.  The  States,  de- 
pleted by  the  war  of  the  revolution,  were  the  victims  of  unre- 
strained foreign  trade  competition.  They  had  few  factories, 
rolling  mills  and  workshops,  and  but  limited  means  of  recupera- 
tion. Says  Carey,  "  At  the  close  of  the  Revolution  the  trade 
of  America  was  free  and  unrestrained  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the 
word,  according  to  the  theory  of  Adam  Smith,  Say,  Ricardo, 
the  Edinburg  Reviewers,  and  the  authors  of  the  Encyclopaedia. 
Her  ports  were  open,  with  scarcely  any  duties,  to  the  vessels 
and  merchandise  of  other  nations."  What  befel  ?  As  the  States 
were  discordant,  foreign  powers  passed  such  laws  as  they  pleased 
to  destroy  our  commerce.  Nearly  every  foreign  nation  shipped 
goods  into  the  country  and  dumped  them  promiscuously  on  our 
wharves.  The  consequences  followed  which  never  fail  to  follow 
such  a  state  of  things.  Competition  on  the  part  of  our  manu- 
facturers was  at  an  end.  They  were  bankrupted  and  beggared. 
The  merchants  whose  importations  had  ruined  tjiem  were  in- 
volved in  the  calamity.  Farmers,  who  had  longed  to  buy  foreign 
merchandise  cheap,  went  down  in  the  vortex  of  general  destruc- 
tion. Said  a  statesman  of  the  day,  *  The  people  of  America 
went  to  war  to  improve  their  condition  and  throw  off  the  burden 


PROTECTION   AND    FREE   TRADE.  685 

which  the  colonial  system  laid  on  their  industry.  And  when 
their  independence  was  attained  they  found  it  was  a  piece  of 
parchment.  The  arm  which  had  struck  for  it  in  the  field  was 
palsied  in  the  workshop ;  the  industry  which  had  been  burdened 
in  the  colonies  was  crushed  in  the  free  States  ;  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution  the  mechanics  and  manufacturers  of  the  country 
found  themselves,  in  the  bitterness  of  their  hearts,  independent — 
and  ruined.  Carey  further  says :  "  The  dreams  of  riches  from 
excessive  importations  suddenly  came  to  a  close  like  those  of 
1 815.  The  nation  had  no  mines  to  pay  her  debts.  Industry, 
the  only  legitimate  and  permanent  source  of  individual  happi- 
ness and  national  wealth,  power  and  resources,  was  destroyed  as 
it  has  recently  been  by  the  influx,  and  finally  by  the  depreciation 
of  the  price,  of  imported  articles."  Webster  thus  depicts  the 
situation :  "  From  the  close  of  the  Revolution  there  came  a 
period  of  depression  and  distress.  .  .  .  Ship-owners,  ship-build- 
ers, mechanics,  artisans,  were  destitute  of  employment  and  some 
of  them  of  bread.  The  cheaper  labor  of  England  supplied  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Atlantic  coast  with  everything.  Ready-made 
clothes,  among  the  rest,  from  the  crown  of  the  head  to  the  soles 
of  the  feet,  were  for  sale  in  every  city.  All  these  things  came 
free  from  any  general  system  of  imposts." 

The  entire  mercantile  community  began  to  see  that  England 
and  other  foreign  countries  were  about  to  control  our  external 
trade  and  internal  industry.  Every  packet  ship  carried  away 
thousands  of  dollars  in  money,  till  there  was  none  at  home  to 
operate  with.  Our  only  products,  those  of  the  farm,  were  a 
drug,  and  husbandry  was  full  of  bitter  disappointments.  There 
would  be  a  change. 

The  change  came.  Pamphleteers  arose  without  number. 
Newspapers  took  up  the  subject.  Merchants,  business  men, 
farmers,  statesmen,  all  united  in  the  cry,  "  We  have  had  enough 
of  free  trade.  It  means  utter  neglect  of  ourselves,  and  virtual 
sale  of  our  energies  and  resources  to  older  and  better  equipped 
nations.  We  have  political  independence :  we  must  have  indus- 
trial and  commercial  independence,  else  the  victory  of  these 
nations  over  us  will  be  greater  than  our  recent  victory  over 


(536  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   RErUBLIC. 

them."  They  saw  what  John  Stuart  Mill  afterwards  incorporated 
in  his  Principles  of  Political  Economy:  "What  prevented  the 
rapid  recuperation  of  the  United  States,  after  the  peace  of  1783, 
was  the  system  of  free  foreign  trade,  allowed  to  add  its  devasta- 
tions upon  industry  to  those  of  the  Revolution."  Educated  by 
a  dreadful  experience,  it  became  clear  to  all  parties  that  the 
power  of  industrial  and  commercial  protection,  so  fatally  absent 
from  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  must  repose  somewhere. 
Of  all  thoughts  which  impelled  toward  a  Constitution,  this  was 
the  strongest.  Says  Bancroft,  "  Four  causes,  above  others,  ex- 
ercised a  steady  and  commanding  influence.  The  new  republic, 
as  one  nation,  must  have  power  to  regulate  its  foreign  commerce  ; 
to  colonize  its  large  domain ;  to  provide  an  adequate  revenue ; 
to  establish  justice  in  domestic  trade  by  prohibiting  the  separate 
States  from  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts." 

END  OF  FREE  TRADE.— -From  this  time  on  till  the  Con- 
stitution became  a  fact,  both  political  and  business  sentiment 
urged  not  only  a  stronger  government,  but  one  full  of  the  paternal 
instinct,  able  and  willing  to  defend  and  encourage  home  industry 
and  all  home  interests.  State  responded  to  State  in  this  behalf, 
and  statesmen  echoed  the  plaints  and  pleas  of  statesmen.  A 
most  assuring  phase  of  the  situation — one  in  strange  contrast 
with  that  of  to-day,  considering  the  opportunities  for  information 
— was  the  unanimity  of  artificers,  mechanics,  and  workmen  in 
demanding,  through  public  meeting  and  published  resolution, 
exemption  from  the  degrading  and  ruinous  competition  forced 
upon  them  by  the  free  and  inordinate  influx  of  foreign  wares,  on 
whose  home  manufacture  they  depended  for  a  living. 

What  was  deemed  sufficient  for  all  the  purposes  of  a  new  and 
more  vigorous  government  found  a  place  in  the  Constitution, 
Sec.  VIII.,  clause  I.  "  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and 
collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and 
provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the 
United  States."  At  the  same  time,  in  order  to  insure  the  States 
against  apprehension,  and  secure  to  them  perfect  interchange- 
ability  of  their  goods,  and  free  internal  commerce,  it  was  ordained 
that  Congress  should  never  have  the  power  to  levy  "  a  tax  or 
duty  on  articles  exported  from  any  State." 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  687 

NATURE  OF  THE  NEW  POWERS.— Thus  endowed,  the 
new  government  started  on  its  career.  The  writers  of  the  Fed- 
eralist saw  enough  in  the  above  clauses  to  assure  their  country- 
men that  the  protection  they  required  for  their  infant  industries 
could  now  be  guaranteed.  As  if  by  magic,  the  commercial  and 
industrial  situation  began  to  change  from  one  of  gloom  and  de- 
pression to  one  of  hope  and  activity.  Says  Bishop,  "  That  the 
productive  classes  regarded  the  Constitution  of  1787  as  con- 
ferring the  power  and  right  of  protection  to  the  infant  manufact- 
ures of  the  country  is  manifest  from  the  jubilant  feeling  excited 
in  various  quarters  upon  the  public  ratification  of  that  instru- 
ment." The  first  petition  presented  to  the  first  Congress  (March, 
1789)  came  from  700  mechanics,  tradesmen  and  others,  of  Bal- 
timore, lamenting  the  decline  of  manufactures  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  praying  that  the  efficient  government  with  which  they 
were  then  blessed,  for  the  first  time,  would  render  the  country 
"  independent  in  fact,  as  well  as  in  name,"  by  early  attention  to 
the  encouragement  and  protection  of  American  manufactures  and 
by  imposing  on  "all  foreign  articles  which  could  be  made  in 
America  such  duties  as  would  give  a  decided  preference  to 
their  labors."  Fisher  Ames  said  in  his  debate  on  the  first  farifT 
bill  (1789),  "  The  want  of  an  efficient  government  to  secure  the 
manufacturing  interests  and  advance  our  commerce  was  long 
seen  by  men  of  judgment,  and  pointed  out  by  patriots  solicitous 
to  promote  our  general  welfare."  Rufus  Choate  said,  in  1842, 
"  A  whole  people,  a  whole  generation  of  our  fathers,  had  in  view, 
as  one  grand  end  and  purpose  of  our  government,  the  acquisition 
of  the  means  of  restraining,  by  governmental  action,  the  impor- 
tation of  foreign  manufactures,  for  the  encouragement  of  manu- 
factures and  labor  at  home,  and  desired  and  meant  to  do  this  by 
clothing  the  new  government  with  this  specific  power  of  regulat- 
ing commerce."  And  Webster,  in  1833,  "The  protection  of 
American  labor  against  injurious  competition  of  foreign  labor, 
so  far,  at  least,  as  respects  general  handicraft  productions,  is 
known  historically  to  have  been  one  end  designed  to  be  obtained 
by  establishing  the  Constitution."  Says  Tucker,  in  his  History 
of  the  United  States,  "  Merchants  and  ship-owners  confidently 


583  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

expected  protection  from  the  discriminating  duties  and  naviga- 
tion laws  of  other  countries ;  the  manufacturing  class  hoped  for 
the  encouragement  of  a  protective  impost;  the  agricultural  class 
expected  to  share  in  the  general  prosperity."  Leagues  were 
formed  in  various  cities  for  the  purpose  of  urging  on  Congress 
an  interpretation  of  the  new  powers  conferred  by  the  Constitution, 
in  the  interest  of  protective  encouragement.  Charleston  ship- 
wrights followed  the  artisans  of  Baltimore  with  petitions  to  the 
first  Congress.  Similar  petitions  came  in  from  Boston  and  New 
York. 

The  history  of  an  almost  universal  sentiment  at  this  time 
shows  that  the  constitutional  clause  relating  to  "  duties  and 
imposts,"  and  to  provision  for  the  "  common  defense  and  general 
welfare  "  had  a  well-understood  meaning.  There  was  no  doubt 
about  the  power  of  the  government  to  "  raise  revenue,"  and  none 
about  its  right  to  frame  a  code  of  duties  "  for  the  regulation  of 
commerce ;  in  other  words,  a  tariff,  protective  or  prohibitory,  as 
the  case  might  be."  This  was  the  English  thought  of  the  power 
as  exercised  at  home,  and  it  was  the  English  phraseology  when 
it  wished  to  convey  such  power  by  statute.  Hamilton  so  under-" 
stood  it:  so  did  Franklin,  Madison,  Jefferson,  and  Monroe. 
Gallatin,  a  pronounced  free  trader,  said  he  found  such  to  be  the 
universal  opinion  of  statesmen,  on  his  entrance  into  public  life. 
There  was  no  such  refinement  as  afterwards  existed,  and  as  is 
claimed  by  some,  still  exists,  to  the  effect  that  the  power  to  raise 
revenue  by  a  tariff  does  not  carry  the  power  to  protect  manu- 
factures and  general  industries. 

TARIFF  AND  FREE  TRADE  LEGISLATION.  —  With 
this  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  and  under  existing  circum- 
stances, the  first  Congress  would  have  been  a  disappointing,  if  not 
recreant  one,  had  it  not  come  promptly  to  the  rescue  of  the 
country  with  a  tariff  enactment.  It  was  the  first  general  bill 
passed  by  the  first  Congress  (the  first  bill  passed  was  one  pre- 
scribing an  oath  of  office),  and  reflected  in  its  preamble  the 
sentiment  then  prevalent :  "  Whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the 
support  of  the  government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  the 
United  States,  and  for  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  manu- 


PROTECTION    AND    FREE    TRADE.  089 

factnres,  that  duties  be  laid  on  imported  goods,  wares  and  merchan- 
dise ^  etc!'  Statesmen  North  and  South  gave  their  sanction  to 
this  comprehensive  preamble.  The  bill  invited  debate  of  the 
widest  range.  It  is  notable  that  the  learning  brought  to  bear  on 
its  contents  and  merits  has  not  been  surpassed  in  future  discus- 
sions of  the  same  subject.  It  not  only  bore  on  all  the  economic 
phases  of  the  question,  but  was  exhaustive  of  the  principle  above 
alluded  to,  that  the  Constitution  designed  to  secure  to  infant 
manufactures  and  struggling  industries  of  the  country  the  very 
protection  they  needed,  against  the  riper  experience  and  cheaper 
labor  of  Europe. 

And  as  proof  of  the  prevalence  of  the  protective  sentiment,  we 
hear  nothing  from  the  opponents  of  this  first  bill  in  opposition  to 
the  necessity  for  protection,  nor  to  the  fact  that  tariff  legislation 
of  tlfis  kind  was  the  best,  if  not  the  only  known  means,  of 
fostering  home  industry.  All  opposition  of  moment  was  as  to 
the  method  to  be  pursued.  Such  opposition  came  from  tbos& 
who  were  timid  about  too  liberal  a  construction  of  the  Consti- 
tution, and  fearful  that  the  States  might  thus  early  commit 
themselves  to  a  policy  which  would  rob  them  of  their  rights.  A 
similar  proof  is  furnished  by  the  manufactures  and  industries 
deemed  worthy  of  encouragement.  They  embraced  the  iron  and 
steel  of  Pennsylvania,  the  glass  of  Maryland,  the  cotton,  indigo 
and  tobacco  of  the  South,  the  wool,  leather,  paper  and  fisheries 
of  the  East.  The  act  was,  in  addition  to  its  revenue  phases,  a 
thoroughly  protective  measure,  there  being  scarcely  an  article 
introduced  into  it  whose  freedom  from  foreign  competition  was 
not  sought,  and  the  desirability  of  whose  home  growth  or  pro- 
*  duction  was  not  clear.  It  was  imperative  legislation  in  every 
sense,  but  especially  so  as  tending  to  meet  the  English  boast 
that  while  America  had  achieved  political  independence,  it  had 
been  reconquered  commercially,  and  was  a  more  helpless  and 
useful  appendage  in  this  sense  than  before.  The  act,  there- 
fore, was  a  second  declaration  of  independence,  far  more  valua- 
ble to  the  government  and  people  for  the  spirit  it  evinced  and 
the  possibilities  it  contained,  than  for  the  mild  duties  it  im- 
posed. 

44 


690  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

This  act  was  followed  by  Hamilton's  report  (1790)  on  com- 
merce and  manufactures,  which  emphasized  the  principle  of 
protective  legislation,  embodied  all  the  learning  and  experience 
furnished  by  the  respective  nations  touching  the  subject,  more 
than  ever  committed  the  budding  nation  and  universal  party  sen- 
timent to  the  operations  of  the  act,  and  has  ever  since  proved  a 
well  of  information  for  students  of  political  economy.  As  to  the 
tendency  of  protection  to  foster  monopoly,  an  argument  much 
used  in  after  years,  he  enunciated  the  principle  which  long  prac- 
tice has  proved  to  be  correct,  that  internal  competition  would  be 
found  an  effectual  corrective  of  monopoly  and  would  in  the  end 
give  even  a  lower  scale  of  prices  for  home  manufactures  than 
could  prevail  for  foreign. 

His  interpretation  of  the  powers  conferred  on  the  government 
by  the  clause  authorizing  taxes,  revenue,  and  the  right  to  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare,  has  never  been 
excelled  in  perspicuity.  All  political  parties  have  confidently 
reposed  on  it  whenever  they  needed  support  for  liberal  construc- 
tion views,  and  it  may  now  be  said  to  prevail  without  regard  to 
party  lines. 

The  act  of  1789,  and  the  report  of  1790,  were  the  beginning 
of  historic  and  practical  protection  in  the  United  States,  which 
continued,  with  such  ebb  and  flow  as  circumstances  demanded 
or  for  the  time  being  excused,  up  to  1828.  There  were  many 
minor  or  amendatory  tariff  acts,  most  of  which  have  been  noted 
in  the  article  "  Ruling  Through  Parties,"  whose  object  was  to 
remodel  existing  acts  without  affecting  the  protective  principle. 
These  dot  our  entire  tariff  history  and  need  not  be  referred  to 
here.  The  first  commanding  act  after  that  of  1789  was  what  is 
known  as  the  "  Tariff  of  181 2."  Madison  had  urged  revision  in 
his  message.  Calhoun,  Lowndes,  Clay  and  others  sought,  in 
such  revision,  their  opportunity  to  formulate  what  afterwards  be- 
came the  "American  System,"  and  which  embraced,  in  substance, 
full  protective  power  on  the  part  of  the  government,  with  the 
additional  thought  that  such  power  should  no  longer  be  exer- 
cised as  secondary  to  the  power  to  raise  revenue.  The  act  was 
a  sweeping  one,  and  raised  the  duties  then  existing  quite  one 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  691 

hundred  per  cent,  while  it  fixed  a  discrimination  of  ten  per  cent, 
on  goods  imported  in  foreign  vessels. 

Though  this  act,  in  conjuction  with  the  further  encouragement 
to  infant  industries  occasioned  by  the  diminution  of  imports  dur- 
ing war  times,  gave  an  impetus  to  domestic  manufactures  they 
had  never  before  experienced,  the  measure  was  regarded  as  too 
radical  by  the  sections  largely  interested  in  shipping.  The  reac- 
tion which  naturally  followed  resulted  in  the  tariff  of  1816, 
which  was  a  wide  departure  from  the  rates  of  181 2,  but  which 
still  retained  many  protective  features.  Mr.  Webster,  and  in 
general  statesmen  from  the  East,  regarded  the  higher  rates  as 
oppressive  to  the  home-carrying  trade.  Clay  and  Calhoun  in- 
sisted that  this  branch  of  industry  should  bide  its  time,  with  the 
certainty  of  greater  activity  and  profit  once  our  manufactures 
had  had  time  to  grow  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  govern- 
ment. The  time  proved  inopportune  for  such  reduction  of  duties 
as  the  act  brought.  A  financial  crisis  came.  Industry  of  every 
kind  lagged  and  dwindled.  Blight  and  ruin  came  upon  the 
country. 

A  remedy  was  sought  in  the  tariff  act  of  1824.  Calhoun  had 
deserted  Clay  and  joined  Webster,  but  his  place  was  ably  filled 
by  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania.  By  this  time  a  distinctive  free 
trade  thought  was  abroad,  especially  in  the  minds  of  those  who 
represented  the  Southern  planting  interests  and  who,  now  that 
slave  labor  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  essential  to  cotton- 
raising,  could  not  consistently  foster  the  paid  labor  of  the  North. 
The  result  of  the  struggle,  pending  which  President  Monroe  in- 
clined to  the  side  of  Protection  and  Internal  Improvement,  was 
a  distinctive  affirmation  of  what  was  now  known  as  Clay's 
"American  System."  Duties  were  not  restored  to  the  high 
grade  of  181 2,  but  the  protective  features  of  the  bill  were  con- 
spicuous. 

Encouraged  by  their  success  and  by  the  improved  condition 
of  the  country  under  the  operations  of  this  act,  its  friends  rallied 
to  the  support  of  the  tariff  of  1828,  whose  leading  feature  was  a 
duty  on  wool  and  other  raw  materials,  and  therefore  a  more  dis- 
tinct introduction  of  the  protective  idea  than  had  yet  occurred. 


692  BUILDING   AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  has  become  historic  as  the  turning-point  of  New  England  sen- 
timent respecting  the  protective  system,  Webster  being  found 
among  the  champions  of  the  act ;  and  likewise  as  the  beginning 
of  that  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  South  which  afterwards 
(1832)  took  the  form  of  nullification. 

This  act  led  to  bitter  political  turmoil  and  to  the  expediency 
act  of  1832,  which  greatly  scaled  the  duties  of  1828,  and  of  the 
intermediate  act  of  1830,  but  which  was  yet  offensive  to  Cal- 
houn and  the  nullifying  sentiment  of  the  South,  because  it  con- 
tained no  repudiation  of  the  protective  policy.  Clay's  weakness 
for  compromises  culminated  in  the  conciliatory  act  of  1833, 
which  became  known  as  the  sliding  scale  tariff,  because  it  pro- 
vided that  there  should  be  biennial  reductions  of  the  rates  of 
1832,  till  at  the  end  of  ten  years  a  uniform  rate  of  twenty  per 
cent,  prevailed.  This  act  was  a  practical  abandonment  of  the 
protective  principle.  It  was  notice  to  the  people  and  the  world 
that  the  United  States  had  departed  from  its  early  policy  of 
fostering  home  industry  and  paternally  caring  for  its  internal 
development.     Tariff  was  fully  afloat  on  the  sea  of  politics. 

The  financial  crash  and  industrial  crush  which  came  in  1837, 
united  with  the  political  revolution  in  1840,  which  left  the  Whigs 
in  the  ascendant  both  as  to  the  Presidency  and  the  Congress, 
gave  them  an  opportunity  of  again  testing  the  merits  of  pro- 
tection, which,  as  a  policy,  found  now  an  abiding-place  in  the 
bosom  of  their  party  only.  True,  they  were  helped  by  members 
of  the  opposition  representing  manufacturing  sections,  but  they 
were  also  opposed  by  some  of  their  members  representing  plant- 
ing sections.  The  act  of  1842  was  nevertheless  a  Whig  measure, 
and  was  at  first  designed  to  be  protective,  but  under  the  hostility 
of  Tyler,  who  mercilessly  used  his  veto,  it  was  well-nigh  shorn 
of  its  protective  features  and  provided  a  schedule  of  rates  lower 
than  those  of  1828.  Such  as  it  was,  it  sufficed  to  lift  the  cloud 
of  depression  which  hung  over  the  country  and  introduce  an 
era  of  prosperity  and  cheerfulness  not  witnessed  since  1832. 

So  efficacious  had  this  act  proved  that  all  parties  took  advan- 
tage of  it  during  the  election  of  1844.  Democrat  and  Whig 
were  committed  to  it,  and,  if  anything,  Democratic  pledges  were 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  693 

the  loudest  and  longest.  But  the  South  made  a  savage  and 
persistent  attack  on  it.  Mr.  Polk  could  not  get  away  from  his 
section  and  his  friends  therein.  The  Vice-President,  Mr.  Dallas, 
did  not  dare  break  with  the  administration  of  which  he  was  a 
part,  and  which  he  hoped  to  succeed.  The.  tariff  of  1846  was 
on,  and  had  drawn  a  tie  vote  in  the  Senate.  It  had  been  framed 
so  as  to  introduce  ad  valorem  for  specific  duties,  and  as  a  strictly 
revenue  tariff  without  the  incident  of  protection.  It  was  there- 
fore free  trade,  as  far  as  such  a  thing  had  gone  as  a  party  tenet. 
It  was  passed  by  the  casting  vote  of  Dallas,  much  to  the  chagrin 
of  his  Pennsylvania  political  friends,  and  in  clear  violation  of  the 
pledges  of  the  campaign. 

While  this  action  led  to  the  Whig  successes  of  1848,  the 
tariff  legislation  of  1846  escaped  interference,  a  state  of  affairs 
which  existed  up  till  1857,  the  close  of  Pierce's  administration. 
Then  under  Democratic  auspices  the  act  of  that  year  (March  3) 
was  passed,  which  emphasized  the  free  trade  policy,  and  as  the 
sequel  proved,  struck  the  country  a  cruel  blow  by  reducing 
duties  to  the  standards  which  prevailed  before  the  war  of  18 12, 
and  had  not  been  reached  since,  except  at  the  end  of  the  sliding 
scale  of  1833.  The  one  excuse  for  its  passage,  to  wit,  the 
redundancy  of  revenue,  was  speedily  met  by  excessive  importa- 
tions, a  paralysis  of  industry,  and  an  exhaustive  outpour  of  the 
specie  of  the  country.  Six  months  after  its  passage  the  country 
was  in  the  midst  of  such  a  panic  as  it  had  never  witnessed. 
No  branch  of  industry  escaped.  The  ruin  was  universal  and 
deep. 

What  had  been  a  paramount  Whig  doctrine  now  passed  to 
the  new  Republican  party.  Judicious  use  of  it  in  the  campaign  of 
i860  aided  the  political  revolution  of  that  year.  It  was  a  period 
of  war  and  of  liberal  construction  measures.  The  tariff  of  1861 
was  natural  to  the  party  and  the  situation.  It  increased  duties 
all  along  the  line  of  imports,  and  reintroduced  the  protective 
principle  which  had  prevailed  during  the  first  forty  years  of  the 
government  This  principle  has  remained  undisturbed  ever  since 
so  far  as  the  forms  of  law  could  preserve  it.  It  finds  con- 
spicuous place  in  the  subsequent  amendatory  acts,  as  well  as  the 


694  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

leading  tariff  acts  of  1874  and  1883.  Of  this  last  it  must  be 
said,  it  was  the  result  of  a  non-partisan  commission  appointed 
to  inquire  into  existing  acts  with  a  view  of  correcting  their  incon- 
gruities, and  readapting  tariff  rates  to  our  newer  and  wider 
diversified  industries.  In  obedience  to  a  spirit  of  reform,  and  in 
accord  with  a  sentiment  against  prohibitive  rates,  or  even  pro- 
tective rates  as  to  established  industries,  it,  after  the  fullest  in- 
quiry, recommended  measures  which  looked  to  a  reduction  of 
duties  to  the  extent  of  twenty-five  per  cent.,  on  some  articles 
more,  on  some  less.  The  act  which  was  passed  did  not  embrace 
all  the  recommendations  of  the  commission,  but  its  report  was 
the  basis  of  the  bill.  Enough  time  has  not  elapsed  to  test  the 
exact  amount  of  reduction  to  be  effected  by  the  act,  but  it  will 
not  reach  the  anticipated  twenty-five  per  cent.  Possibly  this 
fact  may  have  emboldened  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
the  present  (Forty-eighth)  Congress  to  accomplish  the  reduction 
contemplated  in  the  Morrison  bill,  which  seeks  to  make  protec- 
tion an  incident  of  revenue,  and  to  reduce  the  rates  of  the  act 
of  1883  a  sheer  twenty  per  cent.,  without  regard  to  the  age, 
character,  or  condition  of  the  industry  interested.  This  bill, 
which  came  to  be  known  as  the  "  Morrison  horizontal  reduction 
bill,"  did  not  command  the  united  support  of  the  party.  Its 
title  was  stricken  out,  and  it  therefore  fell,  by  the  vote  of  some 
forty  Democrats  who  united  themselves  to  the  opposing  Repub- 
licans. 

FOR  AND  AGAINST.— The  earliest  anti-protection  or  free 
trade  argument  was  as  to  the  constitutional  right  to  protect. 
This  may  be  said  to  have  passed  away.  The  second  great  free 
trade  argument  was  that  protection  fostered  monopoly.  This 
was  Calhoun's  standing  argument.  He  saw  that  it  enured  more  to 
the  benefit  of  free  paid  labor  than  to  slave  unpaid  labor ;  in  other 
words,  that  its  legitimate  effect  was  encouragement  of  manu- 
facturing as  against  planting  industries ;  that  is,  the  industries 
which  involved  invention,  skill  and  competition,  as  against  those 
which  did  not.  He  was  right.  But  the  thought  of  denouncing 
that  as  monopoly  which  concerns  a  whole  people  would  be  too 
idle  for  support  to-day.     The  word  and  the  argument  are  still 


PROTECTION   AND  FREE    TRADE.  69") 

heard,  but  as  the  last  resort  of  those  who  do  not  understand 
their  origin  in  tariff  discussion,  nor  their  logical  effect  under 
changed  industrial  conditions  and  attitudes. 

The  free  trade  argument  that  protection  tends  to  higher  prices 
was  met  by  Hamilton  theoretically,  and  is  now  met  by  protec- 
tionists with  indubitable  evidence  to  the  contrary.  They  are  in 
general  not  without  fact  to  vindicate  themselves.  They  point  to 
the  fact  that  American  manufactures  of  cotton  which  sold  before 
the  protective  tariff  of  1824  for  24  cents  a  yard  were  reduced 
under  that  tariff  to  7^  cents.  They  point — we  can  only  give  a 
few  out  of  many  instances — to  the  fact  that  under  protection  our 
cotton  textiles  are  found  in  the  best  Oriental  and  South  American 
markets,  and  that  England  has  to  resort  to  an  adulteration  of 
similar  manufactures  in  order  to  compete  with  us  in  price.  They 
point  to  the  fact  that  under  protection  we  have  acquired  a  per^ 
fection  in  the  manufacture  of  edge  tools  and  agricultural  imple- 
ments which  enables  us  to  compete  with  the  English  home 
market.  They  point  to  the  fact  that  so  long  as  England  sup- 
plied us  with,  and  had  a  monopoly  of,  Bessemer  steel  rails,  the 
price  in  gold  was  $150  per  ton,  and  that  since  this  manufacture 
has  assumed  its  present  proportions  in  this  country  under  pro- 
tection, the  price  has  fallen  to  $40,  to  say  nothing  of  our  home 
development,  industrial  independence,  and  the  disbursement  of 
countless  millions  to  American  laborers. 

All  this  is  actual.  They  argue  the  same  as  to  relative  cost. 
In  the  early  days  protection  advanced  prices,  because  industries 
were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to  invite  the  wholesome  com- 
petition which  now  prevails.  But  if  prices  advanced,  so  did 
labor,  so  that  there  was  money  to  buy  necessaries.  During  the 
low  prices  under  the  tariff  of  1833,  and  during  the  panic  of 
1837,  labor  was  stricken,  and  lay  crushed  with  the  general  wreck. 
When  prices  revived  under  the  tariff  of  1842,  so  did  the  price 
of  labor,  and  so  it  declined  with  the  decline  of  prices  in  1857. 
The  point  is  that  cheapness  or  dearness  is  relative.  That  well- 
paid  labor  can  purchase  more  in  a  market  where  prices  are 
raised  by  tariff  duties  than  underpaid  labor,  because  the 
necessaries  of  life  are  as  a  rule  exempt  from  duty.     That  labor 


696  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cannot  be  well  remunerated  when  our  markets  are  cheapened  by 
foreign  competition,  and  when  the  capital  which  should  be  in- 
vested at  home  is  drawn  off  to  pay  for  imported  articles. 

The  abstract  argument  in  favor  of  free  trade  is,  that  trading  is 
a  natural  right — the  world  a  market.  That  some  countries  can, 
by  natural  fitness,  certainly  and  always  produce  a  class  of  goods 
cheaper  than  others,  and  that  it  is  wrong  to  prevent,  by  legisla- 
tion, their  general  sale  and  a  general  opportunity  to  take  advan- 
tage of  their  cheapness.  To  this  the  protectionist  replies  that 
he  fully  recognizes  this  law  of  trade,  and  is  willing  to  see  it 
operate  just  so  far  as  the  goods  or  articles  in  question  do  not 
compete  with  similar  articles,  or  the  possibility  of  the  production 
of  similar  articles,  in  his  own  country.  That  as  to  tea,  coffee 
and  such  things  as  cannot  be  produced  here,  they  are,  and  ought 
to  be,  free  of  duty,  unless  forsooth  simple  revenue  requires  such 
duty ;  but  that  as  to  the  products  of  other  nations,  whose  cheap- 
ness has  been  brought  about  by  the  long  practice  of  hard  pro- 
tective systems,  or  by  social  and  political  degradation  of  the  labor 
which  enters  into  them,  it  becomes  the  highest  duty  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  avoid  competition  with  them,  that  our  own  labor  may 
live  and  our  own  capital  find  employment.  The  protectionist 
admits  that  this  is  selfish,  but  claims  that  it  is  the  selfishness 
which  all  peoples  have  to  exercise  in  order  to  exist,  and  further 
that  it  is  the  selfishness  of  the  law  which  subordinates  the  rights 
of  the  few  to  the  rights  of  the  many,  or  the  rights  of  enemies  to 
those  of  friends. 

To  the  argument  that  other  countries  practice  free  trade,  the 
answer  is  that  free  trade  is  not  known  among  nations  except  in 
theory.  That  the  modern  drift  of  economic  practice  is  against  it. 
That  England,  who  has  set  up  to  convert  the  world  to  free  trade, 
is  not  herself  a  free  trade  nation,  but  by  means  of  a  tariff  on 
wines,  spirits,  tobacco,  and  other  articles  she  calls  luxuries, 
gathers  a  revenue  sufficient  for  her  wants.  That  in  the  past 
twenty  years,  and  long  after  she  declared  free  trade  to  be  the 
rule  as  to  her  manufactures,  she  protected  her  commercial 
marine  by  the  payment  of  direct  subsidies,  till  France,  Italy  and 
Germany  were  compelled  to  do  the  same,  and  this  country  has 


PROTECTION   AND   FREE   TRADE.  (J97 

been  made  to  see  the  folly  of  not  doing  it,  by  the  loss  of  her 
carrying  trade. 

The  free  trader  claims  that  while  some  articles  are  cheaper  by 
reason  of  our  ability  to  manufacture  them,  the  greater  number 
are  not,  and  cannot  be.  The  protectionist  says  this  is  not  abso- 
lutely desirable  at  present.  That  it  ought  to  be  a  patriotic  pride 
with  an  American  to  pay  more  for  a  home-made  article  than  for 
a  foreign  one,  the  quality  and  utility  being  the  same.  That  he 
will  be  more  than  repaid  for  the  difference  by  the  fact  that  he 
has  thereby  encouraged  a  home  industry  and  contributed  to  a 
home  market.  That  every  cent  which  thus  goes  out  of  a  man's 
pocket  is  a  contribution  to  the  comfort  of  his  surroundings,  to 
the  happiness  of  his  neighbors,  to  the  erection  of  homes,  to  the 
welfare  of  labor,  to  the  building  up  of  a  home  market  for  cattle, 
wool,  wheat,  corn,  butter,  cheese,  etc.,  for  which  there  would  not 
otherwise  be  a  demand,  or,  if  so,  one  so  remote  and  foreign  as  to 
rob  him  of  all  profit  by  the  cost  of  transportation,  not  to  say  the 
cost  of  intermediate  agency. 

A  school  of  free  traders  who  are  really  protectionists,  and  of 
protectionists  who  are  really  free  traders,  have  pretty  nearly 
agreed  that  the  true  measure  of  protection  is  found  in  the  differ- 
ence between  the  cost  of  an  article  at  home  and  abroad.  They 
say  that  this  cost  represents  labor,  and  this  difference  the  differ- 
ence in  the  price  of  labor,  and  that  when  this  difference  is  covered 
American  labor  has  all  the  protection  it  can  ask  or  ought  to 
have.  The  straight-out  protectionist  says  this  is  illusory.  It 
leaves  capital  out  of  the  question,  which  is  even  more  timid  than 
labor.  It  further  compels  an  adjustment  which  is  impracticable, 
for  the  reason  that  labor  is  differently  paid  in  all  older  countries, 
and  because  the  political  and  social  institutions  of  those  countries 
are  different.  Where  caste  prevails,  the  laborer  has  no  induce- 
ment to  rise  above  his  station,  and  is  content  to  take  his  stipu- 
lated wage,  however  low  it  may  be.  But  here  he  is  a  man,  a 
voter,  has  every  encouragement  to  rise  himself  and  see  his  chil- 
dren rise.  He  has,  or  may  have,  social  caste,  which  he  is  in 
duty  bound  to  sustain.  That  therefore  labor  conditions  are  not 
the  same,  and  any  argument  based  on  simple  differences  of  labor 


(598  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

prices  is  unfair.  Our  standards  ought  not  to  be  based  on  those 
abroad,  but  should  be  subject  to  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand 
at  home.  Hamilton's  idea  of  protection  was  that  it  did  not,  and 
should  not,  invite  competition  of  any  kind  from  abroad,  but  that 
it  depended  for  its  equity  and  success  on  the  competition  it 
created  at  home.  This  was  his  answer  to  all  argument  that  it 
favored  monopoly,  and  it  was  equally  an  answer  to  the  argument 
that  either  our  labor  or  capital  should  be  subject  to  foreign 
standards,  or  be  gauged  by  foreign  rules  or  conditions.  The 
free  trade  argument  that  protection  tends  to  overproduction  in 
the  United  States,  and  to  periods  of  depression  and  panic,  is 
answered  by  square  denial.  England  is  as  subject  to  periodic 
visitations  of  glut  and  depression  as  this  or  any  other  protective 
country.  The  facts  are  on  the  side  of  the  protectionist.  The 
year  1884  is  a  period  of  depression  in  the  iron  trade.  With 
those  who  look  no  further,  the  cry  of  overproduction  by  reason 
of  too  much  protection  answers  for  argument.  But  every  iron- 
producing  country  in  the  world  is  now  subject  to  the  same  de- 
pression, let  the  reason  for  it  be  what  it  may.  And  the  English 
iron  trade  is  as  much,  if  not  more,  depressed  than  all.  The 
logic  of  the  free  trade  situation  requires  that  she  should  be 
exempt.  And  just  here  the  protectionist  uses  with  most  vigor 
the  historic  arguments  at  hand.  He  'points  to  the  fact  that  the 
repeal  of  protective  laws  has  inevitably  resulted  in  depression 
and  disaster,  and  that  a  return  to  them  has  eventuated  in  renewed 
prosperity  and  confidence.  This  is  certainly  true  of  the  periods 
designated  by  1819-24,  1837-42,  1857-61. 

The  panic  of  1873  is  the  only  historic  exception,  and  this  was 
due  not  to  those  legitimate  and  sober  relations  between  capital 
and  labor  which  protective  or  free  trade  legislation  is  supposed 
to  effect,  but  to  speculative  ramifications  incident  to  a  redundant 
currency,  the  direction  of  wild,  unsettled,  post-war  energies  into 
new  and  unknown  channels,  and  the  sudden  recall,  by  the 
Chicago  and  Boston  fires,  of  $250,000,000  of  capital  to  other  and 
imperative  uses.  How  long  protection  postponed  the  panic,  no 
free  trader  has  agreed  to  tell.  Nor  has  any  one  condescended 
to  inform  the  world  how  much  of  the  speedy  and  substantial  re- 


PROTECTION.  AND    FREE    TRADE.  699 

covery  from  its  ruinous  effects  was  due  to  the  presence  of  a 
liberal  protective  system. 

But  as  to  this  panic,  these  things  are  purely  local.  The  laws 
of  economy  do  not  permit  simply  a  home  search  for  cause? 
which  were  pervasive  of  the  commercial  world.  The  panics  of 
1 8 19,  1837  and  1857  were  confined  to  this  country.  That  of 
1873  was  general,  and  far  more  disastrous  in  Europe  than  here. 
Twelve  hundred  millions  of  our  bonds  were  held  abroad. 
Stringency  there  caused  a  refusal  of  further  credit.  The  seeds 
of  contagious  panic  were  sown  broadcast.  It  was  a  matter  of 
credit  and  not  of  industry.  Indeed,  our  mills  did  not  stop  at 
all,  or  as  in  other  panics.  Banks  did  not  break  so  numerously. 
Internal  commerce  was  sustained.  All  recuperative  forces  had 
play,  and  the  rescue  was  prompt.  We  even  got  rid  of  hamper- 
ing foreign  debt.  Economy  became  a  rule.  We  sold  more 
than  we  bought  because  we  did  not,  owing  to  high  tariff  rates, 
become  a  dumping  ground  for  foreign  manufactures,  as  after  the 
Revolution  and  the  war  of  18 12.  Many  have  said  the  panic  of 
1873  was  a  blessing. 

As  to  the  American  farmer,  the  free  trader  is  content  with  the 
argument  that  he  ought  not  to  be  made  to  pay  high  prices  for  the 
commodities  he  uses.  The  protectionist  points  to  the  fact  that 
all  manufactured  commodities  are  on  an  average  twenty-five  per 
cent,  cheaper  than  before  i860,  and  that  then  some  eighty  per 
cent,  of  them  were  made  abroad  and  twenty  per  cent,  at  home, 
while  now  eighty  per  cent,  are  made  at  home  and  twenty  per 
cent,  abroad.  Even  if  prices  for  these  manufactures  were  the 
same,  the  farmer  has  gained  by  protection  the  advantage  of  a 
home  market  for  his  produce,  that  is,  a  saving  to  the  extent  at 
least  of  the  cost  of  transporting  it  to  markets  three  to  five 
thousand  miles  away.  Transportation  is  always  dead  loss.  Our 
home  market  is  the  one  the  farmer  should  foster.  It  is  certain,  is 
at  his  door,  is  growing  as  fast  as  our  own  manufactures,  is  already 
large  enough  to  consume  eighty  per  cent,  of  our  wheat  and 
ninety-two  per  cent,  of  our  corn,  and  even  as  to  our  surplus  is 
being  fast  forestalled  by  the  English  design  to  get  cheap  food 
for  her  workmen  through  Australian  and  East  Indian  wheat. 


700  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

It  is  impossible  to  follow  the  many  minor  arguments  used  by 
free  traders  and  protectionists.  Nor  is  it  necessary.  Many  of 
them  are  individual,  many  shaded  to  suit  party  bent,  many 
demagogic.  It  is  equally  impossible  to  go  through  the  hard  chap- 
ters of  pqlitical  economy,  written  to  prove  the  absolute  rectitude 
of  either  free  trade  or  protection.  Whatever  may  be  said  of 
them  as  abstract  questions,  nations  are  relative.  They  exist  and 
prosper  by  their  relations.  Independence  and  prosperity  are  de- 
sirable. This  country  had  to  face  the  problem  of  political  inde- 
pendence. Peace  was  beautiful  and  desirable,  but  peace  meant 
humiliation,  subserviency.  The  protective  agency  of  horrid  war 
had  to  be  evoked.  Political  independence  was  the  beginning  of 
a  grand  commercial  and  industrial  battle.  We  have  learned  to 
trust  the  agency  of  protection  to  win  this  victory  also.  It  is  the 
old  question,  in  another  form,  of  peace  and  subordinancy,  or  legal, 
industrial  war  and  second  independence.  The  weapons  of  Great 
Britain  alone  are  countless  millions  of  capital  and  machinery 
equal  to  the  labor  of  seven  hundred  millions  of  men.  We  must 
meet  this  mighty  menace,  or  suffer  overthrow.  To  exist  indus- 
trially we  must  earn  the  right  to  exist.  Eternal  vigilance  is  the 
price  of  our  industrial  liberty.  If  overcome  in  the  struggle,  let 
it  not  be  said  of  us  that  we  were  too  spiritless  or  too  fond  of 
dreams  to  try  the  arts  of  protection  which  have  raised  other 
nations  to  opulence  and  commercial  independence. 


THE  SURPLUS   REVENUE. 

||  N  the  fall  of  1882  the  Republican  party  of  Pennsylvania 

,1i[  introduced  into  its  platform  a  proposition  which  read  as 
follows :  "  That  any  surplus  in  the  public  treasury  aris- 
ing from  a  redundant  revenue  should,  after  paying  the 
national  debt  as  fast  as  its  conditions  permit,  be  dis- 
tributed from  time  to  time  to  the  several  States  upon  the  basis 
of  population,  to  relieve  them  from  the  burden  of  local  taxation 
and  provide  means  for  the  education  of  their  people."  It  became 
known  as  the  Barker  plank,  from  the  name  of  the  gentleman  who 
suggested  it.  At  first  it  attracted  but  little  attention,  but  as 
time  passed  it  drew  comment  and  discussion,  and  at  last  grew  to 
be  a  matter  of  far-reaching  and  national  moment. 

HISTORY. — It  was  not  a  new  proposition  or  doctrine,  as 
many  supposed,  but  was  nearly  as  old  as  the  government,  and 
had  at  various  times  engaged  the  attention  of  statesmen  and 
parties.  Jefferson,  in  one  of  his  inaugurals,  spoke  of  the  neces- 
sity of  providing  a  plan  for  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of 
the  sales  of  public  lands  among  the  States,  it  then  being  a 
doctrine  that  such  proceeds  belonged  to  the  States  which  were 
the  real  owners  of  the  lands. 

Afterwards,  in  the  second  session  of  the  Nineteenth  Congress 
(1827),  a  bill  was  defeated  which  had  for  its  object  the  distribu- 
tion of  a  part  of  the  national  revenue  among  the  States.  In  this 
Congress  the  National  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  were 
very  evenly  divided,  and  this  measure  shared  the  fate  of  an 
amended  tariff  bill  which  was  strongly  urged  by  the  National 
Republican  (afterwards  the  Whig)  party. 

President  Jackson,  with  greater  reason  than  had  previously 
existed,  for  the  national  debt  was  then  growing  small,  proposed, 

(701) 


702  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

in  his  message  to  the  Twenty-first  Congress,  Dec.  7,  1829,  a  dis- 
tribution of  the  surplus  revenue  among  the  States,  the  thought 
still  being  that  the  States  were  entitled  to  it  as  owners  of  the 
public  lands,  the  sale  of  which  constituted  a  leading  source  of 
income.  The  President's  suggestion  led  to  the  famous  Foot  re- 
solution of  inquiry  into  the  sales  of  the  public  lands,  and  to  the 
proposition  to  stop  surveys  and  limit  their  sale  for  a  time,  debate 
on  which  engaged  almost  the  entire  session  of  the  Senate  and 
culminated  in  the  splendid  oratorical  contest  between  Webster 
and  Hayne. 

On  account  of  the  approaching  extinguishment  of  the  public 
debt,  President  Jackson,  in  his  message  to  the  Twenty-fourth 
Congress,  Dec.  7,  1835,  again  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of 
devising  some  means  of  distributing  the  surplus  revenue  among 
the  States.  The  matter  being  timely,  it  drew  many  propositions, 
each  of  which  was  suggestive  of  the  numerous  constitutional 
difficulties  in  the  way.  A  direct  return  of  surplus  moneys  to 
the  States,  and  the  further  collection  of  the  same  for  the  pur- 
pose of  so  returning  them,  were  regarded  as  out  of  the  question. 
The  plan  was  hit  upon  of  loaning  to  the  States,  in  proportion  to 
their  population,  such  part  of  the  surplus  as  they  thus  became 
entitled  to.  The  act  passed,  June  23,  1836,  to  take  effect  Jan. 
I,  1837.  It  authorized  the  deposit  of  all  surplus  for  that  year, 
except  $5,000,000,  in  what  were  then  known  as  the  M  pet  banks," 
or  designated  government  depositories,  the  same  to  be  drawn 
out  by  each  State  to  the  extent  of  what  was  due  it,  and  to  be 
regarded  as  a  loan  for  whose  payment  the  State  stood  as  security. 
There  was  an  actual  distribution  to  the  extent  of  $26,101,644. 
The  quota  due  each  State  for  the  year  1837  was  ascertained,  and 
three  quarterly  payments  were  made  on  Jan.  1,  April  I  and  July 
I.  Owing  to  the  panic  of  that  year,  which  forced  the  act  of 
Oct.  2,  1837,  postponing  further  payment  till  Jan.  1,  1839,  the 
fourth  instalment  was  never  paid.  To  illustrate,  the  quota  ascer- 
tained to  be  due  Pennsylvania  was  $3,823,353.04,  and  of  this  she 
received  three  instalments  of  $955,838.26  each,  or  a  total  of 
$2,867,514.78.  The  quota  of  Virginia  was  $2,931,236,  and  of 
this  she  received  three  instalments  of  $732,809  each,  or  a  total 
of  $2,198,427. 


THE  SURPLUS  REVENUE.  703 

The  act  had  an  excuse  for  its  existence  in  the  fact  that  there 
was  no  debt  of  any  account  and  a  surplus  revenue,  which,  unless 
distributed,  the  treasury  would  have  had  to  hoard.  It  was  based 
on  the  then  prevailing  theory  that  the  States  were  entitled  to  it 
as  owners  of  the  public  lands,  whence  most  of  this  revenue  came. 
But  probably  the  passage  of  the  act  was  due  as  much  to  a  desire 
on  the  part  of  certain  presidential  aspirants  to  stand  well  with 
the  States  as  to  anything  else.  The  Foot  inquiry  of  former 
years  had  shown  that  the  policy  of  stopping  surveys  and  sales 
of  public  lands  for  a  time  was  very  unpopular.  These  going  on, 
the  question  of  distribution  kept  at  the  front. 

Further,  the  act  imposed  no  restrictions  on  the  States.  They 
could  use  the  money  as  they  pleased.  Indeed  the  very  nature 
of  the  distribution — it  was  a  loan  and  not  an  absolute  gift,  though 
it  was  understood  that  payment  would  never  be  demanded — 
prevented  such  restriction.  What  the  States  did  with  it  is  not 
certain  at  this  date.  It  is  said  that  in  Maine  and  New  Hamp- 
shire it  was  distributed  among  the  people  amid  infinite  jest;  that 
New  York  set  it  apart  as  a  school  fund;  that  North  Carolina 
put  it  into  internal  improvements ;  that  Pennsylvania  divided 
hers  into  a  school  fund  and  a  fund  for  internal  improvement.  As 
to  the  rest  of  the  twenty-six  States  which  participated  the  im- 
pression is  that  it  was  frittered  away  without  permanent  good 
results. 

After  the  panic  of  1837  and  the  era  of  low  tariffs  which  began 
with  the  sliding  scale  of  1833,  not  to  end  till  1861,  the  country 
was  in  no  condition  to  moot  the  question  of  a  distribution  of  a 
surplus.  Yet  it  unfortunately  came  up  in  1842.  The  Whigs 
were  then  striving  to  pass  the  protective  tariff  act  of  that  year. 
They  did  so  after  a  long  debate,  and  in  order  to  calm  apprehen- 
sion respecting  a  redundant  revenue  from  it  they  coupled  with  it 
a  clause  providing  for  the  distribution  of  any  surplus  that  might 
arise  among  the  States.  The  bill  fell  under  Tyler's  veto.  A 
second  was  passed  without  protective  features.  This,  was  also 
vetoed.  A  third  without  either  the  protective  or  the  surplus 
distribution  feature  was  passed  and  signed.  This  became  the 
celebrated  Tariff  Act  of  1842. 


704  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

After  that  the  act  of  1836  passed  quite  out  of  mind,  and  the 
theory  of  distribution  with  it,  if  we  except  the  recent  demands 
made  by  Arkansas  and  Virginia  upon  the  treasury  for  payment  of 
the  fourth  instalments  which  they  claimed  to  be  due  them.  The 
Virginia  case  took  the  shape  of  a  mandamus  to  compel  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  pay  her  the  sum  of  $732,809,  the 
same  being  the  fourth  instalment  of  public  money  which  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  directed  to  deposit  for  the  benefit 
of  the  State  by  act  of  Congress  dated  June  23,  1836.  The 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  March  17,  1884,  dismissed 
the  mandamus,  saying  "  that  the  act  in  question  created  no  debt 
or  legal  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  the  States 
accepting  its  terms,  but  only  made  provision  for  the  deposit 
temporarily  with  the  States,  subject  to  recall  by  the  government, 
of  a  portion  of  the  surplus  national  revenue."  Further:  "The 
act  authorized  the  deposits  to  be  made  out  of  surplus  in  the 
treasury,  on  January  1,  1837.  The  act  of  October  2,  1837, 
postponed  the  fourth  instalment  till  January  1,  1 839.  The  con- 
dition of  the  treasury  was  then  such  as  to  forbid  its  payment 
or  deposit.  Congress  did  not  make  it  a  charge  on  revenue  in 
the  treasury  after  January  1,  1839,  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  has  no  power  to  apply  subsequently  collected  revenue 
to  the  payment  of  said  fourth  instalment  without  an  act  of 
Congress." 

It  thus  appears  that  distribution  of  the  surplus  revenue  is  no 
new  question,  but  one  which  has  plagued  the  Government  and 
parties  throughout  the  century. 

PRESENT  QUESTION.— The  present  question  of  surplus 
distribution  comes  up  at  a  time  when  there  is  really  no  surplus 
revenue.  The  country  is  in  debt  to  the  extent  of  nearly  $1,500,- 
000,000.  Rigid  economists  say  "let  all  revenue  be  devoted  to 
the  payment  of  the  debt,  then  talk  about  distribution."  This  is 
almost  the  position  taken  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in 
his  last  report,  December,  1883.  His  words  are  :  "  It  is  perhaps 
enough  for  the  present  that  the  payable  debts  of  the  Union  can 
take  up  all  surplus  now  existing  or  likely  to  arise  for  four  years 
to  come." 


THE   SURPLUS    REVENUE.  705 

The  President  in  his  message  to  Congress,  December,  1883, 
advises  a  diminution  of  the  excise  taxes  if  the  surplus  appears 
too  large ;  yet,  the  same  having  been  reduced  to  the  extent  of 
$50,000,000  in  1883,  and  the  Tariff  rates  having  been  consider- 
ably cut,  he  thinks  that  the  full  effect  of  these  laws  should  be 
witnessed  before  making  haste  to  reduce  the  surplus  further. 

Observe  both  of  these  functionaries  speak  of  a  surplus  revenue. 
They  do  not  mean  that  there  is  an  actual  surplus  as  in  1836; 
that  is,  one  over  and  above  absolute  needs;  but  only  one  above 
present  or  current  wants.  There  is  more  than  enough  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  running  the  Government,  the  interest  on  the 
debt,  and  such  part  of  the  principal  as  may  be  falling  due,  or  as 
ought  to  be  met  in  order  to  keep  up  steady  reduction.  If  the 
thought  is  entertained  that-  all  surplus  should  go  to  the 
extinguishment  of  the  debt,  then  no  question  can  arise  as  to  the 
distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the  States.  If,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  thought  be  conspicuous — and  it  surely  is — that  we 
ought  not  to  pay  the  debt  so  rapidly,  then  the  question  of 
making  some  disposition  of  the  surplus  forces  itself  to  the  front, 
for  nothing  is  better  established  than  the  doctrine  that  a  govern- 
ment ought  not  to  collect  money  from  the  people  for  the  mere 
pleasure  of  the  thing  and  for  the  purpose  of  piling  it  up  idly  in 
the  vaults  of  the  Treasury. 

The  present  question  of  surplus  distribution  is  therefore  com- 
plex. It  depends  on  our  ideas  respecting  the  propriety  of  rapid 
or  slow  payment  of  the  National  debt.  And  rapid  or  slow  pay- 
ment of  the  debt  is  in  itself  a  great  question.  Rapid  payment 
means  a  continuance  of  high  excise  taxes  and  high  rates  of  duty 
on  imports.  It  means  constant  calling  in  of  bonds,  which  holders 
would  rather  retain  than  give  up.  It  means  the  speedy  and  final 
extinguishment  of  the  bonds  which  the  National  Banks  are 
compelled  to  buy  and  hold  as  a  basis  of  the  banking  system,  and 
it  consequently  means  the  end  of  that  system,  or  its  reorganiza- 
tion on  some  other  and  less  satisfactory  basis.  In  its  most 
favorable  light,  it  means  of  course  the  early  stoppage  of  interest 
on  the  debt  and  thereby  an  immense  annual  saving. 

Slow  payment  means  a  lower  tax  and  tariff  rate,  a  spreading 
45 


706  BUILDING   AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

of  the  burdens  over  the  future,  a  longer  continuance  of  the 
National  Banking  system,  enjoyment  of  our  securities  by  holders, 
and  annual  loss  in  the  shape  of  interest.  But  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  our  bonds  have  to  be  met  at  stated  times  as  they  fall 
due,  there  is  no  school  of  economists  which  advocates  a  reduc- 
tion of  our  National  income  to  the  low  standard  of  mere  current 
or  every-day  wants.  All  agree  that  we  should  pay  our  way 
and  be  making  ready  for  future  demands ;  in  other  words,  that 
however  much  taxation  may  be  reduced,  the  Government  should 
not  be  pinched,  but  should  have  a  handsome  margin  each  year; 
that  is,  a  surplus. 

Selfish  rather  than  strictly  economical  considerations  come  in 
to  complicate  the  question.  Those  interested  in  liquors  and 
tobacco,  the  two  articles  which  now  bear  the  brunt  of  excise 
taxation,  naturally  want  them  relieved  of  tax.  They  point  to 
the  dangers  of  a  surplus  revenue,  and  answer  the  question  of 
distribution  by  saying,  "  Strike  off  the  tax  and  thus  do  away  with 
the  surplus."  Again,  those  interested  in  maintaining  a  high  pro- 
tective tariff  see  great  danger  in  a  large  surplus.  Some  would 
have  it  applied  directly  to  the  payment  of  the  debt,  so  that  an 
inducement  to  lower  tariff  rates  and  income  from  duties  might 
not  arise,  for  the  present  at  least.  Others  fall  in  with  the  liquor 
and  tobacco  interests,  and  advocate  abolition  of  all  excise  taxes 
and  internal  revenue,  on  the  theory  that  if  this  source  of  income 
is  cut  off,  the  government  will  be  compelled  to  maintain  a  high 
standard  of  duties  on  imports.  Still  others  are  ardent  advocates 
of  the  present  rates  of  tax  and  duty,  and  as  to  the  surplus  that 
is  arising  and  sure  to  arise,  they  say,  "  Let  it  be  distributed  among 
the  States,  and  to  some  good  end." 

One  other  thought  in  connection  with  the  present  question  of 
surplus  distribution,  before  we  turn  to  its  history.  The  surplus 
under  consideration  is  that  which  arises  from  all  sources.  It  is 
general  and  mixed.  The  early  attempts  at  distribution  among 
the  States,  and  the  successful  one  of  1836,  touched  a  special, 
unmixed  surplus — that  arising  from  the  sale  of  public  lands.  It 
was  not  a  surplus  occasioned  by  taxation,  nor  was  the  distribution 
regarded  as  anything  more  than  a  return  of  moneys  to  the  proper 


THE    SURPLUS   REVENUE.  707 

owners,  State  supremacy  and  right  to  the  public  domain  being 
then  a  prominent  political  doctrine.  There  is  now  no  proposition 
- — except  as  a  means  of  avoiding  Constitutional  objections,  or  of 
reconciling  the  idea  of  distribution  to  the  popular  mind — to  sep- 
arate the  surplus,  and  to  distribute  to  the  States  the  part  which 
arises  from  the  sale  of  public  lands,  or  from  any  special  source. 
The  distribution  is  not  to  be  made  because  the  States  have  any 
paramount  right  to  the  surplus  moneys,  but  because  the  govern- 
ment chooses  to  be  generous  and  to  restore  to  the  people,  as 
nearly  as  it  can,  the  sums  it  has  collected  from  them.  This  is 
the  proposition  of  distribution  coldly  stated.  But  it  has  taken 
quite  another  form  under  discussion,  as  we  shall  see. 

We  now  turn  to  the  growth  or  amplification  of  the  surplus  dis- 
tribution idea.  As  embodied  in  the  Pennsylvania  platform,  it 
meant  a  distribution  of  not  needed  surplus  among  the  States  in 
proportion  to  their  population,  and  for  the  purpose  of  relieving 
them  "  from  the  burden  of  local  taxation  and  providing  means 
for  the  education  of  their  people."  There  was  no  mention  of 
the  source  whence  the  surplus  sprang.  The  distribution  was  to 
be  general,  and  on  the  basis  of  population.  It  wras  to  be  con- 
stant as  long  as  a  surplus  arose,  great  or  small  in  proportion  to 
the  extent  of  that  surplus.  The  recipient  States  were  to  be 
limited  in  their  use  of  the  money.  They  were  to  pay  local  debts 
with  it  and  provide  means  for  the  education  of  their  people. 

A  year  afterwards,  Nov.  22,  1883,  the  question  came  promi- 
nently before  the  public  through  a  letter  from  Hon.  James  G. 
Blaine,  published  in  the  Philadelphia  Press.  He  objected  to  the 
Pennsylvania  plan  because  it  proposed  to  give  no  steady  or  cer- 
tain amount  to  the  States  each  year.  They  would  be  the  recipi- 
ents of  a  large  amount  this  year  and  a  small  amount  next,  just 
as  the  surplus  fluctuated  in  the  Treasury.  The  States  could  not, 
therefore,  depend  on  it  to  support  any  plan  for  reducing  their 
debts  or  building  up  educational  systems.  They  would  fritter 
it  away  as  they  did  the  deposits  of  1837.  He  objected  further 
that  it  placed  a  temptation  before  representatives  from  impecu- 
nious States  to  withhold  their  support  from  National  and  legit- 
imate  appropriations  in  order  to  make  those  for  their  States  as 


708  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

large  as  possible.  His  third  objection  was  to  the  assumption 
contained  in  the  proposition  that  our  present  redundancy  of  rev- 
enue would  continue  for  some  time.  But  owing  to  the  fact,  or 
combination  of  facts,  that  our  securities  were  in  such  shape  that 
payment  of  much  of  the  debt  could  well  be  postponed,  and  that 
there  was  hardly  a  possibility  of  so  reducing  taxes  and  duties  as 
to  avoid  a  surplus  income,  he  regarded  it  as  a  fit  time  to  help  the 
States  to  lift  their  debts  and  lower  their  rates  of  taxation.  Then, 
on  the  theory  that  the  Federal  government  could  alone  tax 
spirits  with  any  degree  of  success,  that  it  was  the  easiest  and 
handiest  taxation  known,  being  on  a  luxury,  and  that  it  was  far 
less  oppressive  and  hurtful  than  any  local  tax  on  land  or  per- 
sonal property,  he  proposed  to  turn  over  to  the  States  each  year 
the  amount  raised  by  the  government  on  liquors,  with  the  intent 
that  they  should  reduce  their  own  taxes  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  received.  The  amount  raised  in  1883  from  tax  on 
liquors  was  $86,000,000,  which,  in  the  hands  of  the  States,  would 
enable  them  to  reduce  their  local  taxation  that  much.  Thus,  he 
argued,  the  States  would  have  a  certain  income,  one  arising  from 
a  specific  tax  on  specific  articles,  and  they  could  afford  to  engage 
in  plans  for  lowering  taxes  without  fear  of  confusion. 

While  this  plan  went  back  to  that  of  1836,  and  involved  the 
distribution  of  a  special,  or  specifically  derived,  surplus,  and  may 
have,  in  the  mind  of  its  author,  thereby  overcome  a  Constitu- 
tional objection,  it  was  narrower  than  the  Pennsylvania  plan, 
which  proposed  that  the  recipient  States  should  not  only  lower 
their  taxes,  but  educate  their  people,  through  and  by  means  of 
the  government's  bounty.  It  further  created  a  surplus  for  dis- 
tribution, and  made  it  certain  for  each  year,  a  thing  not  contem- 
plated in  the  Pennsylvania  proposition,  for  it  assumed  to  deal 
only  with  such  surplus  as  seemed  probable,  unless  there  came 
about  a  reduction  of  both  excise  taxes  and  tariff  rates. 

This  reopening  of  the  question  drew  a  variety  of  opinions 
from  all  sources,  and  proved  the  beginning  of  a  discussion  which 
has  since  become  general,  and  in  some  instances  taken  on  party 
liues.  Both  the  plans  of  distribution  were  compelled  to  face  the 
Constitutional  argument  that  the  government  had  no  right  to 


THE  SURPLUS  REVENUE.  709 

raise  money  by  taxation  for  the  purpose  of  handing  it  over  to  the 
States  that  they  might  thereby  lighten  the  burden  of  State  taxar 
tion.  And  this  has  all  along  been  the^most  serious  argument 
against  any  proposition  to  distribute  national  surplus.  It  is 
certainly  stronger  against  creating  a  surplus,  or  setting  apart 
specifically  derived  income,  for  the  use  of  the  States,  than 
against  such  disposition  of  an  accidental  surplus  found  in  the 
Treasury,  especially  if  the  latter  goes  to  the  States  for  educa- 
tional purposes,  or  partly  so.  In  the  end  it  may  prove  a  fatal 
objection. 

Another  objection  was  to  the  effect  that  the  distribution  of 
moneys  arising  from  the  taxation  of  malt  and  spirituous  liquors 
would  be  enriching  States  which  did  not  manufacture  such 
liquors  at  the  expense  of  those  which  did.  This  lost  its  weight 
by  the  consideration  that  the  consumers,  in  the  end,  paid  the 
tax,  and  such  consumers  were  found  in  every  State.  Again  it 
was  said  that  if  the  States  were  thus  supported,  the  people  would 
lose  their  interest  in  local  affairs ;  that  it  looked  to  the  perpetua- 
tion of  internal  revenue  taxation  at  a  time  when  public  senti- 
ment favored  its  abolition ;  that  it  would  encourage  profligacy 
in  the  States  ;  would  be  generally  unwise  and  mischievous. 
:  The  friends  of  distribution  relied  on  historic  precedent,  on  a 
popular  sentiment  which  could  not  be  induced  to  relieve  liquors 
from  taxation  so  long  as  lands  and  articles  of  necessity  were 
subject  to  it,  on  the  ability  of  the  government  to  collect  such 
tax  with  the  machinery  already  in  existence,  on  the  fairness  of  a 
distribution  according  to  population,  on  the  immense  advantage 
likely1  to  accrue  to  the  States. 

When  the  matter  began  to  assume  practical  shape,  which  it 
did  in  a  bill  drawn  by  Mr.  Barker,  author  of  the  Pennsylvania 
plan,  it  was  seen  that  many  of  the  objections  above  urged  were 
insuperable.  There  was  a  general  departure  from  the  thought 
that  the  government  ought  to  raise  revenue  for  the  purpose  of 
distributing  it.  Indeed,  it  appeared  that  if  the  government  were 
to  assume  any  such  generous  attitude  toward  the  States,  it  must 
have  a  higher  justification  than  had  thus  far  cropped  out.  That 
part  of  the  Pennsylvania  plan  which  referred  to  a  distribution 


710  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

for  educational  purposes  now  became  conspicuous.  States  had 
founded  educational  systems  and  endowed  them  liberally,  on 
the  theory  that  they  owed  an  obligation  to  the  citizen — the 
obligation  of  redeeming  him  from  illiteracy.  Did  not  a  similar 
obligation  exist  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  government? 

This  question  had  been  asked  many  times  during  the  existence 
of  our  government,  and  in  general  answered  affirmatively.  If 
such  obligation  existed  at  all,  it  did  so  now  to  an  extent  greater 
than  ever.  Illiteracy  was  everywhere.  In  some  sections  half 
the  people  were  illiterates.  Those  sections  were  not  the  richest, 
nor  best  qualified  to  embark  in  liberal  schemes  of  education. 
What  so  easy  and  proper  as  for  the  government  to  extend  edu- 
cational aid  ?  There  was  a  surplus  of  revenue,  and  distribution 
of  it  for  such  purpose  would  be  in  the  nature  of  a  parental 
patronage.  Constitutional  objections  would  be  avoided.  The 
government  would  be  a  benefactor.  Public  moneys  would  not 
go  out  to  the  States  as  such,  and  in  proportion  to  population, 
but  to  the  States  as  localities  where  illiteracy  was  prevalent  and 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  illiterates.  Help  would  go 
where  it  was  needed,  light  into  dark  places,  both  as  a  demand 
existed. 

In  looking  back,  precedent  was  found  to  be  abundant.  The 
ordinance  (1785)  for  the  government  of  the  Northwest  Territory 
set  apart  the  sixteenth  section  (640  acres)  of  every  township  for 
common  school  purposes,  and  wisely  declared  that  "  religion, 
morality  and  knowledge  being  necessary  to  good  government 
and  the  happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  educa- 
tion shall  be  ever  encouraged."  Fourteen  of  the  States  received 
school  lands  under  this  ordinance.  The  ordinance  of  1787  in- 
creased the  gift  of  school  lands  to  two  townships  of  land  to  each 
State  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  university.  This  ordinance 
was  confirmed  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  every 
State  organized  since  1800  has  enjoyed  this  gift  of  46,000  acres. 
Those  States  which  handled  their  deposit,  under  the  act  of  1836, 
in  the  wisest  manner  made  a  school  fund  of  it.  Many  acts,  run- 
ning from  1841  to  i860,  gave  large  grants  of  lands  to  the  States, 
much  of  which  was  wasted,  but  some  of  which  was  turned  to 


THE  SURPLUS  REVENUE.  711 

the  account  of  public  schools.  Up  to  this  time  the  government 
gave  to  the  States'lands  estimated  at  140,000,000  acres,  most  of 
which,  it  is  safe  to  say,  has  been  converted  to  public  school  uses. 
In  1862  a  further  grant  was  made  to  each  State  of  30,000  for 
each  Senator  and  Representative  in  Congress,  the  proceeds  of 
the  same  to  be  devoted  to  the  founding  and  maintenance  of  agri- 
cultural colleges. 

It  is  thus  made  apparent  that  something  very  like  a  policy 
has  existed  from  a  time  beyond  the  Constitution  to  extend 
national  aid  to  education.  True,  only  public  lands  were  given 
away,  but  that  does  not  alter  the  principle.  The  treasury  was 
deprived  of  their  proceeds.  The  proceeds  themselves  might  as 
well  have  been  given — perhaps  better. 

At  this  juncture  the  question  of  distributing  surplus  revenue 
among  the  States  was  merged  in  that  of  extending  national  aid 
to  education.  It  came  into  the  Senate  in  December,  1883,  in 
the  shape  of  the  Blair  bill,  and  was  at  first  coldly  received  by  both 
political  parties.  But  as  discus'sion  advanced,  its  merits  became 
clear,  and  it  finally  passed  that  body.  Its  success  in  the  House 
is  a  matter  of  the  future.  It  appropriates  $77,000,000,  to  be 
dealt  out  to  the  States  during  a  period  of  eight  years,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  illiterates  in  each.  But  no  State  shall 
receive  more  than  it  expends  itself  for  public  schools,  nor  shall 
any  State  receive  its  instalment  till  the  governor  thereof  files  an 
annual  statement  showing  the  school  attendance  and  expen- 
diture for  the  same.  While  it  disposes  of  all  probable  or 
troublesome  surplus  revenue  for  eight  years  at  least,  it  does  so 
with  a  distinctive  aim,  and  under  conditions  which  make  it 
obligatory  on  the  States  to  devote  it  to  education.  Certainly 
surplus  moneys  could  not  go  out  of  the  treasury  in  a  worthier 
direction.  The  government  control  of  the  funds  appropriated 
is  not  lost  till  a  guarantee  is  given  that  they  are  being  devoted 
to  the  uses  designed. 

The  objections  to  the  bill  may  be  grouped  under  three  heads : 
(1)  Those  as  to  its  constitutionality.  (2)  Those  to  the  effect  that 
it  was  virtually  legislating  in  favor  of  a  section,  it  being  known 
that  the  Southern  States  would  receive  the  bulk  of  the  moneys 


712  BUILDING  AND    RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

appropriated  because  the  per  cent,  of  illiteracy  was  largest  there. 
(3)  Those  (chiefly  from  Southern  Senators)  to  the  effect  that  it 
showed  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  States  to 
handle  the  question  of  education,  and  would  tend  to  weaken 
local  pride  in  common  schools  and  local  exertion  for  their  sup- 
port. 

The  bill  rests  on  the  fact  of  illiteracy,  which  is  indisputable. 
It  further  rests  on  the  theory  that  illiteracy  is  an  element  of 
danger  to  the  republic,  which  it  is  a  duty  to  remove.  It  simply 
extends  the  facts  and  theories  which  are  the  basis  of  common 
school  systems  in  the  States  to  the  national  government,  and 
gives  them  play  there  amid  greater  opportunities  for  good. 
Whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  the  bill  in  the  House,  it  is  certain 
that  the  Senate's  action  has  brought  before  the  country  a  far- 
reaching  and  important  question — one  which,  while  it  involves 
that  of  surplus  distribution  and  in  a  measure  settles  it,  will  prove 
pregnant  with  good  or  evil,  just  as  statesmen  rise  or  fall  with  a 
grave  situation. 


INDEX 


A.  PAGE 

Abolition  of  Slavery 578 

Adams',  John,  Administration 453 

"        John  Q.,  Administration 497 

"        Samuel 78 

Administrations  and  Congresses 430 

Admiralty,  Courts 258 

Admission,  see  the  States. 

Agricultural  Department 250 

Agriculture,  h. story  of. 137 

"  see  the  States. 

Alabama,  admission  of. 115 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 261-64 

Alaska,  acquisition 127 

"       cession 96 

"       population,     resources,     government 

and  politics 264 

Alien  and  Sedition  laws 456 

Allen,  Eth  m i<->8 

Amendment  Eleven 448 

Amendments  to  Constitution 438 

American  outlook 68 

"         association 80 

"  party 77,  535 

"American  Idea  " 478,  49° 

Ames.  Nathaniel i°5 

Anti- Federals 434 

"    Masonic  party 505,  510 

"    Slavery  pary 5*9 

Apportionment  acts 196 

Areas  of  territory 96 

Areas,  see  the  States. 

Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister 488 

Arizona  Territory 127 

"        population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 265-67 

Arkansas,  admission  of 117 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 267-70 

Army,  American 81 

Army,  U.  S 230 

Articles  of  Conf.  deration 87 

"        their  nature 99-100 

Athens,  assembly  of. 12 

Attorney-General  and  duties 249 

Attorneys-General,  all 250 

Austria,  population  and  square  miles 132 

B. 

Babcock 604 

Baltimore,  Lord 37 

Barnum,  J.  B  471 

Beetroot  sugar •' M5 

Barley,  areas  and  crops 141 

Barre's  speech 73 

Belknap 604 

Berkley  brothers 5* 


PAGH 

Bill  of  Rights 80 

Birney,  James  G 531 

Blackstone's  views 11 

Blaine,  James  G 592 

Bland  dollar  bill 613 

Blending  of  peoples 137 

Border  Ruffians 555 

Boyd,  Linn 547 

Boynton  on  government ...  12 

Brother  Jonathan 99 

Brownson  on  Sovereignty 17 

Building  geographically 24 

"         industrially 129 

"         politically 97 

Buchanan's  Administration 557 

Buckwheat,  areas  and  crops 142 

Burr  bubble  and  trial 470 

Butler 567 

Butter 151 

C. 

Cabinet .^ 205 

Cabinets,  see  Administrations  and  Congresses. 

Cabots,  discoveries  by 26 

California,  admission  of. 120,  545 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 271-74 

Calhoun  on  Slavery 539 

Calhoun's  new  doctrine 544 

Calvert,  George  and  Cecil 37 

Campaign  School 21 

Canals 180 

Carpet-bag  governments 593 

Capital,  to  Washington 461 

Carolina  Constitution 52 

Carpenters'  Hall 78 

Cartaret,  Sir  George 52,  56 

Census  Office 243 

Cereal  crops  in  full 142 

Champlain 65 

Charge  d'Affaires 209 

Charles  II.,  freaks  of. 49 

Charter,  first  colonial 30 

Charter  of  Liberties 58 

Chase,  impeachment  of 467 

Cheese 151 

Cherokee  Indians 507 

Chinese  Bill 621 

Chinese  Empire,  population  and  square  miles.   132 

Churches 187 

Circuit  Courts 253 

Citizen  and  State 20 

Civil  Rights  BiH 585,  605 

"     Service  Bill 622 

"     Service  Reform 624 

Clay  and  Calhoun 476 

Climate  of  U.  S 13° 

(713) 


714 


INDEX. 


PAGE 

Coal.... 168 

Coast  Survey 217 

Coiigny  and  the  Huguenots 29 

Colony  to  State 97 

Colorado,  admission  of. 123 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 275-78 

Colored  population 137 

Commerce,  history  of 173 

"  foreign  and  domestic 174 

"  growth  and  value 175 

"  articles  of 176 

"  in  1812 476 

Commonwealth 14 

Compromise  of  1820 490 

"  1850 544 

Comptroller 216 

Confederate  government 573 

Confederation,  articles  of 87,  97 

what  it  did  and  did  not 99 

Congress,  First  Colonial 72 

"     Continental 78 

"  Delegates  to 79 

"  Meeting  of. 192 

"  Second 81 

"  and  Union 79 

"  Sessions  of. 192 

Congressmen,  Salaries  of. 195 

Congresses,  history  of  each 436-623 

Connecticut  Colony 47 

"            population,     resources,    govern- 
ment and  politics 278-81 

Constitution,  dawn  of. 100 

convention 101 

convention  members 101 

"  ratification 102,  105 

Signing  of. 434 

Constitutions  of  States 86 

Consular  Service 210 

Contested  Election,  1800 461 

Continental  Congress 86,  97 

Convention  and  caucus 460 

Convention  of  the  Constitution 101 

Conventions,  see  Administrations  and  Con- 
gresses. 

Copper 167 

Cooper,  Ashley 52 

Cotton,  history  of. 146 

"       areas  and  crops 147 

"       consumption 148 

"       manufactures 160 

"        tobacco  and  slaves 34 

Corn  and  corn  areas 138 

44     crops  and  increase 139 

Court  of  Claims 256 

Courts,  Supreme  and  Circuit 252,255 

Covode  Investigation 566 

Credit  Mobilier  Commission 601 

Cromwellian  republicanism 18 

Cushing 567 

Customs  Service 218 

D. 

Dakota  Territory 127 

"       population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 281-84 

Da41as  and  tariff  of  1846 537 

Debt  and  Bonds 221 

Declaration  of  Independence 83 

"  what  it  did 84 

"  signing  of. 84 

Delaware  Colony 58 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 285-88 

Delegates,  Territorial 198 

Democracy 12 


PAGE 

Democrat  and  Jacobin 463 

Democrats,  Clintonian 479 

Democrats,  Free  Soil 540 

Democratic  party 495 

Denominations 188 

Department  of  Justice 249 

"  "  Agriculture 250 

"  "  State 207 

Departments 207,  260 

"  organization  of. 2c6 

De  Soto 28 

District-Attorneys 256 

District  Courts , 255 

District  of  Columbia ic6 

"         "  "         government  of. 258 

"         "  "         population,      resources, 

government  and  politics 288-90 

District  of  Washington no 

Diplomatic  Service 208 

Disputed  Election  of  1876 608 

Doges  of  Venice 18 

Douglas 547,  552 

Draft 577 

Dred  Scott  decision 561 

Dutch  Realm 54 

Dwellings  in  U.  S 132 

E 

Education,  see  the  States. 

"  Bureau  of. 244 

"  the  system 183 

Election  of  M.  C's 195 

"         "  i860 566 

44       contest  of  1824 497 

44  "        "  1800 461 

"  "        '*  1876 608 

Elections,  Presidential,  see  Administrations 
and  Congresses. 

Electoral  college 202 

Electors 202 

Electoral  Votes,  at  each  election,   see   Ad- 
ministrations and  Congresses. 

Eleventh  Amendment 448 

Emancipation  proclamation 579 

Embargo  act 472 

Endicot 45 

English  acquisition 67 

"       attitude 447 

England's  bad  fix 71 

"  Era  of  good  feeling" 486 

European  titles 24 

Executive  Department 201 

F. 

Families  in  U.  S 132 

Farms,  areas,  values 153 

Federal  party 433 

"  "       death  of 487 

Federalism 433 

Fifteenth  Amendment 590 

First  owners  of  America 24 

Flag,  the  first 83 

"      history  of. 99 

Florida,  admission  of. 118 

"       invasion 487 

"       population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 291-94 

Florida  purchase 93,  488 

Force  Bill 513 

Fourteenth  Amendment 585 

France,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Franklin  and  Grenville 76 

Freedman's  Bureau  bill 585 

Freeman's  History 104 

Free  Soil  party 54° 

"    Trade  and  Protection ~ 677 


INDEX. 


715 


PAGB 

French  Alliance .*. 99 

';'       Empire 64 

"        loss  of  territory 67 

"       policy 70 

"        Directory 456 

Fox,  George 56 

Frothingham 104 

Fugitive  slave  law 545 

Funding  ai.d  refunding 222 

G. 

Gadsden  Purchase 95^ 

Garfield's  Administration 618* 

"         Assassination 620 

Geary 547 

Genet  and  intrigue 446 

Geneva  award 603 

Genoa  and  Pisa,  republics  of. 12 

Geological  Survey 245 

Georgia  Colony 59 

"        population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 294-98 

Germany,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Giddings  and  Slavery 529 

Gold  and  silver  product 165 

Gorges,  Gosnold,  etc 31 

Government,  see  the  States. 

"  three  branches  ot 191 

"  "      forms.... 11 

"  of  Territories 258 

"  D.  C 258 

Grant's  Administrations 591 

Great  Britain,  population  and  square  miles...  132 

Greehy,  Horace 596 

Greenback  Currency 577 

Greenback  party 606 

Grist-mill  products 161 

H. 

Habeas  Corpus 577 

Hamilton's  financial  plan 439 

Harrison's  Administration 526 

Harrison's  death 527 

Hartford  Convention 482 

Hay,  areas  and  crops 142 

Hayes'  Administration 611 

Henry,  Patrick 74 

Henry  VII 26 

Hospitals,  Marine 216 

Horses 152 

House  of  Representatives 195 

"      of  number  of  members 196 

"      organization  of. 197 

Hudson's  voyages 54 

Huguenots „• 29 

I 

Idaho  Territory 127 

"      population,  resources,  government  and 

politics 298-300 

Illinois,  admission  of. 114 

"        population,    resources,     government 

and  politics 3°i_4 

Illiteracy 185 

Immigration 133 

"  value  of 134 

"  its  causes 134 

Impeachment  of  Chase 467 

"  "  Johnson 588 

Impressment  of  seamen 447,  471 

Independent 18 

Independence,  drift  towards 69 

Hall 81 

Indian  Bureau 242 

"      country 126 


PAGE 

Indiana,  admission  of. 113 

"        population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 305-8 

Interior  Department 238 

Internal  Revenue 217,  218 

Iowa,  admission  of. 119 

"      population,  resources,  government  and 

politics 309-12 

Iron  ore 167 

"    and  steel  industry 161 

Italy,  population  and  square  miles 132 

J. 

Jackson's  Administrations 503 

Jacobins 443 

Jamestown  founded 33 

Japan,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Jay's  treaty 449 

Jefferson's  Administrations 462 

Jesuits  on  the  Lakes 65 

John  Brown  raid 565 

Johnson  deserts  his  party 584 

Johnson,  impeachment  of 488 

Judicial  Department 251 

Juries,  U.  S 257 

Justices,  all* 253 

"        chief  and  associate 252 

K. 

Kansas,  admission  of 121 

"        troubles 554,  556 

"       bill 564 

'*        Nebraska  bill 551 

"        population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 313-16 

Kentucky,  admission  of. 109 

"          population,      resources,     govern- 
ment and  politics 317-21 

Kerr,  Michael 609 

Know-Nothings 553,  556 

Ku-Klux-Klan 593 

L. 

Laconia 44 

Land  Office 239 

"     System 240 

La  Salle  and  the  Gulf 66 

Laurens,  Henry 98 

Law-making 198 

Lead  and  Zinc 167 

Lecompton  Constitution 565 

Lee,  Richard  Henry 83 

Lee's  Surrender 584 

Legal  Tender  Act 595 

Legislative  Department 191 

Liberal  Interpreters 442 

*'       Republican  party 597 

Liberty  Party 53* 

Library,  Congressional 199 

Libraries  in  U.  S 186 

Life-Saving  Service 215 

Light-Houses 215 

Lincoln's  Administrations 571 

"         Assassination 584 

"         at  Gettysburg 15 

Live-Stock,  number  and  value 152 

Livingstone 450 

Locke's  Constitution 53 

Log-Cabin  Campaign 525 

London  Company 31 

Losses  in  collection 224 

Louisiana,  admission  of 112 

"  and  France 66 

"          population,     resources,     govern- 
ment and  politics 321-24 


716 


INDEX. 


PAGE 

Louisiana  Purchase 92,  465 

Lowndes 478 

M. 

Machinery  of  Government 191 

Madison's  Administrations 474 

Maine,  admission  of. 115 

"       Colony 39 

"       Titles 51 

"      population,    resources,     government 

and  politics 325-^8 

Manufactures,  history  of. 155 

"  character  and  value 157 

"  see  the  States. 

Marine  Corps 237 

Marquette  and  Mississippi 1 65 

Marshals,  U.  S 257 

Maryland  Charter 36 

"  Settlement  of 38 

"         population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 329-32 

Mason  and  Dixon  line 57 

Massachusetts  Bay  Co 45 

"  Colony 45 

"              population,  resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics 332-36 

Mayflower 43 

Mexican  Cession 9 

War 535 

Michigan,  admission  of 118 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 336-40 

Milk .'..  151 

Milch  cows  in  U.  S 152 

Militia  of  U.  S 137 

Military  Academy 232 

Mining  and  Minerals 164 

Ministers 209 

Minnesota,  admission  of. 121 

"           population,     resources,     govern- 
ment and  politics 34°-43 

Mints 214 

Mississippi,  admission  of. 114 

"           population,    resources,    govern- 
ment and  politics 344-47 

Missouri,  admission  of. 116 

"         and  Slavery 488 

"         Compromise 489 

"        population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 347~5i 

Monroe's  Administrations 486 

Monroe  Doctrine 494 

Montana  Territory 127 

"         population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 352-54 

Montesquieu 251 

Muhlenberg 446 

N. 

Naming  of  States,  see  the  States. 

Nantes,  Edict  of. 54 

Narragansett  Indians 48 

Nati  )tia\  banks 219,  580 

Bank,  1816 485 

"  "      death  of. 516 

"  "      the  first 441 

"         Currency 220 

"         debt  and  bonds 221 

"        road 475 

"        Republican  party 498 

Nationalities,  blending  of 136 

Naturalization  laws 457 

Native  American  party 553 

Naval  Academy 236 

"       asylum 235 


PAGE 

Naval  Observatory 234 

Navy  Department 233 

"     U.  S 237 

Nebraska,  admission  of 122 

"  population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 354~57 

Neutrality,  armed 454 

Nevada,  admission  of. - 122 

"         population,    resources,    government 

and  politics 358-60 

New  France 64 

"     Government  of  U.  S 102 

"  First  Election 102 

"  "  "      Congress 102 

New  Hampshire,  patent 44 

"           population,  resources,  gov- 
ernment and  politics 361-64 

New  Jersey  Colony 55 

"          "      population,   resources,    govern- 
ment and  politics 364-67 

New  Mexico  Territory 125 

"          "       population,   resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics 368-70 

New  Netherlands 54 

Newspapers 187 

New  York  Colony 57 

"         "     population,      resources,      govern- 
ment and  politics*. 370-74 

Non-Intercourse 476 

North  Carolina  Colony 51 

"               "         population,  resources,  gov- 
ernment and  politics 374-78 

Northwest  Territory 96,  106 

Nullification 508,  511 

O. 

Oats  and  other  grains 141 

Occupations,  see  the  States 136 

Oglethorpe  and  Georgia 59 

Ohio,  admission  of. in 

"      population,  resources,  government  and 

politics 378-82 

Oregon,  admission  of 121 

"        boundary 537. 

"        population,    resources,   government 

and  politics 382-85 

Oregon  treaty 94,  530,  533 

Otis,  James 72 

Outlines  of  the  States 63 

Oxen 152 

P. 

Pairing  off 524 

Palo  Alto 535 

Panic  of  1857 : 559 

"      of  1837 5i8 

Patent  Office 243 

Patents,  first  English 26 

"        French  and  Spanish 27-28 

Parties,  in  general 430 

"        their  uses 430 

"        primitive 431 

"        of  the  Revolution 432 

"        "    "    Confederation 432 

"       "    "   Constitution 433 

Peace  of  1783  and  results 88 

"      "  1815 483 

"      Congress 569 

Pern  and  the  Quakers 56 

Pennsylvania,  population,  resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics 386-90 

Pension  office  and  system 241 

Pet  Banks 522 

Petroleum ,  170 

Pierce's  Administration • 550 


INDEX. 


717 


PAGE 

Pilgrim  advent 41 

Pinckney,  C.  C 454 

Pitt 67 

Platforms,    see    Administrations    and    Con- 
gresses. 

Plymouth  Company 32 

"  Council ;o,  44 

"  Rock 43 

"  Pocket  Veto  " 507 

Politics,  see  the  States. 

Polk's  Administration 534 

Polygamy 645 

Ponce  de  Leon 28 

Popham,  George 39 

Popular  Government 14 

Population,  of  U.  S 132 

"  by  classes 132 

"  and  rate  of  increase 132 

"  and  rank 132 

of  leading" countries 132 

Populations,  see  the  States. 

Postmaster-General 246 

Postmasters-General,  all 249 

Post-offices 248 

Post-Office  Department 346 

Postal  Notes 248 

"       Services 249 

"       Union 246 

Potato  areas  and  crops 142 

Precious  metals 165 

Preparation  for  citizenship 19 

Presbyterians 18 

President-making 201 

Presidents  and  Cabinets 204 

President's  duties 204 

Printing  office,  public 200 

Prohibition 661 

"  party 600 

Prophecy 104 

Protection  and  Free  Trade 677 

Protectionists,  Convention  of. 502 

Protective  idea 478,  490 

Public  Lands  and  System 240 

Puritan  and  his  advent 18,  44 

"       and  Pilgrim 43 

Q. 

8uaker  and  his  advent 18,  56 
uicksilver 167 

R. 

Radical  Men,  Convention  of 581 

Railroads,  see  States 179 

Raleigh's  scheme 30 

Randall,  S.  J 609 

Randolph,  Peyton 79 

Rebellion   begun 575 

Rebellion  ended 584 

Reconstruction 584,  595 

Reeder 547 

Removals  from  office 464 

Republic 14 

Republican  (Democratic)  Party 443 

Party  (new) 537 

"  revolution 463 

Resolutions  of  1798-9 45S 

Revenue 580 

Revolution  of  1688 61 

Revolutionary  Government 97 

Resumption  Act 605 

Rhode  Island  Colony 47 

"               population,  resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics 39°-93 

Rice  areas  and  crops 143 

Rifle  Clubs 594 


PAGE 

River  and  Harbor  Bill 613 

Rotation  in  office 506 

Ruling  by  States ; 261 

"       Nationally 191 

"       through  Parties 430 

Russia,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Rye,  areas  and  crops 141 

S. 

Schools,  Common 184 

"         comparison  with  other  nations 185 

"         expenditures  for 184 

School  teachers 184 

"       attendance 184 

Seal  of  the  Union 99 

Seceded  States,  return  of. 594 

Secession  movement 570 

"         of  States 123 

Secretary  of  Interior 238 

Secretaries  of  Interior,  all 246 

Secretary  of  Navy 233 

Secretaries  of  Navy,  all 237 

Secretary  of  State 207 

Secretaries  of  State,  all 211 

"  of  Treasury,  all 225 

Secretary  of  War... 226 

Secretaries  of  War,  all  229 

Sedgewick,  Theodore 459 

Seminole  War 488 

Senate,  nature  and  powers 192 

Senate  machinery 194 

Senators,  election    of. 194 

Sentiment,  Washington's 103 

"  Jefferson's 103 

"  Sir  James  Mcintosh 103 

"  Story  on  the  Constitution 103 

Shaftesbury's  Constitution 53 

Sharswood  on  the  people 13 

Sheep 152 

Signal  office 227 

Situation  in  1861 573 

Slavery,  Abolition  of. 578 

"        in  South  Carolina 53 

Slaves,  tobacco  and  cotton 34 

Smith  and  Virginia 34 

Sorghum 145 

South  Carolina  Colony 53 

"              population,  resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics... 394~97 

Sovereignty,  nature  and  origin 16,  17 

Spain,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Sparta,  assembly  of. 12 

Speakers  of  House  Representatives,  see  Ad- 
ministrations and  Congresses. 

Square  miles  in  U.  S 132 

Squatter  Sovereignty 547 

Stamp  Act 75 

State  and  citizen 20 

"     areas ; 261,  429 

"     Department 207 

"     cessions .' 89 

"     ownership....; , 88 

"     outlines...  63 

States 97 

States,  Ruling  by 261,  429 

"       Names  of. 261,  429 

Stephens,  Alexander  A 573 

St.  Lawrence  basin ; 64 

Stiles,  Ezra 78 

Strict  interpreters 442 

Story  on  our  titles 24 

Stuart  Dynasty 59 

Sub-Treasury  plan 522 

Sugar  cane,  history  of. 143 

"  areas  and  crops 144 


718 


INDEX. 


Supreme  Court , 

ofD.  C. 
Supreme  Justices,  all... 

Surplus  Revenue 

Sweden,  New 

Swedish  advent 

Swine 


•  517,  522 


PAGE  )  PAGE 

Utah,  population,  resources,  government  and 
politics 406-9 

V. 


T. 


252 
256 
253 
701 
55 
55 
152 


439 


rariffof  1789 

"        of  1792 44v! 

"      of  1794 449 

"      of  1800 46;» 

"       ofi8i2 478 

"      ofi824 495 

"      of  1828 502 

"      of  1832,  1833 509,513 

"      ofi842 528 


537 
559 
576 
604 
622 

542 

545 

77 

181 

182 


•'      of  1846 
"      of  1857 

"        of  1861 

"        of  1874 

"        of  1883 

Taxes  and  debts,  see  the  States 

Taylor's  Administration 

"         death 

Tea  Act  and  Congress 

Telegraphs 

Telephones 

Tennessee,  admission  of no 

"         population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 397~40i 

Tenures,  their  nature ••••     32 

Tenure  of  office  bill 587 

Territory  of  the  Northwest 90,  in 

Territories,  the  earliest 106 

Territorial  governments 258 

Texas  annexation 94,  "9 

"      population,  resources,  government  and 

politics 4oi-5 

Texas  treaty 53°,  533 

Thirteen  States,  the  old 105 

"  "       when  they  ratified 105 

Thirteenth  Amendment 58° 

Tobacco  areas  and  crops *5° 

"        history  of. x49 

"        cotton  and  slaves 34 

Tory  party 432 

Townsend's  Tax  Scheme 72 

Treasurer,  U.  S 2I7 

Treasury  Department 211 

Treaty  of  1778 445 

"       of  1783 f 

"       of  1763 67 

"       of  Guadaloupe-Hidalgo.... 539 

Turkey,  population  and  square  miles 132 

Tyler's  desertion 527 

U. 

Union,  beginnings  of. 80 

United  Colonies  (thirteen) 02 

United  New  England  Colonies 48 

United  States  of  America 85 

"  "       rank  of. T32 

Utah  Territory I25 


Van  Buren's  Administration 520 

Vegetation  of  U.  S 131 

Vermont,  admission  of. 107 

"         population,  resources,  government 

and  politics 409-12 

Vice-President 206 

Victor  and  spoils 5r6 

Virginia  Colony 33 

"         population,   resources,   government 

and  politics 412-16 

Volunteers,  call  for 57^ 

Voters  in  U.  S *35 

W. 

War  Department 225 

"    ofi8i2 477 

"    and  independence 82 

"    of  the  Rebellion 574 

Washington  Territory 125 

"            population,    resources,    govern- 
ment and  politics 416-19 

Washington^  Administrations 4j6-53 

farewell 45* 


78 
i04 


"  sentiments 

Water  power  in  use 

Wayne,  General »« 

Weather  Bureau 227 

Webster 544 

Webster  and  Hayne  debate 507 

West  Virginia,  admission  of. 122 

"             "        population,  resources,  govern- 
ment and  politics 419-22 

Wheat  and  wheat  areas 140 

"      crops  and  increase 140 

Whig  party 432.558 

"         "     death  of. 55* 

Whig  situation 546 

Whiskey  Rebellion 44* 

White,  H.  L 5i7 

White  League 594 

Wild-cat  Currency 522 

William  and  Mary 59.  °2 

Williams,  Roger 46,  47 

Wilmot  proviso..... 53<? 

Winthrop 46 

Wisconsin,  admission  of. 120 

"           population,     resources,     govern- 
ment and  politics 423-26 

Wool J5X 

Wright,  Silas 53| 

Wyoming  Territory ™* 

"          population,  resources,  government 
and  politics 427~29 


X.  Y.  Z.  Commission 


Y. 


Yeamans  and  slaves. 
York,  Duke  of. 


455 


PART  IV. 

NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC 
CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


NOMINATING  CONVENTION  AT  CHICAGO. 

THE  PARTY  PLATFORM. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   NOMINEES   FOR    PRESIDENT 

AND  vice-president: 
HON.  STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND,  OF  NEW  YORK, 

AND 

HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS  OF  INDIANA 


CALL   OF   THE   NATIONAL   DEMOCRATIC 
COMMITTEE. 

URSUANT  to  notice  by  the  Chairman,  the  National 
Democratic  Committee  met  in  Washington  on  the  23d 
of  February,  1884,  with  a  full  attendance. 

After  selecting  Chicago  as  the  place  for  holding  the 
next  Democratic  National  Convention,  and  July  8  as 
the  time,  the  following  call  was  agreed  to : 

OFFICIAL  CALL. — The  National  Democratic  Committee  having  met  in  the 
city  of  Washington  on  the  23d  day  of  February,  1884,  has  appointed  Tuesday,  the 
8th  day  of  July  next,  at  noon,  as  the  time,  and  chosen  the  city  of  Chicago  as  the 
place  of  holding  the  National  Democratic  Convention. 

Each  State  is  entitled  to  a  representation  therein  equal  to  double  the  number  of 
its  Senators  and  Representatives  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  Demo- 
crats of  each  organized  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia  are  invited  to  send 
two  delegates,  subject  to  the  decision  of  the  Convention  as  to  their  admission.  All 
Democratic  conservative  citizens  of  the  United  States,  irrespective  of  past 
political  associations  and  differences,  who  can  unite  with  us  in  the  effort  for  pure, 
economical  and  constitutional  government,  are  cordially  invited  to  join  in  sending 
delegates  to  the  Convention. 

William  H.  Barnum,  Chairman. 
Frederick  O.  Prince,  Secretary. 

MEETING  OF  CONVENTION.— On  the  8th  of  July,  1884, 
the  Convention  met  in  the  same  hall  used  by  the  Republican 
Convention  a  month  before.  The  building  had  been  remodeled 
and  redecorated  for  the  occasion.  The  stage  was  now  on  the 
side  instead  of  at  the  end,  and  the  seats  were  changed  to  suit. 

Counting  the  delegates  from  the  Territories  as  entitled  to  a 
vote,  the  Convention  numbered  820  members.  In  accordance 
with  a  usage  adopted  as  far  back  as  1844,  m  Convention  at 
Baltimore,  the  voice  of  two-thirds  of  the  present  Convention  was 
required  to  secure  a  nomination.  As  to  the  States  the  unit  rule 
(2) 


CONVENTION  OF  1884.  3 

prevailed  where  instructions  had  been  given  in  the  State  Con- 
ventions ;  that  is,  each  State  first  ascertained  the  sentiment  of 
a  majority  of  its  delegates  and  voted  it  as  the  sentiment  of  the 
whole. 

At  12.37  p-  M-  tne  Convention  was  called  to  order  by  Hon. 
William  H.  Barnum,  Conn.,  Chairman  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. The  proceedings  were  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Dr. 
Marquis,  of  Chicago.  Hon.  Richard  B.  Hubbard,  Texas,  was 
chosen  temporary  chairman. 

When  the  question  of  rules  came  up,  a  vigorous  effort  was 
made  by  the  leaders  of  the  Tammany  organization  to  have  the 
unit  rule  set  aside  in  case  the  vote  of  any  State  were  challenged. 
It  failed  by  a  vote  of  350  yeas  to  445  nays. 

A  permanent  organization  was  effected  by  electing  Hon.  W. 
H.  Vilas,  Wis.,  President  of  the  Convention.  He  accepted  in  an 
eloquent  speech,  and  the  Convention  was  opened  for  formal 
business. 

The  names  placed  in  nomination  as  candidates  for  President 
were  Thomas  Francis  Bayard,  Del. ;  Joseph  E.  McDonald,  Ind. ; 
John  G.  Carlisle,  Ky. ;  Stephen  Grover  Cleveland,  N.  Y. ;  Allen 
G.  Thurman,  Ohio;  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Penna. ;  George  E. 
Hoadly,  Ohio. 

THE  PLATFORM.— The  following  platform  of  sentiments, 
reported  by  the  Committee  on  the  10th,  was  adopted  with  very 
few  dissenting  votes : 

DEMOCRATIC  PRINCIPLES.— The  Democratic  party  of  the  Union, 
through  its  representatives  in  National  Convention  assembled,  recognize  that 
as  the  nation  grows  older  new  issues  are  born  of  time  and  progress,  and  old  issues 
perish.  But  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Democracy,  approved  by  the  united 
voices  of  the  people,  remain  and  will  ever  remain  as  th  -  best  and  only  security  for  the 
continuance  of  free  government.  The  preservation  of  personal  rights,  the  equality  of 
all  citizens  before  the  law,  the  rc~rved  rights  of  the  States  and  the  supremacy  of 
the  Federal  Government  within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  will  ever  form  the 
true  basis  of  our  liberties  and  can  never  be  surrendered  without  destroying  that 
balnnce  of  rights  and  powers  which  enables  a  continent  to  be  developed  in  peace, 
and  social  order  to  be  maintained  by  means  of  local  self-government;  but  it  is  in- 
dispensable for  the  practical  application  and  enforcement  of  these  fundamental 
principles  that  the  government  should  not  always  be  controlled  by  one  political 
party.      Frequent    change    of    administration    is    as    necessary    as    constant    re- 


4  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

cmrence  to  the  popular  will.  Otherwise  abuses  grow,  and  the  government, 
instead  of  being  carried  on  for  the  general  welfare,  becomes  an  instrumentality  for 
imposing  heavy  burdens  on  the  many  who  are  governed  for  the  benefit  of  the  few 
who  govern.  Public  servants  thus  become  arbitrary  rulers.  This  is  now  the  con- 
dition of  the  country — hence  a  change  is  demanded. 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY.— The  Republican  party,  so  far  as  principle  is  con- 
cerned,  is  a  reminiscence.  In  practice  it  is  an  organization  for  enriching  those  who 
control  its  machinery.  The  frauds  and  jobbery  which  have  been  brought  to  light 
in  every  department  of  the  government  are  sufficient  to  have  called  for  reform  within 
the  Republican  party.  Yet  those  in  authority,  made  reckless  by  the  long  posses- 
sion of  power,  have  succumbed  to  its  corrupting  influence  and  have  placed  in  nomi- 
nation a  ticket  against  which  the  independent  portion  of  the  party  are  in  open  revolt. 

A  CHANGE  DE M A NDED.— Therefore  a  change  is  demanded.  Such  a 
change  was  alike  necessary  in  1876,  but  the  will  of  the  people  was  then  defeated 
by  a  fraud  which  can  never  be  forgotten  nor  condoned.  Again,  in  1880,  the  change 
demanded  by  the  people  was  defeated  by  the  lavish  use  of  money  contributed  by 
unscrupulous  contractors  and  shameless  jobbers  who  had  bargained  for  unlawful 
profits  or  for  high  office.  The  Republican  party  during  its  legal,  its  stolen,  and  its 
bought  tenures  of  power  has  steadily  decayed  in  moral  character  and  political  capac- 
ity. Its  platform  promises  are  now  a  list  of  its  past  failures.  It  demands  the  res- 
toration of  our  navy ;  it  has  squandered  hundreds  of  millions  to  create  a  navy  that 
does  not  exi.-,t.  It  calls  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  American 
shipping  has  been  depressed;  it  imposed  and  has  continued  those  burdens.  It  pro- 
fesses the  policy  of  reserving  the  public  lands  for  small  holdings  by  actual  settlers ; 
it  has  given  away  the  people's  heritage  till  now  a  few  railroads  and  non-resident 
aliens,  individual  and  corporate,  possess  a  larger  area  than  that  of  all  our  farms 
between  the  two  seas. 

It  professes  a  preference  for  free  institutions ;  it  organized  and  tried  to  legalize  a 
control  of  State  elections  by  Federal  troops.  It  professes  a  desire  to  elevate  labor ; 
it  has  subjected  American  workingmen  to  the  competition  of  convict  and  imported 
contract  labor.  It  professes  gratitude  to  all  who  were  disabled  or  died  in  the  war 
leaving  widows  and  orphans;  it  left  to  a  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  to 
equalize  both  bounties  and  pensions.  It  proffers  a  pledge  to  correct  the  irregularities 
of  our  tariff;  it  created  and  has  continued  them.  Its  own  tariff  commission  con- 
fessed the  need  of  more  than  20  per  cent,  reduction ;  its  Congress  gave  a  reduction 
of  less  than  4  per  cent.  It  professes  the  protection  of  American  manufactures;  it 
has  subjected  them  to  an  increasing  flood  of  manufactured  goods  and  a  hopeless 
competition  with  manufacturing  nations,  not  one  of  which  taxes  raw  materials.  It 
professes  to  protect  all  American  industries  ;  it  has  impoverished  many  to  subsidize 
a  few.  It  professes  the  protection  of  American  labor;  it  has  depleted  the  returns  of 
American  agriculture — an  industry  followed  by  half  our  people.  It  professes  the 
equality  of  all  men  before  the  law ;  attempting  to  fix  the  status  of  colored  citizens, 
the  acts  of  its  Congress  were  overset  by  the  decisions  of  its  courts.  It  "  accepts 
anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress  and  reform ;"  its  caught  criminals 
are  permitted  to  escape  through  contrived  delays  or  actual  connivance  in  the  prose- 
cution.    Honeycombed  with  corruption,  outbreaking  exposures  no  longer  shock  its 


CONVENTION   OF    1884.  5 

moral  sense.  Its  honest  members,  its  independent  journals  no  longer  maintain  a 
successful  contest  for  authority  in  its  councils  or  a  veto  upon  bad  nominations.  That 
change  is  necessary  is  proved  by  an  existing  surplus  of  more  than  $100,000,000, 
which  has  yearly  been  collected  from  a  suffering  people.  Unnecessary  taxation  is 
unjust  taxation.  We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for  having  failed  to  relieve  the 
people  from  crushing  war  taxes  which  have  paralyzed  business,  crippled  industry, 
and  deprived  labor  of  employment  and  of  just  reward.  The  Democracy  pledges 
itself  to  purify  the  administration  from  corruption,  to  restore  economy,  to  revive 
respect  for  law,  and  to  reduce  taxation  to  the  lowest  limit  consistent  with  due  regard 
to  the  preservation  of  the  faith  of  the  nation  to  its  creditors  and  pensioners. 

TARIFF  AND  TAXATION.— -Knowing  full  well,  however,  that  legislation 
affecting  the  occupations  of  the  people  should  be  cautious  and  conservative  in  method, 
not  in  advance  of  public  opinion,  but  responsive  to  its  demand,  the  Democratic  party 
is  pledged  to  revise  the  tariff  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  to  all  interests.  But  in  making 
reduction  in  taxes,  it  is  not  proposed  to  injure  any  domestic  industries,  but  rather  to 
promote  their  healthy  growth.  From  the  foundation  of  the  Government  taxes  col- 
lected at  the  custom-house  have  been  the  chief  source  of  federal  revenue.  Such 
they  must  continue  to  be.  Moreover,  many  industries  have  come  to  rely  upon  legis- 
lation for  successful  continuance,  so  that  any  change  of  law  must  be  at  every  step 
regardful  of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved,  the  process  of  reform  must  be  sub- 
ject in  the  execution  to  this  plain  dictate  of  justice.  All  taxation  shall  be  limited 
to  the  requirements  of  economical  government.  The  necessary  reduction  in  taxation 
can  and  must  be  effected  without  depriving  American  labor  of  the  ability  to  compete 
successfully  with  foreign  labor,  and  without  imposing  lower  rates  of  duty  than  will 
be  ample  to  cover  any  increased  cost  of  production  which  may  exist  in  consequence 
of  the  higher  rate  of  wages  prevailing  in  this  country.  Sufficient  revenue  to  pay  all 
the  expenses  of  the  Federal  Government  economically  administered,  including  pen- 
sions, interest  and  principal  of  the  public  debt,  can  be  got,  under  our  present  system 
of  taxation,  from  custom  house  taxes  on  fewer  imported  articles,  bearing  heaviest 
on  articles  of  luxury  and  bearing  lightest  on  articles  of  necessity.  We  therefore 
denounce  the  abuses  of  the  existing  tariff,  and,  subject  to  the  preceding  limitations, 
we  demand  that  Federal  taxation  shall  be  exclusively  for  public  purposes,  and  shall 
not  exceed  the  needs  of  the  Government  economically  administered.  The  system 
of  direct  taxation  known  as  the  "internal  revenues  "  is  a  war  tax,  and,  so  long  as 
the  law  continues,  the  money  derived  therefrom  should  be  sacredly  devoted  to  the 
relief  of  the  people  from  the  remaining  burdens  of  the  war  and  be  made  a  fund  to 
defray  the  expense  of  the  care  and  comfort  of  worthy  soldiers  disabled  in  line  of 
duty  in  the  wars  of  the  Republic,  and  for  the  payment  of  such  pensions  as  Congress 
may  from  time  to  time  grant  to  such  soldiers — a  like  fund  for  the  sailors  having  been 
already  provided — and  any  surplus  should  be  paid  into  the  Treasury. 

HOME  POLICY. — We  favor  an  American  continental  policy  based  upon  more 
intimate  commercial  and  political  relations  with  the  fifteen  sister  republics  of  North, 
Central,  and  South  America,  but  entangling  alliances  with  none.  We  believe  in 
honest  money,  the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the  Constitution,  and  a  circulating 
medium  convertible  into  such  money  without  loss.  Asserting  the  equality  of  all  men 
before  the  law,  we  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  in   its  dealings  with 


6  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

the  people,  to  mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  citizens,  of  whatever  nativity, 
race,  color,  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political.  We  believe  in  a  free  ballot  and  a 
fair  count.  And  we  recall  to  the  memory  of  the  people  the  noble  struggle  of  the 
Democrats  in  the  Forty-fifth  and  Forty-sixth  Congresses  by  which  a  reluctant  Re- 
publican opposition  was  compelled  to  assent  to  legislation  making  everywhere 
illegal  the  presence  of  troops  at  the  polls,  as  the  conclusive  proof  that  a  Democratic 
administration  will  preserve  liberty  with  order.  The  selection  of  Federal  officers 
for  the  Territories  should  be  restricted  to  citizens  previously  resident  therein. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM.— We  oppose  sumptuary  laws  which  vex  the 
citizens  and  interfere  with  individual  liberty ;  we  favor  honest  civil-service  reform> 
and  the  compensation  of  all  United  States  officers  by  fixed  salaries  ;  the  separation 
bf  Church  and  State,  and  the  diffusion  of  free  education  by  common  schools,  so 
that  every  child  in  the  land  may  be  taught  the  rights  and  duties  of  citizenship. 
While  we  favor  all  legislation  which  will  tend  to  the  equitable  distribution  of  prop- 
erty, to  the  prevention  of  monopoly  and  to  the  strict  enforcement  of  individual  rights 
against  corporate  abuses,  we  hold  that  the  welfare  of  society  depends  upon  a  scru- 
pulous regard  for  the  rights  of  property  as  defined  by  law. 

LABOR  AND  PUBLIC  LANDS.— We  believe  that  labor  is  best  rewarded 
where  it  is  freest  and  most  enlightened.  It  should  therefore  be  fostered  and  cher- 
ished. We  favor  the  repeal  of  all  laws  restricting  the  free  action  of  labor,  and  the 
enactment  of  laws  by  which  labor  organizations  may  be  incorporated,  and  of  all  such 
legislation  as  will  tend  to  enlighten  the  people  as  to  the  true  relations  of  capital  and 
labor.  We  believe  that  the  public  land  ought,  as  far  as  possible,  to  be  kept  as  home- 
steads for  actual  settlers;  that  all  unearned  lands  heretofore  improvidently  granted 
to  railroad  corporations  by  the  action  of  the  Republican  party  should  be  restored  to 
the  public  domain,  and  that  no  more  grants  of  land  shall  be  made  to  corporations, 
or  be  allowed  to  fall  into  the  ownership  of  alien  absentees.  We  are  opposed  to  all 
propositions  which  upon  any  pretext  would  convert  the  General  Government  into  a 
machine  for  collecting  taxes  to  be  distributed  among  the  States  or  the  citizens 
thereof. 

CITIZENSHIP  AND  PROTECTION— In  reaffirming  the  declaration  of  the 
Democratic  platform  of  1 856,  that  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Constitution,  which  makes 
ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  every  nation,  have  ever 
been  cardinal  principles  in  the  Democratic  faith,  we  nevertheless  do  not  sanction  the 
importation  of  foreign  labor  or  the  admission  of  servile  races  unfitted  by  habits, 
training,  religion,  or  kindred  for  absorption  into  the  great  body  of  our  people,  or  for 
the  citizenship  which  our  laws  confer.  American  civilization  demands  that  against 
the  immigration  or  importation  of  Mongolians  to  these  shores  our  gates  be  closed. 
The  Democratic  party  insists  that  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Government  to  protect  with 
equal  fidelity  and  vigilance  the  rights  of  its  citizens,  native  and  naturalized,  at  home 
and  abroad,  and  to  the  end  that  this  protection  may  be  assured,  United  States  papers 
of  naturalization  issued  by  Courts  of  competent  jurisdiction  must  be  respected  by  the 
executive  and  legislative  departments  of  our  own  Government  and  by  all  foreign 
Powers.  It  is  an  imperative  duty  of  this  Government  to  efficiently  protect  all  the 
rights  of  persons  and  property  of  every  American  citizen  in  foreign  lands,  and  de- 


CONVENTION   OF    1884.  7 

Wand  and  enforce  full  reparation  for  any  invasion  thereof.  An  American  citizen  is 
only  responsible  to  his  own  Government  for  any  act  done  in  his  own  country  or 
under  her  flag,  and  can  only  be  tried  therefor  on  her  own  soil  and  according  to  her 
laws ;  and  no  power  exists  in  this  Government  to  expatriate  an  American  citizen  to 
be  tried  in  any  foreign  land  for  any  such  act.  This  country  has  never  had  a  well- 
defined  and  executed  foreign  policy  save  under  Democratic  administration.  That 
policy  has  ever  been,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  so  long  as  they  do  not  act  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  the  country  or  hurtful  to  our  citizens,  to  let  them  alone ; 
that  as  the  result  of  this  policy  we  recall  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Cali- 
fornia, and  of  the  adjacent  Mexican  territory  by  purchase  alone  and  contrast  these 
grand  acquisitions  of  Democratic  statesmanship  with  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  the  sole 
fruit  of  a  Republican  administration  of  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Mississippi  river  and 
other  great  waterways  of  the  Republic,  so  as  to  secure  for  the  interior  States  easy 
and  cheap  transportation  to  tidewater. 

AN  AMERICAN  POLICY.— -Under  a  long  period  of  Democratic  rule  and 
policy  our  merchant  marine  was  fast  overtaking  and  on  the  point  of  outstripping 
that  of  Great  Britain.  Under  twenty  years  of  Republican  rule  and  policy  our 
commerce  has  been  left  to  British  bottoms  and  the  American  flag  has  almost  been 
swept  off  the  high  seas.  Under  Democratic  rule  and  policy  our  merchants  and 
sailors  flying  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  every  port,  successfully  searched  out  a 
market  for  the  varied  products  of  American  industry.  Under  a  quarter  century 
of  Republican  rule  and  policy,  despite  our  manifest  advantage  over  all  other 
nations  in  high-paid  labor,  favorable  climates,  and  teeming  soils ;  despite  free- 
dom of  trade  among  all  these  United  States;  despite  their  population  by  the 
foremost  races  of  men  and  an  annual  immigration  of  the  young,  thrifty,  and  adven- 
turous of  all  nations ;  despite  our  freedom  here  from  the  inherited  burdens  of  life 
and  industry  in  Old  World  monarchies,  their  costly  war  navies,  their  vast  tax-con- 
suming, non-producing  standing  armies;  despite  twenty  years  of  peace,  Republican 
rule  and  policy  have  managed  to  surrender  to  Great  Britain  along  with  our  commerce 
the  control  of  the  markets  of  the  world.  Instead  of  the  Republican  party's  British 
policy  we  demand  in  behalf  of  the  American  Democracy  an  American  policy.  In- 
stead of  the  Republican  party's  discredited  scheme  and  false  pretenses  of  friendship 
for  American  labor  expressed  by  imposing  taxes,  we  demand  in  behalf  of  the  Democ- 
racy freedom  for  American  labor  by  reducing  taxes,  to  the  end  that  these  United 
States  may  compete  with  unhindered  powers  for  the  primacy  among  nations  in  all 
the  arts  of  peace  and  fruits  of  liberty. 

TRIBUTE  TO  TILDE JV.—  With  profound  regret  we  have  been  apprised  by 
the  venerable  statesman,  through  whose  person  was  struck  that  blow  at  the  vital 
principle  of  republics  (acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  majority),  that  he  cannot  per- 
mit us  again  to  place  in  his  hands  the  leadership  of  the  Democratic  hosts,  for  the 
reason  that  the  achievement  of  reform  in  the  administration  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment is  an  undertaking  now  too  heavy  for  his  age  and  failing  strength.  Rejoicing 
that  his  life  has  been  prolonged  until  the  general  judgment  of  our  fellow-country- 
men is  united  in  the  wish  that  wrong  were  righted  in  his  person  for  the  Democracy 
of  the  United  States,  we  offer  to  him,  in  his  withdrawal  from  public  cares,  nob  only 


8  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

our  respectful  sympathy  and  esteem,  but  also  that  best  homage  of  freemen,  the  pledge 
of  our  devotion  to  the  principles  and  the  cause  now  inseparable  in  the  history  of  the 
Republic  from  the  labors  and  the  name  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 

REFORM  AND  CHAArGE.—W\\h.  this  statement  of  the  hopes,  principles  and 
purposes  of  the  Democratic  party  the  great  issue  of  reform  and  change  in  adminis- 
tration is  submitted  to  the  people  in  calm  confidence  that  the  popular  voice  will  pro- 
nounce in  favor  of  new  men  and  new  and  more  favorable  conditions  for  the  growth 
of  industry,  the  extension  of  trade,  the  employment  and  due  reward  of  labor  and  of 
capital,  and  the  general  welfare  of  the  whole  country. 

BALLOTING. — The  first  ballot  was  had  on  the  evening  of 
the  ioth.  It  showed  a  strong  lead  for  Cleveland.  It  required 
547  votes  to  nominate.  The  Convention  adjourned  till  the  I  ith, 
when  the  balloting  was  resumed. 

First.  Second. 

Cleveland 392  683 

Randall 78  4 

Thurman 88  4 

Bayard 170  8i£ 

McDonald 56  2 

Hoadly   3 

Carlisle 27 

Tilden I 

Hendricks I  45^- 

Flower 4 

Total... 820  820 

The  result  of  the  second  and  successful  ballot  was  announced 
at  1. 10  p.  m.  on  Friday,  nth.  The  ballot  showed  considerable 
gain  for  Cleveland,  but  not  proportionally  enough  to  nominate, 
till  Pennsylvania  was  called.  Up  to  this  time  there  had  been  a 
considerable  swing  toward  Hendricks,  whose  name  came  spon- 
taneously before  the  Convention.  He  had  reached  a  strength  of 
124^  votes,  while  Bayard  had  150^,  Thurman  60,  and  Cleve- 
land 475.  When  Pennsylvania  cast  42  of  her  votes  for  Cleveland 
the  assurance  of  his  nomination  was  such  that  the  preceding 
States  mostly  changed  their  votes  to  him,  with  the  result  above 
indicated.  A  motion  to  make  the  nomination  unanimous  was 
triumphantly  carried. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

HON.  STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

|ARENTAGE. — Governor  Cleveland  sprang  from  an  old 
and  distinguished  New  England  ancestry.  It  is  a  line 
which  is  plentifully  interspersed  with  specimens  of  thor- 
ough culture,  high  intellectual  achievement,  and  true 
American  instinct.  His  father,  Richard  F.  Cleveland,  was 
a  Connecticut  clergyman  of  the  Presbyterian  denomination,  and 
different  branches  of  the  family  held  prominent  pulpit  places  in 
the  Presbyterian,  Congregational  and  Episcopalian  Churches. 
They  were  all  alike  public-spirited  men,  intensely  loyal  to  their 
convictions,  and  firmly  attached  to  our  free  institutions. 

The  Governor's  immediate  ancestors  formed  a  Connecticut 
branch  of  the  large  family.  His  great-grandfather  was  Aaron 
Cleveland,  who  lived  and  died  in  or  near  the  town  of  Norwich, 
though  born  in  East  Haddam.  He  was  a  clergyman  of  consid- 
erable power  and  reputation,  but  with  a  turn  for  political  life. 
A  large  and  admiring  constituency  gave  him  opportunity  to 
indulge  his  inclination  by  sending  him  to  the  State  Legislature. 
The  two  sons  of  Aaron  Cleveland  who  are  most  conspicuously 
mentioned  were  Charles  and  William.  Charles  Cleveland,  great- 
uncle  of  the  Governor,  had  a  daughter  who  married  Samuel 
Coxe.  Their  son,  Alfred  Cleveland  Coxe,  is  now  the  Bishop  of 
Western  New  York.  The  other  son,  William  Cleveland,  lived 
in  Norwich  most  of  his  life,  where  he  carried  on  the  business  of 
a  silversmith.  At  a  late  period  he  went  to  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  to  live, 
that  he  might  be  near  other  members  of  his  family  who  resided 
there.     He  died  there  in  1837. 

(9) 


10  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

William's  son,  Richard  F.  Cleveland,  and  father  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, was  born  in  Norwich,  Jan.  19,  1804.  He  entered  Yale 
College  at  the  early  age  of  sixteen  years  and  graduated  in  1824. 
He  then  went  to  Baltimore  to  teach  school,  in  the  meantime  car- 
rying on  a  series  of  studies  designed  to  fit  him  for  the  ministry. 
In  1828  he  was  ordained  a  minister  in  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
and  immediately  took  charge  of  the  congregation  at  Haddam, 
Conn.  While  teaching  in  Baltimore  he  made  the  acquaintance 
of  a  Miss  Neal,  whom  he  married  after  he  had  been  preaching 
about  a  year. 

The  Rev.  Richard  F.  Cleveland  was  a  man  of  high  intellectual 
attainments,  and  a  most  devoted  student.  Study  was  a  love  be- 
yond any  thought  of  worldly  advancement.  In  the  course  of  his 
ministerial  work,  and  soon  after  his  marriage,  he  accepted  a  call 
at  Caldwell,  N.  J.,  where  he  officiated  for  some  years.  Thence 
he  removed  to  Fayetteville,  Onondaga  co.,  N.  Y.  After  a  time 
he  moved  to  Clinton,  Oneida  co.,  and  thence  to  Holland  Patent, 
in  the  same  county,  where  he  died,  Oct.  I,  1853.  His  wife,  the 
Governor's  mother,  lived  till  July  19,  1882,  almost  long  enough 
to  see  her  illustrious  son  elected  to  the  highest  office  in  the  gift 
of  the  citizens  of  the  Empire  State. 

EARLY  LIFE. — Governor  Cleveland  was  born  in  Caldwell, 
Essex  co.,  N.  J.,  on  March  18,  1837.  He  is  therefore  in  the 
forty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and,  if  elected,  will  be  among  the 
youngest  of  our  Presidents.  He  was  named  Stephen  Grover 
Cleveland,  though  popularly  known  as  Grover  Cleveland,  the 
first  part  of  his  Christian  name  having  fallen  into  disuse. 

He  was  the  fifth  in  a  family  of  nine  children,  the  others  being 
Mrs.  Hastings,  William  N.  Cleveland,  Mrs.  Wm.  E.  Hoyt,  Rich- 
ard C.  Cleveland,  Mrs.  N.  B.  Bacon,  Lewis  F.  Cleveland,  Mrs. 
L.  Youmans,  and  Rose  Elizabeth  Cleveland,  the  latter  unmar- 
ried, a  lady  of  strong  intellectual  capacity,  and  a  prominent 
woman  suffrage  advocate. 

The  two-story-and-a-half  white  house  in  which  the  Governor 
was  born  is  still  standing.  At  the  age  of  three  years  he  left  the 
scene  of  his  birth  to  accompany  the  family  to  their  new  home  in 
Fayetteville,  N.  Y.     Here  he  grew  to  stout  and  active  boyhood, 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  11 

amid  the  advantages  then  common  to  village  life,  not  the  least 
of  which  was  good  common  schooling. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen  he  desired  to  supplement  his  common 
school  education  with  an  academic  one.  His  father  was  some- 
what averse  to  this  step,  on  the  score  of  expense,  and  because  he 
desired  his  boys  to  become  self-supporting  as  soon  as  possible. 
Accepting  the  parental  verdict  as  final,  the  youth  started  out  to 
earn  his  own  living,  and  push  his  own  way  in  life. 

He  entered  the  village  store  at  a  salary  of  fifty  dollars  for  the 
first  year,  which  sum  was  to  be  made  one  hundred  for  the  second 
year,  in  case  he  proved  efficient.  The  boy's  pluck  and  energy 
did  not  fail  him.  His  record  in  this  humble  position  bespoke 
the  coming  man.  It  was  one  of  simple,  unswerving  integrity 
and  untiring  loyalty  to  the  interests  of  his  employer.  In  public 
place,  and  in  mature  years,  it  has  ever  been  one  of  faithful  ad- 
herence to  deep-rooted  conviction  and  much-admired  devotion 
to  the  interests  of  the  people  who  honored  him  with  their  confi- 
dence and  support.  The  testimony  is  unimpeachable  that  what- 
ever the  boy  found  to  do  in  the  capacity  in  which  he  was  first 
called  to  serve  he  did  with  all  his  heart,  and  that  in  the  earliest 
chapter  of  his  history  of  self-helpfulness  and  business  independ- 
ence there  is  indelibly  written  down  a  reputation  for  bravery  of 
spirit,  fidelity  to  trust,  and  candor  of  character,  which  has  out- 
lived the  intermediate  years. 

A  STUDENT. — The  quality  of  courage,  inherent  in  his  com- 
position, and  of  ambition  to  acquire  a  broader  education,  were 
seconded  by  economic  habits ;  so  that  after  a  year  or  two  spent 
in  the  Fayetteville  store,  and  when  his  father  moved  to  Clinton, 
the  youth  rejoiced  in  a  realization  of  his  dreams  by  being  per- 
mitted to  attend  the  academy  in  the  village.  Here  he  made 
rapid  progress  in  learning,  for  his  purse  was  meagre,  and  oppor- 
tunity long  coveted  was  to  be  turned  to  speedy  account.  His 
father,  with  a  large  family  to  support,  and  only  a  limited  income 
to  rely  upon,  could  not  supplement  his  efforts  to  acquire  a  higher 
education.  The  path  to  success  must  be  cut  out  of  the  hard  rock 
of  limited  circumstances  by  the  boy's  own  ingenious  and  perse- 
vering hand.     Right  well  he  held  the  chisel,  and  right  well  di- 


12  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE  REPUBLIC. 

rected  the  stroke.  Acquisition  with  him  was  easy,  and  his  aca- 
demic career  profitable,  though  brief.  Education  under  such 
circumstances  may  not  be  so  full  as  when  plenty  of  time  and 
money  is  at  command,  but  it  is  better  appreciated,  and  often  far 
more  practical.  Moreover,  it  is  an  incentive  to  higher  endeavor, 
for  both  youth  and  manhood  are  at  their  best  when  it  is  under- 
stood that  the  price  of  victory  is  hard  blows  with  the  weapons 
of  one's  own  earning. 

A  TEACHER. — The  breaking  up  of  the  paternal  home  in 
Clinton,  by  the  removal  of  his  father  to  Holland  Patent,  a  village 
of  some  five  or  six  hundred  people,  fifteen  miles  north  of  Utica, 
ended  his  academic  career.  In  this  new  field  the  father  preached 
but  three  Sundays,  when  death  ended  his  pastorate.  Grover 
first  heard  of  his  father's  death  while  walking  with  his  sister  in 
the  streets  of  Utica.  The  sad  event  was  followed  by  the  final 
break-up  of  a  large  family,  which  a  loving  hand  had  held  to- 
gether and  inspired  with  a  truly  Christian  spirit.  The  children 
all  sought  honorable  walks  in  life,  and  even  those  who  have  not 
found  renown  are  in  possession  of  that  independence,  peace,  and 
comfort  which  often  count  for  more  than  fame. 

As  Rev.  Richard  F.  Cleveland  died  Oct.  I,  1853,  the  son,  Gro- 
ver, must  have  been  in  his  seventeenth  year.  Though  young  to 
brave  life  without  a  father's  counsel,  he  struck  eastward  and 
found  himself  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Here  he  seems  to  have 
been  fortunate  in  securing  a  situation  as  teacher  in  the  New 
York  City  Blind  Asylum,  where  he  had  a  record  as  a  devoted 
instructor  and  a  great  reader  and  student.  His  tastes,  or  ambi- 
tions, were  not,  however,  satisfied  in  this  confined  situation. 
The  world  of  the  school-room  was  not  large  enough  for  him. 
There  were  other  things  in  store,  and  he  would  seek  them.  Two 
years  ended  his  teaching  career,  and  he  started  for  the  West. 

A  LAW  STUDENT. — This  journey  was  without  definite 
plan,  and  even  without  destination,  except  in  so  far  as  the  per- 
suasions of  a  friend  had  induced  him  to  inspect  the  city  of 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  try  his  fortune  in  what  was  then  regarded 
as  one  of  the  most  growthy  and  promising  cities  of  the  West. 
The  coincidence  of  the  name  with  his  own  augured  well,  if  boy- 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  13 

ish  fancy  were  to  play  a  part  in  establishing  his  fortune.  He 
therefore  made  that  city  his  objective  point.  Fortunately,  he 
stopped  for  a  time  in  Buffalo,  where  he  found  a  maternal  uncle, 
Lewis  F.  Allen,  a  man  held  in  high  esteem  in  Erie  county,  one 
who  had  been  honored  by  many  public  positions,  and  who  in 
turn  had  honored  them. 

Mr.  Allen  was  very  favorably  impressed  with  his  nephew  and 
young  adventurer.  He  persuaded  him  that  Buffalo  offered  as 
many  opportunities  for  success  as  any  more  remote  place,  and 
kindly  proffered  him  much  good  counsel  and  encouragement. 
Young  Grover's  predilections  for  the  West  were  overcome.  He 
resolved  to  stay  with  his  uncle.  Mr.  Allen  was  then  a  noted 
breeder  of  blooded  stock-cattle.  His  farms  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Buffalo  were  extensive,  and  his  herds  had  a  reputation  for 
purity  of  quality  which  was  not  limited  by  State  lines.  Desiring 
to  perfect  his  operations,  he  placed  young  Grover  in  charge  of 
the  herd-books,  at  the  modest  sum  of  fifty  dollars  a  year  and 
found,  but  with  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  look  around 
him  for  other  occupation  in  case  this  proved  irksome.  The  old 
uncle  evidently  knew  that  a  young  man  with  aspirations  for 
Western  life,  and  with  ambitions  to  succeed,  could  not  be  ab- 
ruptly switched  off  his  line  of  intent,  unless  he  himself  largely 
acquiesced  in  the  diversion. 

Besides,  the  youth  had  already  signified  his  intention  to  make 
himself  a  lawyer.  This  ambition  he  soon  found  means  to  grat- 
ify. The  entry  of  herd  varieties,  the  noting  of  pedigrees  for 
Alderneys,  short  horns,  Durhams,  etc.,  was  not  such  sleepy  work 
as  to  close  his  eyes  to  chances  for  getting  on,  even  though  the 
location  was  two  miles  beyond  the  centre  of  the  city.  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  a  work  which  gave  him  the  control  of  much 
leisure.     This  he  resolved  to  turn  to  account. 

He  made  application  to  the  law  firm  of  Messrs.  Rogers,  Bowen 
&  Rogers,  in  Buffalo,  to  be  entered1  as  a  student.  Success  fol- 
lowed the  application.  He  had  now  the  double  care  of  editing 
an  important  stock  book  and  drinking  in  the  lore  of  Blackstone 
and  Coke  upon  Littleton.  From  farm  to  office,  and  back,  he 
walked  each  day,  winter  and  summer,  till  he  passed  his  final 
examination  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 


14  BUILDING  AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC. 

This  period  of  acquisition,  under  difficulties  which  would  have 
appalled  a  youth  with  less  pluck,  served  as  a  training  time  for 
the  qualities  which  were  to  round  out  the  able  practitioner  and 
assure  his  professional  success.  The  privations  of  the  penniless 
novitiate  were  over.  His  receptive  mind  had  made  the  labor  of 
learning  light,  and  this  was  the  one  joy  which  had  pervaded  the 
long,  difficult  and  weary  pupilage. 

AS  A  LAWYER. — The  date  of  his  admission  to  the  bar  was 
1859,  he  then  being  in  his  twenty-third  year.  Such  was  the 
confidence  of  the  firm  in  his  ability  and  integrity  that  he  re- 
mained with  it  for  three  or  four  years  after  his  admission.  He 
thus  added  to  previous  training  a  large  experience  in  active  prac- 
tice, and  came  to  be  noted  for  his  close  preparation  of  cases,  his 
clear  and  forcible  method  of  statement,  and  his  untiring  adher- 
ence to  the  cause  he  espoused.  The  elements  of  growth  which 
bore  him  over  the  obstacles  of  previous  years  were  now  lifting 
him  into  honorable  competition  with  the  older  lights  of  the  bar. 
If  these  elements,  as  they  now  cropped  out,  were  to  be  reduced 
to  speech,  they  must  be  enumerated  as  exhaustive  preparation, 
stern  adhesion  to  purpose,  avoidance  of  legal  quirk,  just  and 
faithful  representation,  sterling  honesty  in  details,  loyal  adhesion 
to  clientage.  Back  of  these  were  a  commanding  presence,  a  gra- 
cious demeanor,  a  fervid  style  of  eloquence,  which  bespoke  the 
confidence  of  courts  and  juries,  and  stamped  him  as  one  calcu- 
lated to  win  as  much  through  worth  as  energy.  Says  one  of 
his  early  associates  in  Buffalo :  "  Grover  Cleveland  won  our 
admiration  by  his  three  traits  of  indomitable  industry,  unpreten- 
tious courage  and  unswerving  honesty.  I  never  saw  a  more 
thorough  man  at  anything  he  undertook.  Whatever  the  subject 
was  he  was  reticent  until  he  had  mastered  all  its  bearings  and 
made  up  his  own  mind,  and  then  nothing  could  swerve  him  from 
his  convictions.  It  was  this  quality  of  intellectual  integrity  more 
than  anything  else  perhaps,  that  made  him  afterwards  listened 
to  and  respected  when  men  with  greater  dash  and  brilliancy  who 
were  opposed  to  him  were  applauded  and  forgotten." 

In  1863,  the  honors  which  could  not  long  be  withheld  from  a 
man  of  his  solidity  of  character  and  pronounced  professional 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  15 

status,  fell  upon  him  in  the  shape  of  a  call  to  the  position  of 
Assistant  District  Attorney  of  Erie  County.  The  call  came  at 
the  instance  of  his  associates  at  the  bar,  who  had  united  in  a 
recommendation  which  was  almost  unanimous.  This  was  the 
true  beginning  of  his  public  career.  It  is  significant  that  it  had 
an  origin  in  a  confidence  which  was  widely  diffused,  and  untram- 
meled  by  creed  or  politics.  It  was  an  unquestioned,  unlimited 
confidence,  such  as  goes  out  only  to  those  whose  manhood  is 
their  guarantee  of  freedom  from  belittling  influences  and  false 
actions.  He  was  a  Democrat,  and  had  passed  from  boyhood  to 
manhood  as  such.  But  while  imbued  with  lively  party  convic- 
tions and  given  to  earnest  advocacy  of  vital  party  tenets,  he  never 
stooped  to  the  use  of  questionable  methods,  and  never  forgot  for 
a  moment  the  proper  attitude  of  parties  toward  the  State,  the 
nation,  and  the  institutions  which  inlay  and  overshadow  all. 
There  was  no  asperity  in  his  politics,  and  none  of  that  narrow, 
intense  party  ism  which  estranges  friends,  sanctions  corrupt  prac- 
tices, or  refuses  to  see  any  good  in  men  and  things  outside  of 
clannish  limits.  In  the  hour  of  war  he  placed  country  before 
party.  In  the  hour  of  peace  he  recognized  the  uses  of  party  as 
legitimate  and  purifying,  provided  partyism  did  not  run  away 
with  and  pervert  honorable  and  acceptable  methods. 

For  all  of  the  above  reasons,  his  associates  at  the  bar  and  the 
citizens  of  his  town  found  it  fitting  to  honor  him  with  his  first 
public  trust.  While  serving  in  the  capacity  of  Assistant  District 
Attorney  he  was  drafted,  and  promptly  furnished  a  substitute. 
His  career  in  this  office  extended  over  a  period  of  three  years. 
How  acceptably  he  had  served  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  he 
received  the  nomination  of  his  party  for  the  position  of  District 
Attorney  in  1865.  His  opponent  on  the  Republican  ticket, 
Lyman  K.  Bass,  was  successful,  after  a  spirited  contest,  in  which 
Mr.  Cleveland  showed  himself  much  stronger  than  his  party. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1866,  he  formed  a  law  partnership  with 
the  late  J.  V.  Vanderpool,  which  continued  till  January,  1869. 
It  then  ended  by  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Vanderpool  to  fill  the 
position  of  Police  Justiceship  to  which  he  had  been  elected. 
After  this    dissolution  a  new  law-firm  was  formed,  known   as 


16  BUILDING   AND    RULING  THE    REPUBLIC. 

Laning,  Cleveland  and  Folsom,  the  head  of  it  being  Hon.  A.  P. 
Laning,  State  Senator.  While  in  this  firm  and  in  the  enjoyment 
of  a  lucrative  practice  he  was  called  upon  to  serve  again  in  a 
public  capacity.  This  time  it  was  as  Sheriff  of  Erie  County. 
The  office  is  not  usually  regarded  as  one  requiring  more  than 
average  ability  to  fill  it,  nor  does  it  ordinarily  open  a  field  for  the 
exercise  of  very  high  or  commanding  qualities.  But  in  this  in- 
stance, not  only  the  Democratic,  but  a  conspicuous  factor  in  the 
Republican  party,  had  an  object  to  accomplish  which  could  be 
done  in  no  other  way  and  through  no  other  agency.  Gross 
favoritism  and  glaring  corruption  had  crept  into  the  administra- 
tion of  the  office.  The  management  had  become  an  offense  to 
every  element  of  justice  and  defiant  of  every  reform  remedy. 
The  majority  of  the  dominant  party  in  the  county  was  usually 
large,  running  from  three  to  six  thousand.  Democracy  alone 
had  a  poor  show  to  correct  crying  evils.  It  was  only  by  putting 
up  a  man  for  the  place  whose  character  was  in  itself  a  guarantee 
of  the  reforms  demanded  that  they  could  hope  to  draw  the  Re- 
publican contingent  necessary  to  secure  his  election.  Their  choice 
fell  on  Grover  Cleveland  as  the  man  for  the  emergency.  He 
would  necessarily  have  to  make  a  great  personal  and  professional 
sacrifice  if  he  succeeded,  but  he  was  a  man  who  shrank  from  no 
consideration  of  expediency  when  a  great  public  interest  had  to 
be  subserved.  The  purification  of  a  pest-house  disturbs  the 
stereotyped  order  of  things  and  puts  society  and  individuals  to 
much  present  discomfort.  But  the  general  good  must  be  con- 
sulted, and  he  is  not  a  hero  who  refuses  to  second  every  effort 
to  further  the  sanative  and  social  welfare  of  his  community. 

Full  of  this  laudably  sacrificial  spirit  and  with  the  determina- 
tion to  introduce  marked  and  lasting  reforms  into  a  position 
whose  status  had  been  shamefully  lowered,  he  stood  for  the 
election,  and  was  flatteringly  successful.  His  administration 
was  what  was  expected  of  a  man  of  his  integrity  and  firmness. 
He  broke  up  corrupt  practices,  wiped  out  the  shame  which 
clouded  the  office  and  gave  to  execution  of  county  affairs  a  new 
direction  and  more  significant  meaning.  He  showed  that  dig- 
nity could  be  made  to  crown  the  actions  of  an  official,  even 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  17 

though  the  office  was  that  of  sheriff.  The  object  of  his  election 
was  fully  met  by  his  vigor  and  straightforwardness.  At  the  end 
of  his  term  he  returned  the  office  to  the  majority  party  as  a  model 
piece  of  county  machinery  and  an  evidence  of  what  reforms  could 
be  achieved  if  officials  would  only  keep  in  view  the  best  interests 
of  those  they  are  called  upon  to  serve.  His  administration  was 
not  forgotten  in  Buffalo.  The  man  for  this  emergency  would 
prove  the  man  for  others,  when  the  need  should  become  equally 
great. 

His  election  to  the  Sheriffalty  occurred  in  the  fall  of  1869. 
His  acceptance  put  an  end  to  his  partnership  in  the  law-firm  of 
Laning,  Cleveland  and  Folsom.  At  the  expiration  of  his  official 
term  he  had  to  look  around  for  other  connections.  Soon  a  part- 
nership was  formed  with  Lyman  K.  Bass,  his  old  opponent  in 
the  race  for  District  Attorney,  and  Wilson  S.  Bissell,  the  firm 
being  known  as  that  of  Bass,  Cleveland  and  Bissell. 

He  was  now  back  on  favorite  professional  ground,  after  a 
diversion  which  had  brought  into  conspicuous  view  his  masterly 
executive  qualities  and  familiarized  the  Western  end  of  the  State 
with  an  administration  whose  vigor  was  only  surpassed  by  its 
purity.  In  a  short  time  Mr.  Bass  removed  from  Buffalo  and  the 
law-firm  became  Cleveland,  Bissell  and  Sicard.  It  took  rank  at 
once  as  among  the  foremost,  if  not  the  foremost,  in  Western  New 
York,  a  reputation  which  was  secured  and  maintained  by  the 
large  acquaintance,  high  standing,  and  recognized  legal  ability 
of  the  head  of  the  firm.  Their  office  was  in  spacious  and  promi- 
nent quarters  on  Main  street,  where  each  member  had  his  own 
library,  consulting  room  and  other  facilities  for  carrying  on  the 
different  branches  of  their  rapidly  growing  business.  Cleveland 
and  Bissell  were  both  very  large  men  physically,  and  they  were 
often  jokingly  called  the  heavy  weights  of  the  firm.  Both  were 
dignified  and  affable  in  demeanor,  and  aside  from  their  reputation 
as  sound  and  successful  lawyers,  were  calculated  to  attract  a  large 
clientage  and  inspire  it  with  the  utmost  confidence. 

In  this  partnership  Mr.  Cleveland  regarded  himself  as  settled 
for  life.  Success  was  crowning  his  efforts  and  gratifying  his  am- 
bitions. He  has  been  heard  to  say  that  he  was  content  with  his 
5i 


18  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

partners  and  his  practice.  Had  he  been  left  with  them,  he  need 
never  have  entertained  a  fear  that  his  merits  would  have  been 
overlooked  by  the  great  public,  nor  that  all  the  rewards  of  indus- 
try, honesty,  and  ability  would  have  failed  to  cluster  in  his  path. 

Says  one  who  was  well  acquainted  with  him  at  this  period : 
"  It  was  while  thus  associated  that  Grover  Cleveland  achieved  his 
distinction  as  a  lawyer  second  to  few  in  the  Western  part  of  the 
State  for  legal  acumen  and  intellectual  honesty.  His  jury  and 
bench  trials  were  distinguished  by  clear  views,  direct,  simple  logic, 
and  a  thorough  mastery  of  all  the  intricacies  of  the  cases,  and 
his  invariable  avoidance  of  extrinsic  issues  and  purely  technical 
devices  secured  for  him  the  respect  of  his  own  profession  and 
the  admiration  of  the  public." 

AS  MAYOR. — Destiny  forbade  a  long  continuance  of  this 
smoothly  running,  tide.  Municipal  politics  in  Buffalo  had  as- 
sumed a  shape  repugnant  to  the  better  citizens  of  both  parties. 
Powerful  rings  existed  which  partitioned  offices  and  their  spoils 
and  perpetuated  themselves  with  autocratic  certainty  and  audac- 
ity. Ingenious  and  corrupting  cliques  in  both  parties  conspired 
to  plunder  and  divide.  Perhaps  the  city  was  not  unlike  others 
in  this  respect,  except  as  to  the  enormity  of  the  evil  and  the  dif- 
ficulty of  a  hopeful  attack  upon  it.  He  must  possess  more  than 
ordinary  bravery  and  tenacity  of  purpose  who  ventured  to  deal 
the  first  blow  at  a  situation  turreted  with  power  and  manned  by 
skilled  political  manipulators.  Redemptory  effort,  to  be  effective, 
must  come  from  a  source  above  all  suspicion,  must  be  as  persis- 
tent as  a  forge-hammer,  and  regardless  of  consequences  so  far 
as  they  affected  persons,  parties  or  questions  of  sheer  expediency. 
All  during  the  year  1881  the  cry  for  local  reform,  which  it  was 
well  understood  could  only  come  by  political  revolution,  went 
up.  Was  there  a  man  in  the  midst  popular  enough  to  place 
experiment  beyond  reach  of  failure  ?  Was  there  one  indomi- 
table enough  to  venture  into  the  dens  where  the  lions  of  power 
divided  and  devoured  their  dark  and  secret  conquests? 

It  seemed  that  there  was  one.  His  party  singled  him  out,  at 
least  the  true  men  of  his  party.  The  true  men  of  the  Republi- 
can party  said  he  was  the  man  of  all  others  best  calculated  to 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  19 

meet  the  requirements  of  the  difficult  situation.  They  heartily 
seconded  his  selection,  and  joined  hands  with  a  will  to  give  him 
a  triumph  at  the  polls.  In  a  Republican  stronghold,  and  against 
combinations  which  reached  far  toward  the  centre  of  his  own 
party,  he  was  chosen  Mayor  by  5000  majority ;  running  far  in 
advance  of  the  State  ticket.  If  the  election  were  a  testimonial  to 
his  fortitude,  integrity  and  popularity,  unexampled  in  Buffalo  his- 
tory, or  even  in  the  history  of  the  State,  what  must  the  net  re- 
sults of  his  administration  stand  for?  November,  1881,  was 
morning  in  a  city  whose  politics  had  been  a  Cimmerian  mid- 
night. 

His  mayoralty  was  in  the  exact  line  of  that  pronounced  senti- 
ment to  which  he  owed  the  honors  of  his  election.  It  fully  justi- 
fied the  expectations  that  were  created  by  his  well-known  char- 
acter and  previous  public  record.  The  nomination  had  come  to 
him  unsought  and  undesired,  the  election  by  that  spontaneity 
which  ever  marks  a  great  popular  and  tidal  resolve,  and  prints 
its  meaning  so  that  even  he  that  runneth  cannot  mistake  it. 

The  man  and  his  methods  were  now  to  stand  the  test.  He 
was  happily  untrammeled  in  his  choice  of  the  latter.  His  own 
good  judgment  was  to  be  his  criterion.  This  judgment  had  been 
greatly  widened  and  strengthened  by  his  practice  at  the  bar,  and 
his  ample  opportunities  to  study  men  and  political  ways  and 
measures.  As  to  aught  else  there  was  no  fear,  for  his  turn  was 
executive,  his  nature  sterling  and  invincible.  He  was  his  own 
counsellor.  With  characteristic  industry  he  passed  the  first 
weeks  after  election  in  studying  the  details  of  every  department 
of  the  city  administration  and  mapping  a  programme  from 
which  there  should  be  no  departure  either  under  vituperation 
or  applause. 

His  inaugural  address  sounded  the  key-note  of  administration. 
"  We  hold,"  said  he,  "  the  money  of  the  people  in  our  hands,  to 
be  used  for  their  purposes  and  to  further  their  interests  as  mem- 
bers of  the  municipality,  and  it  is  quite  apparent  that,  when  any 
part  of  the  funds  with  which  the  taxpayers  have  thus  intrusted  us 
are  diverted  to  other  purposes,  or  when,  by  design  or  neglect,  we 
allow  a  greater  sum  to  be  applied  to  any  municipal  purpose  than 


20  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

is  necessary,  we  have  to  that  extent  violated  our  duty.  There 
surely  is  no  difference  in  his  duties  and  obligations,  whether  a 
person  is  intrusted  with  the  money  of  one  man  or  many.  And 
yet  it  sometimes  appears  as  though  the  office-holder  assumes 
that  a  different  rule  of  fidelity  prevails  between  him  and  the  tax- 
payers than  that  which  should  regulate  his  conduct,  when,  as  an 
individual,  he  holds  the  money  of  his  neighbor." 

Such  was  the  great  need  of  reform  in  the  city,  the  desperation 
of  the  battle  to  be  fought,  the  explicit  character  of  his  pledges, 
the  firmness  of  the  man,  the  curiosity  to  note  the  outcome  of 
the  administrative  struggle,  that  both  parties  throughout  the 
entire  State  looked  on  Buffalo  and  its  mayoralty  as  a  prime  part 
of  a  political  drama,  whose  further  enactment  in  municipal  high 
places  for  their  purification  and  enlightenment  should  depend  on 
its  success  where  first  introduced.  The  Buffalo  reform  move- 
ment was  to  be  not  only  for  Buffalo,  but  it  was  to  be  a  criterion 
by  which  all  municipal  reforms  were  to  be  graduated,  after  which 
all  should  pattern,  through  which  all  should  derive  hope  and 
encouragement.     • 

It  is  not  in  stations  of  glittering  magnitude  that  men  are  put 
to  the  severest  tests.  "  The  qualities,"  says  Socrates,  "  that  fit 
a  man  to  rule  a  city,  fit  him  to  rule  an  empire."  Indeed,  it  is 
true  that  public  responsibility  is  deepest,  and  official  worth  most 
radically  tested,  the  nearer  the  office  lies  to  the  people.  This  is 
what  makes  municipal  government  such  a  delicate  and  difficult 
thing.  The  fortitude,  the  knowledge  of  men  and  situations,  the 
integrity,  the  statesmanlike  grasp,  which  are  necessary,  in  a 
municipal  executive,  to  assure  pure  and  acceptable  administration, 
are  no  more  largely  required,  and  certainly  never  so  constantly 
called  into  active  requisition,  where  the  executive  is  even  that 
of  a  State  or  nation. 

Scarcely  had  he  launched  his  administration  when  it  drew  the 
concentrated  fire  of  his  political  enemies.  The  City  Council 
was  against  him,  with  its  love  of  jobbery  and  adhesion  to  prac- 
tices he  would  uproot  and  discard.  The  old  rings  encircled  him, 
cither  to  gather  him  into  deceptive  embrace  or  crush  him  in 
their  deadening  coils.     A  street-cleaning  contract,  as  immense 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  21' 

as  it  was  iniquitous,  went  through  the  Council.  It  was  the 
grand  opportunity  of  the  pilfering  politician  to  enrich  himself 
and  friends.  It  was  a  type  of  the  jobs  which  had  impoverished 
the  city  and  brought  its  administration  into  discredit.  It  was, 
moreover,  the  kind  of  enactment  which  cemented  municipal 
influence  and  made  it  hazardous  to  his  popularity  for  an  execu- ' 
tive  officer  to  crush  it  with  his  veto.  But  the  veto  came,  and  in 
this  instance  promptly  and  with  telling  effect.  It  was  as  if  a 
bomb  had  suddenly  burst  in  the  midst  of  the  plunderers.  "  This 
is  a  time,"  said  he,  in  his  veto  message,  "  for  plain  speech,  and 
my  objection  to  your  action  shall  be  plainly  stated.  I  regard  it 
as  the  culmination  of  a  most  barefaced,  impudent  and  shameless 
scheme  to  betray  the  interests  of  the  people  and  to  worse  than 
squander  the  public  money.  We  are  fast  gaining  positions  in 
the  grades  of  public  stewardship.  There  is  no  middle  ground. 
Those  who  are  not  for  the  people  either  in  or  out  of  your  honor- 
able body,  are  against  them,  and  should  be  treated  accord- 
ingly." 

The  people,  who  knew  their  man  before,  now  knew  him 
better.  In  fact,  his  political  enemies  knew  him  quite  too  well. 
His  was  not  the  stuff  that  tricksters  and  cowards  are  made  of, 
but  the  sterling  metal  which  enters  into  men  coined  and  stamped 
for  great  occasions.  His  action  was  received  with  the  greatest 
favor  by  his  party  friends,  and  by  the  friends  of  purity  and 
decorum  throughout  the  county  and  State.  It  was  a  harbinger 
of  other  victories  far  more  significant,  and  an  earnest  that  muni- 
cipal reform  was  at  last  within  reach  of  a  long  aggrieved  people. 
He  was  heralded  far  and  wide  as  the  strong,  incorruptible,  in- 
vincible hero  of  an  emergency  before  which  others  had  quailed 
and  fell.  The  results  of  this  single  veto  to  the  city  were  of 
incalculable  benefit.  Its  moral  effect  was  felt  in  every  depart- 
ment. The  political  atmosphere  was  freshened.  From  an  eco- 
nomical standpoint,  the  saving  was  immense.  Under  a  subse- 
quent ordinance,  and  the  contracts  based  on  it,  the  work  was 
done  for  $100,000  less  money  than  at  first  proposed. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  for  the  exemplification  of  Grover 
Cleveland's  fortitude,  integrity,  and  wonderful  executive  ability, 


22  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

to  go  into  painstaking  and  tedious  details  of  his  mayoralty.  We 
understand  why  he  was  chosen  and  what  was  expected  of  him. 
A  thousand  instances  of  heroic  and  timely  application  of  the 
power  with  which  he  was  vested  would  not  magnify  the  impor- 
tance of  the  verdict  of  approval  which  awaited  the  closing  hours 
of  his  administration.  Nor  would  such  serve  to  further  illumi- 
nate those  qualities  of  manhood  he  was  now  seen  to  possess  in 
a  degree  which  astounded  and  overawed  his  opponents.  Yet 
mention  must  be  made  of  his  second  struggle  with  the  powerful 
and  corrupting  influences  about  him.  This  was  a  job  to  build  a 
large  connecting  sewer.  The  issue  was  sharply  joined,  the  con- 
tention bitter.  The  mayor's  pluck  and  earnestness  won,  and  his 
second  victory  was  far  more  significant  than  the  first.  It  saved 
$800,000  to  the  city.  Altogether  the  first  six  months  of  his 
administration -saved  to  the  city  an  amount  estimated  at  $1,000,- 
OOO.  This  magnificent  aggregate  might  be  safely  doubled,  if  the 
entire  term  of  his  mayoralty  were  to  be  considered.  True,  the 
rings  were  daunted  and  never  rallied  to  other  audacious  attacks 
on  the  treasury,  yet  the  mayor  found  frequent  uses  for  his  veto 
power  in  order  to  preserve  the  position  he  had  won  and  drive 
home  on  his  opponents  the  wholesome  effects  of  his  reformatory 
teaching.  Not  a  single  ordinance  was  ever  passed  over  his 
veto.  His  veto  messages  were  models  of  directness  and  exact- 
ness. 

We  search  American  political  annals  in  vain  for  an  example 
of  municipal  administration  so  vigorous,  effective  and  productive 
of  permanent  good,  as  that  which  Grover  Cleveland  gave  to 
Buffalo.  His  comprehension  of  a  delicate  and  difficult  situation, 
his  mastery  of  details,  his  development  of  an  executive  policy, 
his  firm  yet  dignified  command  of  the  powers  at  his  disposal,  his 
persistent  following  up  of  every  advantage  gained,  and  finally  his 
turning  of  the  government  back  to  the  people,  washed  as  to  its 
shame  and  purified  as  to  its  corruption,  constitute  a  chapter  in 
his  life  whose  reading  is  inspiriting  to  both  old  and  young,  and 
whose  contemplation  ought  to  be  a  source  of  pride  to  any  man, 
no  matter  with  what  high  honors  his  after  life  was  crowned. 
Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  he  had  made  no  quest  of  the  honors 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  23 

of  office.  No  election  fanfaronade  attended  his  candidacy.  No 
single  act  of  self-glorification  or  self-advancement  entered  into 
his  ministrations.  A  good  and  true  man  found  a  trust  to  be 
executed  in  a  plain,  honest,  faithful,  industrious  way.  The  way 
was  that  of  the  people,  and  they  neither  failed  to  remember  nor 
to  thank  and  honor.  While  a  local  constituency  were  ringing 
the  plaudit,  "  Well  done,  thou  good  and  faithful  servant !  "  the 
people  of  an  entire  State  were  getting  ready  to  say,  "  Come  up 
unto  higher  places  and  honors." 

While  yet  mayor,  and  in  the  spring  of  1882,  he  had  occasion 
to  testify  to  the  American  spirit  regnant  within  him  as  presiding 
officer  of  a  mass-meeting  called  to  take  action  on  the  case  of 
'Irish-Americans  then  aggrieved  by  English  tyranny  and  actually 
suffering  from  imprisonment  in  Ireland.  As  is  well  known,  our 
foreign  policy  was  regarded  as  too  feeble  to  reach  these  cases 
and  to  make  American  citizenship  respected  abroad.  Our  min- 
ister to  England  seemed  to  be  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  those 
naturalized  Irishmen  who,  on  a  visit  to  their  native  land  and  on 
natural  expression  of  sympathy  with  their  long-suffering  coun- 
trymen, had  fallen  into  the  category  of  suspects,  and  had  been, 
without  hearing,  deprived  of  their  liberty  by  incarceration  in 
British  bastiles.  Neither  did  there  seem  to  be  a  sentiment  at 
home  sufficiently  pronounced  to  demand  the  rights  indubitably 
attached  to  the  name  of  American.  The  Buffalo  meeting  was 
one  of  protest  against  a  policy  of  weakness  and  timidity  on  the 
part  of  our  government.  It  was  directly  in  the  interest  of  our 
citizens  of  foreign  birth.  One  who  had  not  their  cause  at  heart, 
a  mere  politician  with  selfish  aims,  or  with  fears  for  his  popularity, 
a  trimmer  for  place  and  without  character  or  substantial  convic- 
tions, might  have  remanded  such  a  matter  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  at  Washington,  or  complacently  declined  to  interfere  with 
a  question  which  concerned  only  a  fraction  of  our  populace. 
But  Mayor  Cleveland  was  as  ready  to  stand  as  the  representa- 
tive of  American  citizenship  in  its  broadest  and  fullest  significance 
as  to  throttle  corruption  in  his  adopted  city.  As  chairman  of 
this  meeting,  he  pointed  out,  from  a  strictly  legal  and  constitu- 
tional standpoint,  and  with  a  clearness  and  precision  which  always 


24  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

characterized  his  presentation  of  pleas,  the  common  right  of 
native-born  and  adopted  citizens  of  this  country  to  protection 
from  the  Government  at  Washington  the  world  over.  Then, 
proceeding  in  a  strain  of  earnest  and  impassioned  eloquence, 
which  captured  every  hearer,  he  enunciated  the  following  doc- 
trine, which,  if  incorporated  as  an  American  citizen  plank  into  a 
political  platform,  any  candidate  for  even  so  high  an  office  as 
President  might  be  proud  to  stand  upon : 

It  needed  not  the  statute  which  is  now  the  law  of  the  land,  declaring  that  "  all 
naturalized  citizens  while  in  foreign  lands  are  entitled  to  and  shall  receive  from  this 
Government  the  same  protection  of  person  and  property  which  is  accorded  to 
native-born  citizens,"  to  voice  the  policy  of  our  nation.  In  all  lands  where  the 
semblance  of  liberty  is  preserved,  the  right  of  a  person  arrested  to  a  speedy  accu- 
sation and  trial  is,  or  ought  to  be,  a  fundamental  law,  as  it  is  a  rule  of  civilization. 
At  any  rate,  we  hold  it  to  be  so,  and  this  is  one  of  the  rights  which  we  undertake 
to  guarantee  to  any  native-born  or  naturalized  citizen  of  ours,  whether  he  be  im- 
prisoned by  order  of  the  Czar  of  Russia  or  under  the  pretext  of  a  law  administered 
for  the  benefit  of  the  landed  aristocracy  of  England.  We  do  not  claim  to  make 
laws  for  other  countries,  but  we  do  insist  that  whatsoever  those  laws  may  be,  they 
shall,  in  the  interests  of  human  freedom  and  the  rights  of  mankind,  so  far  as  they 
involve  the  liberty  of  our  citizens,  be  speedily  administered.  We  have  a  right  to 
say,  and  do  say,  that  mere  suspicion  without  examination  on  trial  is  not  sufficient  to 
justify  the  long  imprisonment  of  a  citizen  of  America.  Other  nations  may  permit 
their  citizens  to  be  thus  imprisoned — ours  will  not.  And  this  in  effect  has  been 
solemnly  declared  by  statute.  We  have  met  here  to-night  to  consider  this  subject 
and  to  inquire  into  the  cause  and  the  reasons  and  the  justice  of  the  imprisonment 
of  certain  of  our  fellow-citizens  now  held  in  British  prisons  without  the  semblance 
of  a  trial  or  legal  examination.  Our  law  declares  that  the  Government  shall  act 
in  such  cases.  But  the  people  are  the  creators  of  the  Government.  The  undaunted 
apostle  of  the  Christian  religion,  imprisoned  and  persecuted,  appealing  centuries 
ago  to  the  Roman  law  and  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  boldly  demanded,  "  Is 
it  lawful  for  you  to  scourge  a  man  that  is  a  Roman  and  uncondemned  ?"  So,  too, 
might  we  ask,  appealing  to  the  law  of  our  land  and  the  laws  of  civilization,  "  Is  it 
lawful  that  these  our  fellows  be  imprisoned  who  are  American  citizens  and 
uncondemned  ?  " 

AS  GOVERNOR.— In  1882  the  political  situation  in  New 
York  State  was  peculiar.  The  Republican  managers  had  nomi- 
nated a  ticket  from  Governor  down,  which  did  not  reflect  the 
sentiment  of  their  party.  It  was  believed  to  be  directly  in  the 
interest  of  President  Arthur,  and  to  be  his  attempt  to  assume,  or 
rather  retain,  control  of  the  party  machinery  in  the  State.     Fur- 


STEPHEN  GROVEtf  CLEVELAND.  25 

ther,  the  methods  resorted  to  in  convention,  in  order  to  secure 
the  nomination  of  favorites,  were  regarded  as  unfair  and  dishon- 
orable. They  were  tricks,  whose  results  were  bound  to  recoil 
on  their  perpetrators.  There  was  a  revolt  all  along  the  line,  and 
a  determination  to  rebuke  a  procedure  which  savored  of  corrup- 
tion and  punish  the  principals  who  expected  to  find  preferment 
in  a  resort  to  it. 

Democratic  candidates  were  not  wanting  who  were  anxious  to 
take  advantage  of  the  situation.  They  saw  in  Republican  schism 
an  opportunity  for  triumph  which  was  tempting  to  every  adven- 
turer. But  the  wiser  heads  of  the  party  saw  further  than  this. 
And  without  disparagement  to  the  older,  it  must  be  said  that 
the  younger  elements  of  the  party  composed  to  a  large  extent 
these  wiser  heads.  They  saw  that  the  Republican  candidates — 
especially  Mr.  Folger,  candidate  for  Governor — were  personally 
unobjectionable,  and  that  the  protest  was  not  so  much  against 
men  as  against  the  ring  methods  which  secured  their  nomination 
and  the  objects  to  be  gained  by  such  nominations.  They  also 
saw  that  a  weak  and  frivolous  Democratic  nomination,  one 
made  on  the  pretext  that  anybody  could  be  elected,  would  only 
serve  to  drive  back  the  protesting  Republicans  into  the  deserted 
ranks  and  endanger  the  entire  situation.  Again,  they  saw  that 
in  order  to  add  emphasis  to  the  protest  they  must  present  in 
their  candidate  an  assurance  that,  if  elected,  a  perfectly  pure 
State  administration  would  ensue.  The  opportunity  they  saw 
was  not  one  for  a  mere  man ;  but  for  their  party,  the  people,  the 
entire  State.  They  knew  full  well  the  difficulties  attending 
gubernatorial  administration  in  New  York,  the  traps  and  pitfalls 
laid  for  honest  men,  the  temptations  to  go  astray,  the  impossi- 
bilities, one  may  say,  of  a  perfectly  straight  official  career,  unless 
the  incumbent  should  come  clad  in  tried  armor. 

In  looking  over  the  interesting  situation,  the  eyes  of  the 
party  naturally  turned  to  Grover  Cleveland.  In  many  respects 
the  State  outlook  was  like  that  which  preceded  his  call  to  the 
mayoralty  of  Buffalo.  At  any  rate,  they  saw  in  the  man  who 
was  winning  the  encomiums  of  both  parties  for  his  straightfor- 
ward impartial,  and  business-like  municipal  administration,  the 


26  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

candidate  they  wanted  for  the  highest  office  in  the  State.  His 
was  a  character  above  suspicion  at  the  start,  and  one  which 
would  bear  closest  scrutiny  even  under  the  calcium  light  of  a 
campaign.  He  had  been  tried  in  the  severest  of  crucial  fires, 
and  no  element  of  a  successful  executive  had  been  found  wanting. 
He  was  known,  too,  within  and  without  his  party.  All  in  all, 
Cleveland  presented  in  himself  and  in  his  record  the  very  guar- 
antee the  Democracy  desired  for  themselves,  and  also  to  offer  to 
the  Republicans.  So  he  was  placed  on  their  ticket  as  candidate 
for  governor  against  Mr.  Folger,  one  of  the  best  known  men  in 
the  State,  and  one  of  the  ablest. 

The  campaign  was  an  interesting  one  from  the  beginning.  The 
missiles  of  the  enemy  flew  thick  and  fast,  but  failed  to  wound  or 
even  hit  the  Democratic  nominee.  He  grew  stronger  and 
stronger  from  the  very  day  of  his  nomination.  The  enthusiasm 
his  name  kindled  in  his  own  party  held  it  to  a  strict  allegiance 
and  drew  an  overflowing  support.  Study  of  his  character  by 
the  protesting  Republicans,  and  favorable  knowledge  of  him, 
both  as  a  man  and  official,  attracted  thousands  directly  to  his 
standard  and  led  other  thousands  to  show  their  preference  for 
him  over  their  own  nominee  by  silent  acquiescence.  Both  par- 
ties, in  the  State  and  nation,  were  astounded  at  the  result.  It 
could  hardly  be  called  popular  election — it  was  rather  popular 
revolution.  Never  was  the  wisdom  of  a  nomination  so  emphati- 
cally vindicated.  Never  did  the  American  people  voluntarily 
tender  so  lavish  an  ovation  to  one  whom  they  honored  and 
trusted.  His  vote  was  535,318,  as  against  342,464  for  his  oppo- 
nent, leaving  him  a  plurality  of  192,854,  and  a  clear  majority 
over  all  opposition  of  155,097.  The  height  of  the  wave  which 
bore  the  new  Governor  from  his  home  in  the  extreme  western 
part  of  the  State  to  the  capital  in  the  extreme  eastern  part,  and 
which  strewed  hills  and  valleys  with  Republican  wreckage,  was 
unprecedented  in  political  history. 

The  movement  which  made  him  governor,  like  that  which 
had  made  him  mayor,  was  not  of  his  origination.  The  office 
had  in  both  instances  sought  the  man,  as  it  should  do  in  a 
republic,  and  as  it  ever  will  do  where  purely  unselfish  adminis- 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  27 

tration  is  expected.  Nor  had  he  stooped  to  favor  his  chances  of 
election.  He  was  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  his  cause 
was  their  cause. 

He  was  inaugurated,  without  any  ostentatious  display,  on  the 
first  Tuesday  of  January,  1883.  He  thoroughly  understood  the 
political  situation,  and  speedily  addressed  himself  to  the  reforms 
which  he  knew  were  expected  of  him.  His  inaugural  was  brief, 
forcible  and  happy — the  duplicate  of  the  man  in  vigor  and  sin- 
cerity. It  meant  business.  Touching  the  civil  service  of  the 
State,  he  said : 

Subordinates  in  public  place  should  be  selected  and  retained  for  their  efficiency, 
and  not  because  they  may  be  used  to  accomplish  partisan  ends.  The  people  have  a 
right  to  demand  here,  as  in  cases  of  private  employment,  that  their  money  be 
paid  to  those  who  will  render  the  best  service  in  return,  and  that  the  appoint- 
ment to  and  tenure  of  such  places  should  depend  upon  ability  and  merit.  If  the 
clerks  and  assistants  in  public  departments  were  paid  the  same  compensation  and 
required  to  do  the  same  amount  of  work  as  those  employed  in  prudently  conducted 
private  establishments,  the  anxiety  to  hold  these  public  places  would  be  much 
diminished  and  the  cause  of  civil-service  reform  materially  aided.  The  expendi- 
ture of  money  to  influence  the  action  of  the  people  at  the  polls  or  to  secure  legisla- 
tion is  calculated  to  excite  the  gravest  concern.  When  this  pernicious  agency  is 
successfully  employed  a  representative  form  of  government  becomes  a  sham,  and 
laws  passed  under  its  baleful  influence  cease  to  protect,  but  are  made  the  means 
by  which  the  rights  of  the  people  are  sacrificed  and  the  public  treasury  despoiled. 
It  is  useless  and  foolish  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  this  evil  exists  among  us, 
and  the  party  which  leads  in  an  honest  effort  to  return  to  better  and  purer  methods 
will  receive  the  confidence  of  our  citizens  and  secure  their  support.  It  is  willful 
blindness  not  to  see  that  the  people  care  but  little  for  party  obligations,  when  they 
are  invoked  to  countenance  and  sustain  fraudulent  and  corrupt  practices.  And  it 
is  well  for  our  country  and  for  the  purification  of  politics  that  the  people,  at  times 
fully  roused  to  danger,  remind  their  leaders  that  party  methods  should  be  something 
more  than  a  means  used  to  answer  the  purposes  of  those  who  profit  by  political 
occupation. 

The  first  acts  of  an  executive  calculated  to  invite  attention  and 
criticism,  as  well  as  to  foreshadow  the  policy  of  his  administration, 
are  his  appointments  to  office.  There  is  no  public  duty  so 
delicate,  none  in  which  mistakes  recoil  so  quickly.  It  is  set 
down  to  Governor  Cleveland's  credit  that  his  first  appoint- 
ments were  made  with  rare  good  judgment.  Political  friend 
and  foe  indorsed  them  as  the  wisest  selections  possible,  and 
saw  at  once  in  them  an  earnest  of  the  kind  of  administration 
they  had  hoped  for  and  been  led  to  expect. 


28  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

Two  places  were  of  peculiar  importance — that  of  Superintend- 
ent of  Public  Works  and  Commissioner  of  the  New  Capitol. 
Public  money  had  been  running  through  these  like  water 
through  a  sieve.  They  were  centres  of  immense  patronage  and 
power,  and  were  consequently  much  coveted  by  those  who 
would  use  them  for  political  purposes.  Both  offices  employed 
hundreds  of  men.  For  each  of  them  Governor  Cleveland 
selected  a  man  fitted  by  practice  and  special  knowledge  to  do 
the  required  work.  They  were  both  outspoken,  square-dealing 
experts  in  the  business  they  were  called  upon  to  conduct.  Since 
their  appointment  the  ugly  rumors  of  corruption  which  used  to 
centre  about  their  places  have  ceased,  and  the  people  are  satis- 
fied that  order  and  economy  prevail  where  once  all  was  confu- 
sion, extravagance  and  distrust. 

All  other  appointments  were  characterized  by  the  same  inde- 
pendence and  close  discernment  of  fitness  and  character.  In  so 
far  as  these  acts  could  contribute  to  energy  and  purity  of  admin- 
istration, it  was  manifest  that  Governor  Cleveland  was  bound  to 
prove  an  exceptional  executive,  that  he  had  within  him  a  pro- 
bity, fearlessness  and  business  address  before  which  the  better 
sentiment  of  the  State  must  bow  with  respect. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  he  escaped  the  vulgar  criticism 
of  those  who  could  not  use  him  for  their  ambitious  and  corrupt 
purposes.  No  great,  unselfish,  direct,  single-purposed  man  can 
act  either  his  business  or  political  part  without  incurring  the 
opposition,  and  even  inviting  the  censure,  of  the  smaller  and 
narrower  herd  who  delight  in  detraction  and  feed  on  enmities. 
The  measure  of  admiration  for  Governor  Cleveland,  while  a  can- 
didate before  the  Chicago  Convention,  was  well  expressed  by  a 
prominent  delegate  who  said,  "  I  love  the  man  for  the  enemies 
he  has  made."  It  is  not  complimentary  to  our  political  society 
to  feel  that  true  greatness  is  often  an  invitation  for  envious  dis- 
crimination and  malignant  attack.  Yet  we  fear  it  must  be  ac- 
cepted as  true  that  those  virtues  which  we  most  seek  and  prize 
in  public  men  are  the  very  ones  whose  persistent  exercise  pro- 
voke the  bitterest  hostility  of  the  tricky  and  unconscionable  f^w. 
Out  of  the  million  voters  of  the  Empire  State,  only  a  modicum 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  29 

of  mere  trading  politicians  chose  to  withhold  their  admiration 
for  Governor  Cleveland's  energetic  and  business-like  policy,  as 
foreshadowed  and  proved  by  his  executive  appointments.  He 
showed  in  them  all  a  keen  analysis  of  character  and  a  knowledge 
of  official  fitness  which  were  in  the  highest  degree  complimen- 
tary. In  every  instance  the  result  proved  the  wisdom  of  his 
choice,  and  in  no  respect  has  his  administration  been  more  pow- 
erfully vindicated. 

In  attention  to  the  details  of  legislation  Governor  Cleveland 
has  proven  himself  constant,  guarded  and  thoughtful.  His  mes- 
sages, models  of  terseness  and  vigor,  have  abounded  in  clear-cut, 
practical  advice,  so  that  even  the  most  wayward  could  not  mis- 
take his  spirit  and  meaning.  It  may  well  be  questioned  whether 
any  State  administration  ever  crowded  into  so  brief  a  space  so 
many  substantial  and  far-reaching  reforms.  And  what  is  more 
worthy  of  note,  this  monumental  work  was  marred  in  but  few 
places  by  idle,  irrelevant  and  impracticable  legislation,  owing  to 
his  watchfulness  and  free  use  of  the  veto  power. 

Perhaps  his  administration  was  expected  to  achieve  most  in  the 
way  of  reforms  in  the  government  of  New  York  city.  If  judged 
by  their  extent  and  importance,  it  has  been  signally  successful, 
and  too  much  credit  cannot  be  given  the  executive  through 
whose  agency  they  were  effected.  In  urging  and  fostering  them 
he  had  to  combat  an  element  in  his  own  party,  which  had  all 
along  been  defiant  of  interference.  But  the  seven  reform  bills 
relating  to  the  city  went  through"  and  received  his  approval  all 
the  same.  The  autocratic  power  of  the  old  Board  of  Aldermen 
was  smashed,  the  princely  incomes  of  county  officers  were  cut 
down  to  respectable  salaries,  the  political  atmosphere  was  puri- 
fied, a  freer  and  better  ballot  was  promised.  No  more  difficult 
task  ever  lay  before  an  executive.  He  was  compelled  to  brave 
an  opposition  at  once  political  and  personal,  clamorous  and 
slanderous,  malignant  and  threatening.  He  never  swerved  for 
a  moment,  but  went  right  on.  Let  it  be  written  that  what  fifty 
years  of  effort  on  the  part  of  a  score  of  governors  failed  to 
achieve  for  New  York  city  was  accomplished  by  Governor 
Cleveland  in  a  single  year  of  energetic,  fearless  and  consistent 
administration. 


30  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  general  features  of  his  administration  have  been  no  less 
acceptable  to  the  people  and  creditable  to  the  man  and  the 
official.  The  parts  which  have  been  most  criticised  are  those 
which,  on  thoughtful  examination,  or  left  alone  to  be  judged  by 
their  results,  redound  most  to  his  honor.  A  few  of  the  acts 
must  be  mentioned  here  because  their  merits  are  under  discus- 
sion, and  attempts  are  being  made  to  turn  them  to  political  ac- 
count. They  should  be  understood  lest,  peradventure,  some 
thoughtless  person  might  jump  at  wrong  conclusions  respecting 
them. 

The  first  one  of  moment  was  the  Five-Cent  Fare  bill.  It  was 
deemed  important  as  a  blow  of  the  laboring  people  of  New  York 
at  the  Elevated  Railroad,  or,  as  the  cry  was,  at  monopoly.  This 
bill  the  Governor,  with  characteristic  moral  courage,  and  after 
an  exhaustive  examination  of  its  provisions,  vetoed.  His  action 
provoked  the  unreasonable  hostility  of  those  who  thought  them- 
selves aggrieved.  As  to  the  merits  of  the  bill  the  veto  shows 
that  it  was  clearly  in  violation  of  existing  contracts,  and  uncon- 
stitutional. Approval  would  therefore  have  been  a  wrong. 
The  bill  would  have  righted  nothing,  but  would  have  resulted 
in  endless  lawsuits  and  the  expenditure  of  thousands  of  dollars 
of  public  money.  Moreover  it  would  have  jeopardized  the  right 
the  workingman  already  had,  to  ride,  at  the  only  hours  possible 
for  him  to  use  the  railways,  at  a  five-cent  fare.  The  veto  was 
one  wholly  in  his  interest,  as  the  sequel  will  prove.  Referring 
to  his  message,  the  Tribune  editorially  said : 

"The  message  containing  his  reasons  for  so  doing  is  straight- 
forward and  forcible,  and  we  believe  will  be  pronounced  sound 
by  most  of  those  who  have  been  strenuous  in  their  demands  for 
a  reduction  of  fares  on  the  elevated  roads.  His  objections  to 
the  measure  are  of  a  serious  nature.  He  argues  that  to  suffer  it 
to  become  a  law  would  mean  the  impairment  of  the  obligation 
of  a  contract,  involving  a  breach  of  faith  and  a  betrayal  of  con- 
fidence by  the  State." 

The  second  was  a  Mechanics'  Lien  bill,  which  was  claimed  to 
give  workingmen  greater  security  for  their  wages.  It  was  a 
thoughtless  and  carelessly  drawn  act.     The  veto  in  this  instance 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  31 

showed  that  the  bill  was  wholly  in  the  interest  of  lawyers  and 
hangers-on  of  courts ;  that  it  largely  increased  the  fees  and  costs 
of  entering  and  enforcing  mechanics'  liens ;  and  that  either 
through  accident  or  design  it  repealed  several  existing  mechanics' 
lien  laws,  including  one  specially  applicable  to  the  city  of  New 
York.  The  security  of  workingmen's  wages  was  evidently  the 
last  thing  thought  of  by  the  framers  of  the  bill,  and  workingmen 
themselves  are  clearly  indebted  to  the  Governor,  in  this  instance, 
for  the  measure  of  protection  they  enjoy.  The  Governor's 
memorandum,  in  which  fatal  objections  are  noticed,  reads  as 
follows : 

11  The  bill  repeals  in  distinct  terms  a  number  of  mechanics' 
lien  laws,  including  one  specially  applicable  to  the  city  of  New 
York.  I  notice  two  features  which  I  think  objectionable  enough 
to  warrant  me  in  declining  to  sign  it.  First,  it  gives  all  parties 
having  claims  four  months  after  performance  of  work*  or  furnish- 
ing of  material  to  file  a  lien.  Second,  it  allows  on  proceedings 
to  enforce  the  lien  the  same  costs  as  in  foreclosure  cases.  This 
would  be  quite  onerous,  and,  I  think,  should  not  be  allowed." 

A  third  was  the  Twelve  Hour  bill,  limiting  a  day's  work  for 
employes  on  passenger  railways  to  twelve  hours.  This  bill 
was  vetoed  because  it  was  a  buncombe  enactment,  too  loosely 
drawn  to  be  effective,  and  violative  of  the  sanctity  of  contracts 
made  as  well  as  the  freedom  of  those  to  be  made.  Strict  justice 
required  the  step  he  took.  His  reasons  were  cogently  and 
clearly  stated,  and  every  lawyer  recognized  their  force  at  the 
time.  The  Governor's  memorandum,  on  which  the  veto  mes- 
sage was  based,  reads  as  follows  : 

"  It  is  distinctly  and  palpably  class  legislation,  in  that  it  only 
applies  to  conductors  and  drivers  on  horse  railroads.  It  does 
not  prohibit  the  making  of  a  contract  for  any  number  of  hours' 
work,  I  think,  and  if  it  does,  it  is  an  interference  with  the  em- 
ployes' as  well  as  employers'  rights.  If  the  car-drivers  and 
conductors  work  fewer  hours  they  must  receive  less  pay,  and 
this  bill  does  not  prevent  that.  I  cannot  think  that  this  bill  is 
in  the  interest  of  the  workingman." 

The  Public  Worship  bill  was  one  granting  permission  to  the 


32  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

Catholic  clergy  to  hold  services  at  the  House  of  Refuge,  on 
Randall's  Island.  This  bill  he  never  vetoed.  It  only  passed 
one  branch  of  the  Assembly,  and  therefore  never  reached  the 
Governor.  Of  the  Catholic  Protectory  bill,  his  failure  to  approve 
which  is  now  being  used  against  him,  there  can  be  but  one 
opinion.  It  appropriated  $30,000  to  improve  the  sewerage  of 
the  Catholic  Protectory,  built  by  the  church  in  Westchester 
county  for  the  reception  and  reform  of  young  men  and  women 
sent  there  by  magistrates  of  the  surrounding  counties.  The 
laws  of  the  State  prevent  the  use  of  public  moneys  for  sectarian 
uses.  The  fate  of  the  bill  would  have  been  the  same  had  the 
institution  been  Presbyterian,  Methodist,  Baptist,  Episcopalian, 
or  that  of  any  other  denomination.  He  was  merely  keeping  his 
oath  to  observe  and  execute  the  laws. 

The  unseemly  attempt  to  force  a  religious  issue  into  a  political 
campaign,  based  on  the  Governor's  action  respecting  the  above 
bill,  has  already  been  deprecated  by  leading  spokesmen  for  the 
church.  ' 

Of  this  very  bill,  Mr.  Henry  L.  Hoguet,  president  of  the  Pro- 
tectory, says: 

"  We  never  doubted  the  sincerity  of  the  motive  which  induced 
Governor  Cleveland  to  withhold  his  signature  to  the  appropria- 
tion to  the  Protectory.  We  thought  then,  and  think  now,  that 
he  was  not  actuated  by  any  feeling  of  bigotry  or  of  hostility  to 
Catholics  or  the  Catholic  institutions.  On  the  contrary,  Gover- 
nor Cleveland  is  liberal  in  the  extreme,  and  we  are  of  the  firm 
belief  that  he  was  led  to  withholding  his  approval  of  the  appro- 
priation solely  by  a  sense  of  public  duty  as  he  viewed  it." 

Ex-Senator  Kernan  has  well  said,  "  Is  it  to  be  supposed  for  a 
moment  that  the  Catholic  Church  of  this  country  is  in  the  hands 
of  a  pack  of  politicians  ?  Is  its  power  and  influence  to  be  bar- 
tered away  by  any  man  or  set  of  men  ?  That  sort  of  campaign 
bosh  I  consider  malicious,  and  a  direct  insult  to  every  Catholic 
in  the  country.  During  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration  as  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York  he  has  acted  judiciously  in  distributing  his 
appointments.  He  has  favored  no  class  or  creed.  He  has  given 
a  fair  share  of  his  patronage  to  Catholics." 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  33 

And  so  the  Buffalo  Catholic  Union  : 

"  Catholics,  as  such,  have  asked  nothing  of  Governor  Cleve- 
land, and  they  would  be  very  foolish  to  do  it.  Catholics  have 
no  right  to  expect  from  Governor  or  from  President  anything  as 
Catholics,  or  on  the  score  of  religion.  But  we  have  a  right  to 
be  treated  as  citizens  on  a  perfect  equality  with  all  other  religious 
denominations,  and  that  no  discrimination  shall  be  made  against 
us  because  we  are  Catholics.  Justice,  fair  play  and  equal  rights 
are  all  we  claim  ;  and  we  were  not  worthy  of  the  high  privilege 
of  American  citizenship  were  we  content  with  less. 

"  Catholic  citizens  should  hold  to  strict  account  at  the  ballot 
box  those  who  would  refuse  or  deny  them  perfect  equality  and 
equal  rights  with  all  other  denominations.  In  general  we  are 
proud  to  say  that  our  fellow-citizens  do  recognize,  practically 
acknowledge  our  equal  rights  before  the  law;  and  when  '  Gov- 
ernor Cleveland  treated  Catholics  and  Catholic  interests  pre- 
cisely as  he  did  the  members  of  other  religious  bodies  and  their 
interests,'  he  only  acted  as  an  honest  American  executive." 

It  has  been  loosely  charged  that  he  vetoed  an  important  bill 
which  prevented  contract  labor  by  children  under  a  certain  age. 
As  to  this  we  quote  his  own  language: 

"  I  am  sometimes  afraid  that  at  least  a  few  of  those  who 
pose  as  friends  of  the  workingmen  do  not  keep  themselves 
fully  informed  as  to  what  is  done  for  them  by  way  of  legisr 
lation.  As  an  illustration  I  see  it  stated  in  the  papers  as  com- 
ing from  one  who  professes  to  be  especially  the  friend  of  the 
workingmen,  and  claiming  to  be  a  leader  among  them,  that  I 
vetoed  a  bill  preventing  contract  labor  by  children  in  the  re- 
formatories and  institutions  of  the  State.  In  point  of  fact,,  this 
bill  was  promptly  signed  by  me,  and  no  other  measure  touching 
this  question  has  been  presented  to  me." 

Much  account  has  been  made  of  his  veto  of  the  Tenure  of 
Office  bill.  But  his  veto  message  in  this  as  in  all  other  instances 
comes  to  his  rescue.  The  bill  was  glaringly  defective,  and  the 
Governor  gave  his  reasons  for  his  course  in  a  message  which  left 
no  doubt  of  it  at  the  time.  The  friends  of  the  bill  agreed  with 
him  in  believing  that  the  measure  as  it  reached  him  wa&defeo 
52 


34  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

tive  and  ought  not  to  become  a  law.  Mr.  Francis  M.  Scott,  who 
drafted  the  bill  and  worked  most  earnestly  for  its  passage,  pub- 
lished a  letter  in  which  he  said  that  the  Governor  was  perfectly 
right  in  vetoing  the  measure,  because  as  it  reached  him  "  it  was 
a  very  shabby  piece  of  legislation,  quite  unfit  to  find  a  place  on 
the  statute  book." 

Altogether  his  use  of  the  veto  power  has  been  discreet  and 
has  met  with  almost  unanimous  popular  approval.  His  mes- 
sages have  been  well-studied,  clear-cut  papers,  evidences  of  ex- 
haustive analysis  of  measures  and  deep  research  respecting  them, 
and  assurances  of  the  most  impartial  motive  and  deepest  recti 
tude  of  intention.  Judged  by  his  vetoes  alone,  which  have  been 
necessarily  frequent,  his  administration  has  not  only  drawn  the 
widest  approval  but  stands  unparalleled  for  its  vigor  and  consist- 
ency. A  feeble  man,  one  without  the  true  executive  instinct, 
would  have  quailed  before  corrupting  pressure  or  unreasoning 
clamor,  and  often  given  sanction  to  measures  which  his  inner 
conscience  disapproved.  But  Grover  Cleveland  moved  on  a 
highly  conscientious  plane,  regardless  of  partisan  appeal,  brutal 
threat  or  slanderous  arrow,  never  counting  the  bearing  his  con- 
duct might  have  on  his  personal  or  political  fortune,  apparently 
bound  only  to  the  discharge  of  a  duty  he  owed  to  the  whole 
people.  There  is  observable  at  every  turn  of  his  executive 
career  stern  adhesion  to  the  cardinal  principles  that  preserved 
and  honored  his  youth  and  gave  him  a  firm  foothold  among  his 
fellow-citizens  as  an  humble  attorney.  His  scrutiny  of  every  bill 
was  close,  and  attended  with  a  sharp  legal  insight.  As  he  had 
been  his  own  counsellor  while  mayor,  so  he  was  really  his  own 
Attorney-General  while  Governor.  His  vetoes  stood  every  test 
applied  to  them,  and  not  one  rejected  bill  was  passed  over  his 
protest.  Many  bills  were  returned  because  improperly  and 
loosely  drawn.  These,  when  amended  so  as  to  be  no  longer  in- 
consequential or  mere  deadwood  accumulations  on  the  statute 
books,  he  afterwards  approved.  Whether  in  signing  bills  or  re- 
jecting them  he  has  shown  a  diligence,  patience,  and  competent 
inquiry  which  have  elicited  the  warmest  esteem  of  the  fair-minded 
people  of  the  State.     They  all  look  upon  him  as  a  strong,  deter- 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  35 

mined,  unselfish  man  in  whom,  as  executive,  there  is  full  security. 
It  was  this  very  sense  of  security  that  put  him  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  as  candidate  for  President,  and  will  make  him  a 
formidable  nominee. 

It  must  not  be  imagined  that  his  tenacity  of  principle  and  dis- 
regard of  consequences  make  him  indifferent  or  conservative. 
On  the  contrary  he  is  keenly  alive  to  what  is  going  on,  watchful 
of  the  movements  of  public  sentiment,  and  at  the  front  as  a  pro- 
gressist, whether  the  column  be  political,  social  or  moral.  The 
Civil  Service  Act  for  the  State  of  New  York,  a  miniature  of  the 
system  recently  adopted  by  the  General  Government,  received 
his  unqualified  sanction.  Of  the  same  spirit  were  the  Reform 
bills  for  New  York  city,  and  numberless  others  to  mention  which 
would  be  tiresome. 

EXECUTIVE  HABITS. — The  business  of  his  office  is  con- 
ducted with  the  regularity  of  clock-work.  Method  prevails 
everywhere.  He  comes  and  goes  at  stated  hours,  if  we  except 
the  long  hours  of  evening  when  there  is  pressure  of  work  ;  then 
he  stays  till  far  into  the  night  in  order  to  keep  his  executive 
business  well  in  hand.  His  industry  does  not  permit  him  to  load 
others  with  responsibility.  The  burden  which  is  his  own  he 
bears  with  alacrity.  The  judgment  which  is  his  own,  and  which 
always  carries  such  convincing  weight,  is  based  on  his  personal 
examination  of  public  acts,  his  actual  inquiry  into  public  affairs, 
his  direct  knowledge  of  public  events.  As  to  equipment  for 
carrying  on  the  business  of  State,  perfectly  modulated  depart- 
ment machinery,  systematic  direction  of  energy  and  consumption 
of  time,  intelligent  control  of  whatever  concerns  the  common 
weal,  his  office  is  a  model  and  its  directorship  a  profitable  study. 

PERSONNEL. — Governor  Cleveland  is  a  bachelor,  and  not  a 
rich  one  as  some  maliciously  aver,  and  too  many  suppose.  At 
his  home  in  Buffalo,  he  boarded  at  the  Tifft  House,  and  lived  in 
easy  style  amid  a  group  of  bachelor  friends  who  enjoyed  com- 
fortable incomes.  An  examination  of  the  assessor's  books  shows 
that  he  pays  taxes  on  $5,000  of  personal  property,  and  owns  no 
real  estate. 

His  figure  is  tall,  broad  and  commanding,  with  a  tendency  to 


36  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

corpulency,  which,  as  yet,  does  not  interfere  with  great  activity 
and  incessant  industry.  His  face  is  regular,  clear-cut,  and  hand- 
some. Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  is  a  bachelor,  it  is  what 
might  be  called  a  parental  face,  being  reserved  yet  genial,  firm 
yet  kind,  dignified  yet  not  distant.  His  business  manner  is 
brusque  and  simple,  precisely  that  required  for  despatch.  His 
social  mood  is  pleasant  and  assuring.  He  is,  when  not  pressed 
with  business  care,  open  to  all  comers,  and  all,. from  the  rag- 
picker to  prince,  find  his  hand  extended,  his  hearing  patient,  his 
demeanor  cordial.  Though  of  nervous  temperament  he  is  easy 
in  society,  and  reserved  in  emergency.  His  complexion  is  light, 
his  hair  brown  and  thin,  his  full,  square  and  shapely  head  in- 
clined to  baldness.  He  delights  in  association  with  his  own  sex, 
but  does  not  incline  to  ladies'  society.  The  executive  residence 
is  a  half  mile  distant  from  the  capitol.  This  distance  he  always 
walks,  both  ways.  His  bosom  is  full  of  the  milk  of  human 
kindness  and  his  heart  big  enough  to  take  in  all  mankind.  An 
anecdote  is  apropos. 

The  crier  in  one  of  the  courts  of  Albany  is  a  blind  man,  who 
lives  in  the  same  part  of  the  city  as  the  Governor.  He  is  some- 
what aged  and  has  become  so  familiar  with  the  road  from  his 
home  over  to  the  court-house  that  he  generally  goes  alone.  But 
one  morning,  some  months  ago,  he  missed  his  way,  and  the 
Governor  coming  along  took  him  by  the  arm  and  brought  him 
along  with  him  as  far  as  the  capitol  building.  As  they  were 
about  to  separate,  the  old  gentleman  asked  the  name  of  his  con- 
siderate guide. 

"  My  name  is  Cleveland,"  said  the  Governor. 
/"Are  you  in  business  in  the  city?" 

"  Yes.     I  have  an  office  up  here  in  the  capitol." 
V1  Oh,  you  are  not  the  Governor  ?  " 
;  "  Yes.     I  am  the  Governor." 

The  poor  old  fellow  was  almost  beside  himself,  and  went  on 
his  way  with  a  story  to  tell  as  long  as  he  lived. 

A  well-known  correspondent,  writing  of  an  interview  with  the 
Governor  since  his  nomination,  says : 
■''*  When  the  Governor  gets  well  settled  in  his  chair,  takes  a  good 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  37 

long  breath,  and  adjusts  his  glasses  on  the  lower  part  of  his  nose, 
he  looks  as  wise,  as  mellow,  and  as  sunshiny  as  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin. He  looks  as  though  it  would  take  a  very  considerable  shock 
to  knock  him  off  his  balance.  I  asked  him  the  other  day  if  he 
read  the  papers  that  abused  him. 

" '  Sometimes,"  said  he,  with  a  smile  that  broke  out  all  over 
his  face. 

"  ■  Do  you  ever  get  disturbed  over  anything  they  say  ?  ' 

" '  Not  much.  Every  man  has  a  right  to  enjoy  his  own  mind. 
I  remember  an  old  fellow  who  was  a  neighbor  of  my  father  and 
we  would  sometimes  try  to  get  him  to  come  over  to  our  church. 
He  was  a  strong  Baptist,  and  he  would  always  say:  ".  No;  you 
folks  are  Presbyterians,  and  if  I  go  over  to  your  church  I  couldn't 
enjoy  my  mind."     Of  course,  that  was  the  end  of  the  argument' 

"  *  What  was  the  most  annoying  slander  they  have  ever 
published  about  you,  Governor?' 

"  '  Well,  I  have  been  more  surprised  (and  then  he  did  twist 
just  a  little  in  his  chair)  at  the  way  I  have  been  misrepresented 
as  to  the  laboring  men  than  anything  else.  I  don't  see  how  tlie 
idea  ever  got  out  in  the  first  place  that  I  have  been  opposed  to 
the  interests  of  laboring  men.  I  cannot  remember  one  single 
act  in  my  life  that  could  be  reasonably  construed  into  anything 
inimical  to  their  best  interests.  It  has  been  just  the  other  Way 
with  me.  I  have  always  taken  particular  pains,  whenever  it  was 
in  my  power,  to  see  their  interests  well  guarded.  But  I  have  no 
fear  as  to  the  outcome.  I  have  observed  that  laboring  men  have 
minds  of  their  own  as  well  as  political  principles,  and  when  there 
has  been  a  full  investigation  of  my  official  life  the  facts  will  be 
made  known,  and  I  am  not  uneasy  as  to  the  result.  They  talk 
about  the  workingmen  as  if  they  were  a  lot  of  sheep  to  be  cor- 
ralled or  scattered  by  this  man  or  that.  Most  workingmen  are 
natural  Democrats.  Democracy  means  the  rule  of  the  people, 
and  the  Democratic  party  has  always  been  the  natural  friend  of 
the  workingmen.  I  dd  not  think  any  great  number  of  those  who 
are  in  my  party  will  fail  to  vote  for  me,  first,  because  they  are 
naturally  disposed  to  go  with  their  party,  and  second,  because 
they  will  learn  long  before  election  day  that  my  attitude  toward 
them  has  been  misrepresented.' 


38  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

'-  The  Governor  had  grown  serious  enough  to  lay  his  glasses 
on  the  desk  and  wipe  his  face  with  an  immense  white  handker- 
chief." 

THE  TAMMANY  QUESTION.— The  Tammany  attitude 
has  been  and  is  so  much  commented  upon,  that  it  is  well  to 
know  Governor  Cleveland's  status  respecting  it.  It  will  be  seen, 
it  is  not  one  of  hostility,  except  in  so  far  as  Tammany  chooses 
to  make  it  such ;  and  it  is  to  be  doubted  if  the  intention  to  do 
so  can  be  carried  out,  even  if  it  exists.  That  organization  under- 
took to  wrestle  with  the  Governor  through  its  senatorial  spokes- 
man, who  made  the  mistake  of  forcing  the  measures  of  a  society 
rather  than  honestly  representing  the  people  of  a  district.  Feel- 
ing that  he  was  agent  for  a  clique,  and  responsible  to  its  head, 
by  whom  he  was  selected,  the  Governor  sent  a  missive  directly 
to  headquarters,  which,  in  a  fearless,  straightforward  way,  made 
known  his  sentiments.     It  ran  thus : 

Executive  Chamber,  Albany,  October  20,  1883. — Hon.  John  Kelly — My  dear 
Sir:  It  is  not  without  hesitation  that  I  write  this.  I  have  determined  to  do  so,  how- 
ever, because  I  see  no  reason  why  I  should  not  be  entirely  frank  with  you.  I  am 
anxious  that  Mr.  Grady  should  not  be  returned  to  the  next  Senate.  I  do  not  wish 
to  conceal  the  fact  that  my  personal  comfort  and  satisfaction  are  involved  in  this 
matter.  But  I  know  that  good  legislation,  based  upon  a  pure  desire  to  promote  the 
interests  of  the  people,  and  the  improvement  of  legislative  methods  are  also  deeply 
involved.  I  forbear  to  write  in  detail  of  the  other  considerations  having  relation  to 
the  welfare  of  the  party  and  the  approval  to  be  secured  by  a  change  for  the  better 
in  the  character  of  its  representatives.  These  things  will  occur  to  you  without  sug- 
gestion from  me.     Yours  very  truly,  Grover  Cleveland. 

No  comment  on  this  is  needed,  except  that  somebody  mistook 
Governor  Cleveland's  unalterable  purpose  to  have  "  good  legis- 
lation" and  "improvement  of  legislative  methods"  in  New  York 
city  as  well  as  elsewhere. 

IN  CONVENTION— -Long  before  the  meeting  of  the  Chi- 
cago Convention  indications  pointed  to  Governor  Cleveland  as 
:the  proper  Democratic  nominee  for  President.  The  political 
situation  was  such  as  to  make  New  York  a  pivotal  State  in  the 
Presidential  contest.  His  fame  as  an  executive  had  gone  abroad 
in  the  land.     He  had  the  prestige  of  unprecedented  majority  in 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  39 

his  favor  when  he  carried  off  the  honors  of  Governor.  He, 
more  than  any  other  man  spoken  of,  was  the  embodiment  of  all 
the  great  qualities  which  combined  in  the  formation  of  an  ideal 
leader.  He  typed  the  instincts  and  sentiments  of  a  younger 
Democracy  who  loved  his  independence  of  character,  his  ster- 
ling methods,  his  sublime  mastery  of  circumstances.  He  stood 
for  what  the  older  Democracy  most  cherished,  adherence  to 
patriotic  tradition,  plain,  common  sense  devotion  to  principle, 
economic  and  business-like  execution  of  high  official  trust. 
There  was  only  one  ripple  in  the  current  running  toward  his 
nomination.  That  was  occasioned  by  the  Tammany  pebble  at 
the  bottom  of  the  stream.  There  the  stream  murmured,  but  ran 
rapidly  on,  its  murmur  a  laugh. 

The  Convention  was  thoroughly  representative  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  As  the  presiding  officer,  Col.  William  F.  Vilas, 
said,  "  The  Convention  was  the  greatest  and  most  magnificent 
council  of  freemen  ever  assembled  on  the  face  of  God's  round 
globe.  For  three  days  it  listened  to  a  'profound  debate  from  the 
greatest  speakers  in  the  country'  upon  the  various  candidates, 
and  the  point  of  order  was  justly  raised  that  it  was  contrary  to 
the  rules  governing  the  Convention  to  thus  discuss  the  candi- 
dates, but  it  was  unanimously  voted  by  the  Convention  that  the 
freest  discussion  should  be  permitted,  in  order  to  develop  all  the 
facts  obtainable.  The  debate  of  three  days  left  no  doubt  in  the 
minds  of  the  delegates  as  to  whom  the  choice  of  the  Convention 
should  be." 

It  was  particularly  noteworthy  that  amid  all  the  caucusing  for 
rival  candidates,  amid  the  arguments  educed  for  favorites  from 
respective  States  and  sections,  amid  the  formal  presentation  of 
names  to  the  Convention,  no  Democratic  orator  of  high  and 
unquestioned  standing  in  his  party  ever  spoke  a  derogatory  word 
of  Governor  Cleveland  or  expressed  a  doubt  of  the  propriety  and 
fitness  of  his  nomination.  It  is  equally  noteworthy  that  the 
magic  of  his  name  was  such  as  to  hold  his  State  delegation  as  a 
unit  and  turn  every  malignant  attempt  to  break  it  into  an  argu- 
ment and  inspiration  in  his  behalf. 

At  3.55  p.  m.  of  July  9th,  Mr.  Lockwood,  of  New  York,  took 


40 


BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 


the  platform  to  place  in  nomination  the  name  of  Grover  Cleve- 
land.    He  did  this  in  an  eloquent  speech,  in  which  he  said: 

The  responsibility  which  he  felt  was  made  greater  when  he  remembered  that 
the  richest  pages  of  American  history  had  been  made  up  from  the  records  of  Demo- 
cratic administrations,  and  remembered  that  the  outrage  of  1876  was  still  unavenged. 
No  man  had  a  greater  respect  than  he  for  the  honored  names  presented  to  the  Con- 
vention, but  the  world  was  moving,  and  new  men,  who  had  participated  but  little 
in  politics,  were  coming  to  the  front.  Three  years  ago  he  had  the  honor  in  the 
city  of  Buffalo  to  present  the  name  of  the  same  gentleman  for  the  office  of  mayor. 
Without  hesitation  the  name  of  Grover  Cleveland  had  been  accepted  as  the  candi- 
date.    [Applause  in  the  galleries  and  delegations.] 

The  result  of  that  election  and  of  the  holding  of  that  office  was  that  in  less  than 
nine  months  the  State  of  New  York  found  itself  in  a  position  to  want  such  a  can- 
didate, and  when  in  the  Convention  of  1882  his  name  was  presented  for  the  office 
of  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  the  same  class  of  people  knew  that  that 
meant  honest  government ;  that  it  meant  pure  government ;  that  it  meant  Demo- 
cratic government,  and  it  was  ratified.  Now  the  State  of  New  York  came  and 
asked  that  there  be  given  to  the  Independent  and  Democratic  voters  of  the  country 
7— the  young  men  of  the  country,  the  new  blood  of  the  country — the  name  of 
Grover  Cleveland. 

«    The  nomination  was  eloquently  seconded  by  Harrison  of  Illi- 
nois and  Jones  of  Minnesota. 

The  first  ballot  was  had  on  the  night  of  the  ioth.  The  friends 
of  Governor  Cleveland  had  computed  his  strength  at  397  votes. 
Their  count  proved  to  be  exceedingly  close.  To  show  how  his 
strength  was  diversified  as  well  as  its  chief  sources  a  view  must 
be  taken  of  the  ballot  itself: 

THE  FIRST  BALLOT. 


I  States  and  Cleve- 

Territories.  land.       Randall. 

Alabama 4 

Arkansas 14 

California 

Colorado 

.Connecticut 12 

Delaware 

Florida 8 

Georgia 10  2 

Illinois 28  1 

Indiana 

Iowa 23 

Kansas 1 1 

Kentucky ...     . 


Thur- 
man. 


16 


McDon- 


Bayard. 
14 


30 


Hoadly. 


Car- 
lisle. 


26 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


41 


States  and 
Territories. 


Cieve 
land 


THE  FIRST  BALLOT — Continued. 

Thur- 


Randall.         man.        Bayard. 


McDon- 
ald. 


Hoadly. 
I 


Car- 
lisle. 


!5 


II 


55 


24 


Louisiana 13 

Maine .  12 

Maryland 6 

Massachusetts 3 

Michigan 14 

Minnesota 14 

Mississippi I 

Missouri 15 

Nebraska 8 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 4 

New  York 72 

North  Carolina 

*Ohio 1 

Oregon 2 

Pennsylvania 5 

Rhode   Island 6 

South  Carolina 8 

Tennessee 2 

Texas 1 1 

Vermont 8 

Virginia   13 

*West  Virginia 4 

Wisconsin 12 

Total 392  78  88  170  56  3  27 

*  Before  the  announcement  of  the  result  Ohio's  vote  was  changed  to  following  : 
Thurman,  23  ;  Hoadly,  2  ;  Cleveland,  21.  West  Virginia  :  Randall,  I  ;  Bayard, 
2  ;  Cleveland,  7  ;  Thurman,  2. 

Scattering. — Tilden  received  1  vote  in  Tennessee,  Hendricks  I  in  Illinois, 
Flower  4  in  Wisconsin. 

At  1 1.20  A.  m.  of  the  1  ith,  the  second  ballot  began,  and  ended 
at  1  p.  m.  Every  face  and  movement  in  the  vast  assemblage  be- 
trayed the  nervous  anxiety  with  which  the  result  was  looked 
forward  to.  The  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Randall's  name  was  at- 
tended with  great  excitement,  as  it  seemed  to  be  clearing  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  for  determined  action  in  some  new 
direction.  The  withdrawal  of  McDonald's  name  was  to  make 
way  for  that  of  Mr.  Hendricks,  upon  whom  all  the  opposition  to 
Mr.  Cleveland  thought  they  could  consolidate.  The  balloting 
proceeded  amid  intense  suspense,  and  with  satisfactory  gains  for 
Cleveland  until  Pennsylvania  was  called.  Forty-two  of  her 
votes  went  to  Cleveland.  This  broke  the  spell  that  held  the 
Convention.  Amid  exciting  cheers  and  enthusiastic  bustle  the 
States  began  to  rearrange  their  votes  as  if  on  final  ballot.     The 


42 


BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 


result  was  Cleveland's  nomination  by  683  votes,  or  136  more 
than  the  necessary  two-thirds. 


THE  SECOND  BALLOT. 


States  and 
Territories. 


Cleve- 
land. 


Alabama   5 

Arkansas     14 

California 16 

Colorado 6 

Connecticut 12 

Delaware 

Florida 8 

Georgia 22 

Illinois 43 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 17 

Kentucky 4 

Louisiana 15 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts  .......    .  .  8 

Michigan 23 

Minnesota 14 

Mississippi 2 

Missouri 32 

Nebraska 9 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 5 

New  York 72 

North  Carolina 22 

Ohio 46 

Oregon 6 

Pennsylvania 42 

Rhode   Island 7 

South  Carolina 10 

Tennessee 24 

Texas 26 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 23 

West  Virginia 10 

Wisconsin 22 

2 
2 
2 

2 

2 
2 
2 


Arizona 

Dakota , 

Idaho , 

Montana , 

New  Mexico 

Utah 

Washington  Territory.  .  . 

Wyoming 2 

Dist.  of  Columbia 2 


Total 683 

Necessary  for  choice,  547. 


Bayard. 
14 


McDon- 
ald. 


Thur- 
man. 


Randall. 


Hen- 
dricks. 


14 


vA 


sm 


45^ 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  43 

The  general  result  was  announced  as  follows :  Whole  num- 
ber of  votes  cast,  820;  necessary  to  a  choice,  547.  Cleveland 
received  683  ;  Hendricks,  45^  ;  Bayard,  81^;  McDonald,  2; 
Randall,  4 ;  Thurman,  4.  The  question  was  then  put  on  Mr. 
Menzies'  motion  to  make  the  nomination  unanimous,  and  it  was 
carried  triumphantly. 

It  may  be  profitable  at  this  point  to  glance  at  the  Democratic 
conventions  of  the  past.  The  nominations  made  therein  for  the 
last  fifty  years  are  as  follows  : 

1836,  Martin  Van  Buren,  1st  ballot. 

1840,  Martin  Van  Buren,  unanimously. 

1844,  James  K.  Polk,  9th  ballot. 

1848,  Lewis  Cass,  4th  ballot. 

1852,  Franklin  Pierce,  49th  ballot. 

1856,  James  Buchanan,  17th  ballot. 

i860,  John  C.  Breckinridge,  56th  ballot 

1864,  George  B.  McClellan,  1st  ballot. 

1868,  Horatio  Seymour,  23d  ballot. 

1872,  Horace  Greeley,  endorsed. 

1876,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  2d  ballot. 

1880,  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  2d  ballot. 

1884,  Grover  Cleveland,  2d  ballot. 

The  i860  convention  that  nominated  Breckinridge  balloted 
fifty-five  times  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  then  adjourned  to  Baltimore, 
June  18,  when  Breckinridge  was  unanimously  nominated  on  the 
first  ballot.  The  "  bolters  "  met  the  same  day  and  nominated 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  on  the  first  ballot.  In  1852  Franklin 
Pierce's  name  first  appeared  on  the  thirty-fifth  ballot,  when  Vir- 
ginia gave  him  her  fifteen  votes.  Lewis  Cass  and  James  Bu- 
chanan were  the  leading  candidates  on  forty-five  ballots,  but  at 
no  time  did  either  have  a  majority  of  the  convention,  while  a 
two-thirds  vote  was  required  to  nominate. 

RECEPTION  OF  THE  NEWS.— The  news  of  Governor 
Cleveland's  nomination  was  received  with  demonstrations  of 
delight  by  the  Democratic  party  and  by  the  independent  element 
of  the  Republican  party.  Party  newspapers  in  general  spoke  of 
it  as   a  hopeful   and  proper  political   step.     Large   ratification 


44  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

meetings  were  improvised  in  city  and  village,  at  which  great 
enthusiasm  prevailed,  and  from  which  proceeded  hearty  endorse- 
ment of  the  Convention's  action.  What  is  known  as  the  inde- 
pendent, or  bolting  Republican  press,  was,  if  anything,  more 
encomiastic  than  the  regular  Democratic  press.  The  sentiments 
of  a  few  of  these  will  type  the  whole : 

Governor  Cleveland  will  be  supported  by  a  united  and  aggressive  Democratic 
party.  He  will  have  the  votes  of  tens  of  thousands  of  Independent  Republicans. 
He  will  have  the  support  of  the  larger  part  of  successful  newspapers  of  the 
country,  both  secular  and  religious.  He  will  have  the  confidence  and  votes  of  the 
business  men  of  the  land.  It  will  be  shown  that  this  poor  boy  who  has  worked 
his  way  up  to  the  proud  position  which  he  now  holds  knows  what* it  is  to  work  day 
in  and  day  out,  and  that  he  is  a  true  friend  of  the  toiling  masses. — Boston  Globe 
("Butler's  organ). 

The  nomination  of  Governor  Cleveland  defines  sharply  the  actual  issue  of  the 
Presidential  election  of  this  year.  He  is  a  man  whose  absolute  official  integrity 
has  never  been  questioned,  who  has  no  laborious  and  doubtful  explanations  to 
undertake,  and  who  is  universally  known  as  the  Governor  of  Nfew  York  elected 
by  an  unprecedented  majority  which  was  not  partisan,  and  represented  both  the 
votes  and  the  consent  of  an  enormous  body  of  Republicans,  and  who  as  the  Chief 
Executive  of  the  State  has  steadily  withstood  the  blandishments  and  the  threats  of 
the  worst  elements  of  his  party,  and  has  justly  earned  the  reputation  of  a  cour- 
ageous, independent,  and  efficient  friend  and  promoter  of  administrative  reform. 
His  name  has  become  that  of  the  especial  representative  among  our  public  men  of 
the  integrity,  purity,  and  economy  of  administration  which  are  the  objects  of  the 
most  intelligent  and  patriotic  citizens. — Harper's  Weekly. 

It  is  not  only  in  what  he  clearly  represents  but  in  what  he  distinctly  opposes  that 
Grover  Cleveland  is  strong  before  the  American  people.  His  career  has  made 
him  the  exponent  of  clean  and  honest  politics.  In  the  administration  of  public 
trusts  he  has  shown  that  he  is  superior  to  partisan  bias,  indifferent  to  such  party 
nterests  as  are  in-  contact  with  official  probity  and  the  public  welfare.  He  has 
been  severely  tried  in  the  important  and  responsible  post  he  now  occupies.  He  has 
resisted  the  importunities  of  designing  politicians,  he  has  defeated  the  purposes  of 
selfish  schemers.  All  those  members  of  his  own  party  who  are  not  absorbed  in 
private  aims  which  are  in  conflict  with  the  public  good  are  outspoken  in  his  praise ; 
and  he  has  won  the  good  opinion  of  all  Republicans  who  are  not  so  far  gone  in 
partisanship  as  to  have  lost  the  power  to  commend  upright  conduct  in  a  political 
adversary. — N.  Y.  Times. 

Of  the  kind  of  experience  which  the  present  situation  in  national  affairs  most 
imperatively  calls  for,  experience  in  administration,  Cleveland  has  more  than  any 
one  who  has  entered  the  White  House  since  i860,  more  than  any  man  whom  either 
party  has  nominated  within  that  period,  except  Seymour  and  Tilden — more  than 
Lincoln  more  than  Grant,  more  than  Hayes,  more  than  Garfield,  more  than 
Arthur. 


STEPHEN  GROVER  CLEVELAND.  45 

He  laid  at  the  start  that  best  of  all  foundations  for  American  statesmanship  by 
becoming  a  good  lawyer.  He  began  his  executive  career  by  being  a  good  county 
sheriff.  He  was  next  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  a  great  city — as  severe  a 
test  of  a  man's  capacity  in  dealing  with  men  and  affairs  as  any  American  in  our 
time  can  undergo.  In  both  offices  he  gave  boundless  satisfaction  to  his  fellow-citi- 
zens of  both  parties.  His  nomination  for  the  Governorship  of  this  State  came  in 
due  course,  and  at  a  crisis  in  State  affairs  which  very  closely  resembled  that  which 
we  are  now  witnessing  in  national  affairs.  His  election  by  an  unprecedented 
majority  is  now  an  old  story.  It  was  the  beginning  of  a  revolution.  It  was  the 
first  thorough  fright  the  tricky  and  jobbing  element  in  politics  ever  received  here. 
It  for  the  first  time  in  their  experience  gave  reform  an  air  of  reality.  But  it  might, 
had  Cleveland  proved  a  weak  or  incompetent  man,  have  turned  out  a  very  bad 
blow  for  pure  politics. 

Luckily,  he  justified  all  the  expectations  and  even  all  the  hopes  of  those  who 
voted  for  him.  No  friend  of  good  government,  who,  in' disregard  of  party  ties, 
cast  his  vote  for  him,  has  had  reason  to  regret  it  for  one  moment.  We  owe  to  his 
vigorous  support  a  large  number  of  reformatory  measures,  which  people  in  this 
State  for.  forty  years  had  sighed  for  with  little  more  expectation  of  seeing  them 
enacted  than  of  seeing  the  Millennium.  In  other  words,  he  has  arrested  the  growth 
of  political  despair  among  large  numbers  both  of  young  and  old  voters  in  this  State. 
His  messages,  too,  have  been  models  of  sound  common  sense  and  penetrating 
sagacity,  clothed  in  the  terse  and  vigorous  English  which  shows  that  there  is  a 
man  and  not  a  windy  phrasemonger  behind  the  pen.  Though  last  not  least,  his 
best  work  has  been  done  in  utter  disregard  of  the  hostility  of  that  element  in  his 
own  party  which  for  so  many  years  has  made  it  an  object  of  mingled  hate  and  fear 
to  the  best  part  of  the  American  people.  He  is,  in  truth,  a  Democrat  of  the  better 
age  of  the  Democratic  party,  when  it  was  a  party  of  simplicity  and  economy,  and 
might  almost  have  put  its  platform  into  the  golden  rule  of  giving  every  man  his  due, 
minding  your  own  business,  and  asking  nothing  of  government  but  light  taxes,  and 
security  in  the  field  and  by  the  fireside.  No  one  who  has  entered  the  White  House 
for  half  a  century,  except  Lincoln  in  his  second  term,  has  offered  reformers  such 
solid  guarantees  that  as  President  he  will  do  his  own  thinking,  and  be  his  own 
master  in  the  things  which  pertain  to  the  Presidency. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post. 

Governor  Cleveland  has  shown  through  the  whole  of  his  life,  private  and  public, 
from  boyhood,  to  his  present  distinction,  that  he  has  the  sterling  qualities  befitting 
the  exalted  office  of  Chief  Executive  of  the  United  States.  It  is  the  highest  func- 
tion of  that  office  to  administer  the  laws  with  an  eye  single  to  the  public  welfare. 
Our  Government  has  been  tersely  described  as  "  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and 
for  the  people."  No  eminent  public  man  has  exhibited  a  better  understanding  of 
that  definition  of  the  American  government  than  Grover  Cleveland  ;  none  has  ex- 
emplified it  better  than  he  has  in  his  performance  of  public  duty,  and  but  few,  very 
few  indeed,  have  exemplified  it  so  well.  His  guiding  characteristics  have  been  loy- 
alty to  duty,  courage  in  the  discharge  of  it,  and  the  best  and  most  faithful  perform- 
ance of  it  within  his  power.  These  are  strong  words;  strong  because  they  are  true. 
— Philadelphia  Ledger'. 

The  Governor  himself  received  the  news  of  the  nomination 


40  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

with  entire  equanimity.  He  had  not  shown  himself  ambitious 
of  the  honors,  had  done  nothing  directly  to  secure  them.  They 
came  as  a  free-will  offering,  and  by  virtue  of  a  record  made  in 
the  path  of  duty.  He  would  not  have  been  disappointed  had 
the  Convention  in  its  wisdom  seen  fit  to  similarly  honor  some 
one  else.  Yet  he  did  not  shirk  the  responsibilities  which  he 
knew  were  inseparable  from  candidacy,  nor  fail  to  announce 
himself  as  gratified  with  his  political  preference.  During  a 
serenade  at  the  Executive  mansion  on  the  evening  after  his 
nomination  he  delivered  the  following  tasteful  and  timely  speech : 

Fellow-citizens — I  cannot  but  be  gratified  with  this  kindly  greeting.  I  find  that 
I  am  fast  reaching  the  point  where  I  shall  count  the  people  of  Albany  not  merely 
as  fellow-citizens,  but  as  townsmen  and  neighbors.  On  this  occasion  I  am  of  course 
aware  that  you  pay  no  compliment  to  a  citizen  and  present  no  personal  tribute,  but 
that  you  have  come  to  demonstrate  your  loyalty  and  devotion  to  a  cause  in  which 
you  are  heartily  enlisted.  The  American  people  are  about  to  exercise  in  its  highest 
sense  their  power  and  right  of  sovereignty.  They  are  to  call  in  review  before  them 
their  public  servants  and  the  representatives  of  political  parties,  and  demand  of  them 
an  account  of  their  stewardship.  Parties  may  be  so  long  in  power  and  may  become 
so  arrogant  and  careless  of  the  interests  of  the  people  as  to  grow  heedless  of  their 
responsibility  to  their  masters.  But  the  time  comes  as  certainly  as  death  when  the 
people  weigh  them  in  the  balance.  The  issues  to  be  adjudicated  by  the  nation's 
great  assize  are  made  up  and  are  about  to  be  submitted.  We  believe  that  the  people 
are  not  receiving  at  the  hands  of  the  party  which  for  nearly  twenty-four  years  has 
directed  the  affairs  of  the  nation  the  full  benefits  to  which  they  are  entitled — pure, 
just  and  economical  rule,  and  we  believe  that  the  ascendency  of  genuine  Democratic 
principles  will  insure  a  better  Government  and  greater  happiness  and  prosperity  t<> 
all  the  people.  To  reach  the  sober  thought  of  the  nation  and  to  dislodge  an  enemy 
entrenched  behind  spoils  and  patronage  involves  a  struggle  which,  if  we  underesti- 
mate, we  invite  defeat.  I  am  profoundly  impressed  with  the  responsibility  of  the 
part  assigned  to  me  in  this  contest.  My  heart,  I  know,  is  in  the  cause,  and  I  pledge 
you  that  no  effort  of  mine  shall  be  wanting  to  secure  the  victory  which  I  believe  to 
be  within  the  achievement  of  the  Democratic  hosts.  Let  us,  then,  enter  upon  the 
campaign  now  fairly  opened,  each  one  appreciating  well  the  part  he  has  to  perform, 
ready  with  solid  front  to  do  battle  for  better  government,  confidently,  courageously, 
always  honorably,  and  with  a  firm  reliance  upon  the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of 
the  American  people. 

The  issue  now  joined  before,  among,  and  by  the  people,  is 
happily  one  of  peace  and  good-will.  It  invites  fair  and  intelli- 
gent discussion  of  measures  bearing  on  industry,  matters  of 
state  and  good  morals.     If  this  were  all  of  a  campaign,  it  would 


STEPHEN   GROVER   CLEVELAND.  47 

be  well.  But  men,  especially  those  at  the  forefront  of  the  re- 
spective parties,  cannot  hope  to  escape  analysis  and  controversy. 
Few  will  stand  the  test  so  well  as  Governor  Cleveland.  His 
character  is  a  hard  rock  against  which  the  waves  of  campaign 
criticism  will  dash  in  vain.  Again,  his  public  life  and  political 
record  will  tower  above  all  envious  misrepresentation  and  slan- 
derous detraction,  if  these  unseemly  and  brutal  methods  should 
be  resorted  to,  as  the  white  wall  of  a  harbor  light  towers  above 
the  surf  that  angrily  lashes  its  base  and  sinks  into  sullen  retreat. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

HON.   THOMAS  A.    HENDRICKS. 

HOMAS  ANDREW  HENDRICKS,  ex-Governor  of 
Indiana,  unanimously  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
on  the  Democratic  ticket  in  the  Convention  at  Chicago, 
was  born  in  Muskingum  county,  Ohio,  September  7th, 
1 8 19.  His  father  was  Major  John  Hendricks,  who  was 
the  member  of  a  family  quite  distinguished  in  Western  annals. 
A  brother  of  John,  who  had  preceded  him  to  Indiana  and  was 
prominent  in  the  convention  which  framed  the  constitution  of  that 
State,  was  its  second  governor,  and  served  two  terms  in  the 
United  States  Senate. 

The  father,  John  Hendricks,  was  a  well-to-do  gentleman,  much 
noted  for  his  graces  and  hospitality.  He  was  conspicuous  in  the 
Presbyterian  Church  and  circles  of  his  locality.  Soon  after  the 
birth  of  his  son  Thomas  he  moved  to  Indiana  and  settled  in 
Madison,  then  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  promising  towns  of 
the  State.  His  circumstances  enabled  him  to  give  his  son  a 
complete  education.  He  was  placed  at  Hanover  College,  where 
he  graduated  in  1 841,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two.  From  there  he 
was  sent  to  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  where  he  completed  a  course  of 
law  studies  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1843. 

In  that  year  he  returned  to  Indiana  and  at  once  entered  upon 
his  professional  career.  Such  was  the  completeness  of  his  prepa- 
ration, native  ability,  personal  popularity  and  family  influence, 
that  he  speedily  acquired  a  lucrative  practice,  and  grew  into 
great  prominence.  His  legal  learning  was  broad  and  profound. 
His  eloquence  gave  him  great  power  with  courts  and  juries. 
His  management  of  cases  was  always  skilful.  But  the  profes- 
(48) 


HON.  THOMAS    A.  HENDRICKS.  49 

sional  man  cannot  be  best  judged  by  the  qualities  which  distin- 
guished him  at  the  bar  of  his  own  county.  He  was  greatest  in 
those  cases  which  involved  grave  constitutional  points.  His 
mind  was  organized  and  disciplined  for  the  grasp  of  problems 
which  concerned  the  State  and  nation,  or  which,  if  of  a  personal 
kind,  usually  lay  beyond  the  reach  of  the  ordinary  practitioner. 
He  was  an  orderly  and  profound  thinker,  always  in  command  of 
full  learning  arid  excellent  speech,  and  ever  earnest  and  convincT 
ing.  The  characteristics  of  his  early  success  at  the  bar  were 
those  of  his  political  life.  But  the  latter  field  gave  them  fuller 
play  and  their  possessor  grander  opportunity.  It  was  readily 
seen  after  his  entry  into  public  life  that  he  was  a  natural  states- 
man as  well  as  a  finished  lawyer. 

The  year  after  his  admission  to  the  bar  (1844)  he  distinguished 
himself  in  the  Polk  campaign  as  an  effective  stump  orator  and 
efficient  champion  of  Democratic  principles.  The  mark  thus 
made  in  political  circles  was  lasting.  He  was  booked  for  early 
honors. 

In  1845  he  married  Miss  Eliza  C.  Morgan.  After  three,  more 
years  of  successful  practice,  he  was  elected  to  the  State  Legisla- 
ture, and  served  one  term.  He  declined  a  re-election,  preferring 
at  that  particular  juncture  to  further  advance  his  professional 
fortunes.  But  he  had  proved  so  useful  to  his  constituents,  and 
had  evinced  such,  power  in  debate  and  knowledge  of  leading 
questions,  that  a  gratified  people  were  not  content  to  let  him 
remain  long  in  the  seclusion  of  his  office. 

In  1850  a  convention  sat  for  the  purpose  of  remodelling  the 
constitution  of  the  State.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  this 
deliberative  body.  Here  he  proved  a  brilliant  champion  of  the 
prominent  features  of  the  present  State  Constitution.  In  a  body 
which  was  composed  of  the  best  minds  in  the  State  it  was  no 
easy  matter  for  one  so  young  to  win  laurels.  But  he  proved 
himself  the  equal  of  the  best  in  learned  and  elaborate  discussion. 
His  amplification  of  constitutional  subjects,  his  fullness  of  in- 
formation, his  readiness,  his  ease  and  grace  of  speech,  gave 
him  a  vantage  ground  occupied  by  but  few  of  the  older  mem- 
bers. This  may  be  regarded  as  the  real  beginning  of  a  public 
53 


50  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

career  which  has  extended  over  thirty-five  years,  and  has  always 
been  useful,  honorable  and  successful. 

HIS  RIPENED  CHARACTER.— -It  was  now  clearly  mani- 
fest that  he  was  fitted  by  native  talent  and  thorough  legal  train- 
ing for  a  wider  field  of  usefulness  and  higher  honors.  His  pop- 
ularity in  his  party,  his  identity  with  the  people  of  the  State,  most 
of  whom  were  of  the  stock  of  his  fathers,  and  his  interest  in  their 
prosperity  and  institutions  were  complete.  It  may  be  said,  then 
as  now,  that  no  man  was  more  generally  loved  without  regard 
to  party,  and  certainly  no  one  was  less  hated.  Whether  at  the 
bar,  in  political  debate,  or  in  the  social  circle,  there  was  always 
a  charm  about  him  which  won  him  hosts  of  friends.  His  char- 
acter had  rounded  into  exceptional  completeness.  His  morals 
were  pure  and  his  uprightness  of  that  cast  which  made  him 
solicitous  to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of  doubtful  action.  In 
money  matters  he  was  prudent.  He  approached  competency  by 
economic  habits  and  slow  and  natural  accretions,  and  this  though 
his  legal*  practice  was  often  broken  in  up6n  by  calls  to  political 
service,  and  his  expenses  increased  to  meet  the  social  require- 
ments of  official  station.  His  temperament  was  even  and  ami- 
able, and  as  life  was  going  well  with  him,  it  seemed  like  the 
breaking  of  a  drift  or  dream  to  tear  him  away  from  a  calling 
for  which  he  had  affinities  and  from  associations  fast  becoming 
cemented.  It  must  not  be  inferred  from  this  that  he  lacked  am- 
bition, or  that  the  elements  of  greatness,  born  in  him,  were  at 
all  slumberous.  He  could  always  rise  to  the  height  of  a  great 
occasion.  Indeed  it  required  great  occasion  to  bring  to  the  sur- 
face his  hidden  resources,  his  native  powers.  Spurred  by  oppo- 
sition, inspired  by  the  importance  of  a  cause,  whetted  by  emer- 
gency, he  could  cast  aside  his  habitual  courtesy  and  caution  and 
give  full  rein  to  impulses  and  powers  as  ripe  for  attack  as  they 
were  for  defense.  On  such  occasions  he  was  a  finished  combat- 
ant and  dangerous  opponent.  His  resource  was  as  wonderful 
as  his  aggressive  vigor.  All  through  his  legal  career,  it  has  been 
common  to  institute  a  comparison  between  him  and  his  great 
rival,  Oliver  P.  Morton,  by  saying  that  Hendricks  was  apt  to  be 
worsted  before  a  jury  and  his  riv?l  had  no  chance  before  a  judge. 


HON.  THOMAS   A.  HENDRICKS.  51 

IN  CONGRESS. — In  185 1  he  was  nominated  on  the  53d  bal- 
lot and  elected  on  the  Democratic  ticket,  a  member  of  the  Thirty- 
second  Congress  for  the  Fifth  Indiana  District.  This  Congress 
opened  Dec.  1,  1851,  and  closed  March  3,  1853.  It  saw  the 
close  of  Fillmore's  administration.  The  elections  had  turned  on 
the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  the  people  had  endorsed 
them  as  a  happy  quietus  to  the  slavery  agitation  by  returning  a 
majority  of  prudent-minded  and  conservative  Democrats.  The 
Senate  contained  a  Democratic  majority  of  8  and  the  House  50. 
The  measure  of  greatest  political  moment  before  this  Congress 
was  the  organization  of  the  Platte  country,  which  afterwards  took 
shape  as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  Its  enlarged  discussion  was 
not  regarded  as  timely,  and  during  the  first  session  debate  was 
shut  off  before  it  took  acrimonious  turn.  The  Democratic  ma- 
jority did  not  even  antagonize  the  Fillmore  administration. 

A  SECOND  TERM.— Mr.  Hendricks  was  re-elected  to  the 
Thirty-third  Congress  to  represent  the  Sixth  Congressional 
District.  This  Congress  sat  from  Dec.  5,  1853,  to  March  3, 
1855.  It  was  the  first  Congress  of  Pierce's  administration.  The 
country  had  ratified  the  Compromise  measures  of  1 850,  which 
were  largely  involved  in  the  campaign.  Both  the  Democratic 
and  Whig  parties  had  been  committed  to  them  in  their  platforms. 
The  Whigs  recoiled  from  the  situation  and  went  to  pieces.  In 
the  House  the  Democrats  had  a  majority  of  74,  and  in  the  Sen- 
ate of  14.  They  were  rather  too  confident  of  the  situation.  Their 
pro-slavery  members  forced  the  fighting  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  and  at  the  same  time  forced  a  division  in  their  own  ranks 
which  never  closed.  The  first  session  of  the  Thirty-third  Con- 
gress was  characterized  by  long,  bitter  debates,  and  by  the  cele- 
brated amendment  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  which  brought 
Mr.  Douglas  and  the  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  into 
prominent  view.  It  cemented  the  Southern  Democrats  and 
Whigs,  but  divided  the  Northern  Democrats  into  two  even  fac- 
tions consisting,  in  the  House,  of  44  members  each.  During 
these  debates  Mr.  Hendricks  sided  with  the  majority  of  his  party, 
but  he  did  not  fail  to  deprecate  the  acrimonious  turn  given  to 
discussion,  nor  to  warn  his  friends  and  the  country  of  the  con- 


52  BUILDING  AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

sequences  likely  to  result  from  the  partisanship  which  seemed  to 
be  inseparable  from  this  class  of  questions.  His  position  was 
that  of  the  patriotic  counsellor  and  adviser.  The  Second  Ses- 
sion of  the  Thirty-third  Congress  was  a  quiet  one,  from  a 
political  standpoint,  and  there  was  no  opportunity  for  great 
debate  or  party  display. 

This  closed  the  career  of  Mr.  Hendricks  as  a  member  of  the 
lower  House.  It  had  been  highly  creditable  to  him  as  a  de- 
bater and  statesman.  While  not  a  leader  his  opinions  had  great 
weight,  and  his  advice  was  often  sought  in  matters  involving 
delicate  party  action.  His  discussion  of  public  measures  was 
clear,  high-toned  and  forcible.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  any 
of  his  compeers,  used  as  they  were  to  political  debate,  and 
schooled  as  they  were  by  long  practice  in  parliamentary 
methods,  outweighed  him  in  the  practical  presentation  of 
measures  or  in  lucid  disquisition  of  public  questions.  He  re- 
tired a  trusted  and  conspicuous  member  of  his  party  and  the 
National  House. 

He  was  again  placed  in  nomination  as  a  candidate  for  member 
of  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress,  in  the  fall  of  1854.  He  had  for 
his  opponent  Lucian  Barbour,  a  Republican,  who  united  the 
entire  anti-Nebraska  sentiment  of  his  district.  After  an  earnest 
campaign  in  which  Mr.  Hendricks  was  forced  to  combat  serious 
divisions  in  his  own  party  ranks,  he  was  defeated  by  538  votes, 
the  total  vote  being  Barbour,  9,824  ;  Hendricks,  9,286. 

LAND  COMMISSIONER.— Defeat  did  not  mean  retiracy 
from  public  position.  He  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  the 
General  Land  Office  in  1855  by  President  Pierce.  His  admin- 
istration of  this  responsible  office  had  proved  so  acceptable  that 
he  was  reappointed  by  President  Buchanan  in  1857.  He  re- 
tained his  place  till  1859,  wnen  ne  resigned  in  order  that  he 
might  be  free  to  conduct  his  campaign  for  Governor  of  Indiana, 
for  which  place  he  received  the  nomination  of  his  party.  Those 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  a  perfectly 
pure  and  satisfactory  administration  of  the  General  Land  Office 
will  appreciate  Mr.  Hendricks  all  the  more  as  an  official,  when 
it  is  said  of  him  that  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  term 


HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  53 

his  management  was  characterized  by  honest  business  principles 
which  met  the  approval  of  all  parties  and  all  classes  of  men.  He 
was  methodical,  direct,  impartial,  exact.  Things  moved  like 
clock-work  under  his  care.  He  enjoyed  the  unbounded  faith 
of  employes  and  the  business  public  in  his  integrity  and  honor. 
He  retired  having  added  the  laurels  of  pure  administration  to 
those  won  in  the  national  halls  of  legislation. 

FOR  GOVERNOR. — In  what  afterwards  became  known  as 
the  celebrated  campaign  of  i860,  the  nominees  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  Indiana  were  for  Governor  Thomas  A.  Hendricks, 
Lieutenant-Governor  David  Turpie.  The  nominees  of  the  Re- 
publican party  were  Col.  Lane  for  Governor,  and  Oliver  P.  Mor- 
ton for  Lieutenant-Governor.  Never  in  the  history  of  the  State 
had  the  two  dominant  parties  pitted  against  each  other,  for  their 
chief  offices,  men  of  greater  brilliancy  and  force.  It  was  to  be  a 
notable  contest,  and  the  best  material  must  be  found  in  the  front. 
The  Republican  candidates  were  aggressive,  enthusiastic  and 
popular.  The  Democratic  candidates  were  not  less  aggressive 
and  popular,  but  their  fight  was  to  be  carried  on  under  the  dis- 
paragement which  division  had  inflicted.  What  they  lacked  in 
fervor,  they,  however,  hoped  to  make  up  in  logical  appeal  to  the 
judgment  of  their  people.  Feeling  that  they  were  better  forti- 
fied with  solid  arguments  than  their  opponents,  and  that  they 
were,  moreover,  better  qualified  to  make  convincing  presentation 
of  them,  a  challenge  to  joint  debate,  to  be  carried  on  at  desig- 
nated points  in  the  State,  was  given  and  accepted.  These  de- 
bates were  carried  on  in  a  spirited  but  friendly  manner,  and  with 
varied  opinion  as  to  their  merits,  till  Evansville  was  reached. 
There  Col.  Lane  withdrew  temporarily  to  attend  the  Chicago 
Convention  which  nominated  Lincoln.  On  his  return  they  were 
resumed  and  continued  till  all  the  arrangements  had  been  ful- 
filled. Not  yet  done  with  them,  the  challenge  was  re-extended, 
but  the  Republican  candidate  declined  the  overture,  preferring, 
as  he  said,  to  finish  his  campaign  in  his  own  way.  His  declina- 
tion was  regarded  as  wise,  for  while  he  was  recognized  as  the 
most  popular  orator  of  the  two,  he  was  no  match  for  Mr.  Hen- 
dricks in  deliberate  disputation,  and  that  marshaling  of  argu- 


54  BUILDING  AND   RULING    THE   REPUBLIC 

ments,  which  is  called  debate.  The  result  of  the  campaign  was 
the  election  of  Lane  and  Morton.  The  former  was  almost  im- 
mediately elected.  U.  S.  Senator,  and  Morton  took  his  place  as 
Governor. 

U.  S.  SENATOR. — In  1862  there  was  a  political  revolution 
in  many  of  the  Northern  States.  The  Democratic  party  had 
recovered  from  the  shock  to  its  organization  occasioned  by  the 
Kansas  agitation  and  the  breaking  out  of  actual  hostilities, 
and,  finding  in  its  opposition  to  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves,  to 
the  repeal  of  Habeas  Corpus,  to  the  imposition  of  an  "  iron-clad 
oath,"  and  to  other  Republican  measures  it  regarded  as  extreme 
or  uncalled  for,  a  common  rallying-ground,  had  again  become 
both  coherent  and  formidable.  The  result  of  the  elections  that 
year  in  Indiana  was  a  Democratic  Legislature.  This  gave  to 
Mr.  Hendricks  an  opportunity  for  merited  advancement.  A 
United  States  Senator  was  to  be  chosen.  His  party  friends 
naturally  turned  to  him  as  the  proper  man  for  the  place.  He 
was  accordingly  chosen  for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1863, 
and  ending  March  3,  1869. 

He  entered  the  upper  House  at  the  opening  of  the  Thirty- 
eighth  Congress,  December  7,  1863,  at  a  time  when  the  par- 
ties there  stood  36  Republicans  to  14  Democrats,  and  when  the 
majority  were  bent  on  only  measures  of  war.  There  was,  there- 
fore, but  little  opportunity  for  the  display  of  positive  statesman- 
ship. The  utmost  that  could  be  done  by  so  small  a  minority 
was  to  make  itself  respected,  and  to  so  manage  as  to  afford  the 
best  check  possible  to  arbitrary,  useless  or  offensive  legislation. 
In  this  mission  Mr.  Hendricks  was  from  the  start  a  potent  factor. 
His  legal  learning,  systematic  methods,  fairness  in  disputation, 
sterling  integrity,  and  gentlemanly  bearing,  were  known  before 
his  entry,  and  he  not  only  found  himself  high  up  in  the  councils 
of  his  own  party,  but  an  honored  representative  on  such  impor- 
tant committees  as  those  of  Claims,  the  Judiciary,  Public  Build- 
ings and  Grounds,  Public  Lands,  for  which  his  previous  expe- 
rience especially  fitted  him,  and  Naval  Affairs. 

His  protests,  which  were  those  of  his  party,  were  ably  recorded 
against  a  nultitude  of  measures  deemed  undemocratic  and  dan- 


HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  55 

gerous.  They  were  not  idly  presented  nor  factiously  maintained, 
but,  made  as  they  were  in  the  face  of  a  strong  popular  prejudice 
throughout  the  country  and  a  powerful  opposition  in  the  Senate, 
had  to  be  deliberately  and  earnestly  urged  in  order  to  command 
the  degree  of  respect  they  were  justly  entitled  to.  In  their  prepa- 
ration and  advocacy  Mr.  Hendricks  was  a  leader  of  his  party. 
His  mastery  of  constitutional  law,  his  conception  of  political 
situations,  his  integrity  of  conviction,  the  sound  conservatism  of 
his  nature  at  a  time  when  radicalism  was  running  wild  and  theo- 
retic legislation  was  overstepping  the  bounds  of  prudence,  con- 
spired to  give  him  a  prominence  enjoyed  by  few  men  of  that 
exciting  era.  His  reputation  became  national.  Even  those  who 
did  not  agree  with  his  opinions  respected  the  man,  for  he  was 
sincere  in  his  views,  frank  in  his  statements,  courageous  in  his 
arguments. 

Some  have  thought  he  lacked  aggressiveness.  Such  do  not 
understand  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed  during  his 
career  as  Senator.  He  dared  not  be  offensively  bold.  That 
would  have  destroyed  the  moral  effect  of  all  minority  protest  and 
appeal.  He  was  diplomatic,  cautious,  and  even  shrewd,  in  his 
debates  and  parliamentary  methods.  If  for  boldness  and  aggresn 
siveness,  we  substitute  firmness  and  consistency  of  opposition  we 
more  truthfully  paint  the  attitude  and  measure  the  manner  of  the 
man*. 

The  leading  measures  were  those  which  directly  or  remotely 
concerned  reconstruction.  Nearly  every  one  remembers  the  re^ 
lation  of  parties  on  these  novel  and  delicate  measures.  They 
were  wide  apart  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  matter  of 
reconstruction,  as  to  the  position  the  government  should  assume 
toward  the  belligerent  States,  as  to  the  methods  best  calculated 
to  assure  peace  and  perfect  restoration  of  the  Union.  The  policy 
of  the  minority  could  not  be  as  definitely  shaped  as  that  of  the 
majority,  and  ofttimes  it  was  misunderstood,  for  that  is  a  fate 
inseparable  from  opposition,  especially  when  minorities  are  hope- 
lessly small.  But  that  policy,  in  the  hands  of  men  like  Mr. 
Hendricks,  was  sturdily,  consistently  and  respectfully  urged.  His 
debates  are  singularly  free  from  acrimony,  considering  the  pas- 


r(j  BUILDING   AND    RULING    THE    REPUBLIC. 

sions  of  the  hour.  If  his  arguments  did  not  weigh  in  the  Senate 
Chamber  so  as  to  defeat  measures,  they  told  before  the  country 
arid  served  to  strengthen  him  as  well  as  to  encourage  his  party 
friends. 

It  would  hardly  add  to  the  lustre  of  his  fame  to  enter  upon 
tedious  recital  of  the  Acts  he  opposed,  or  to  spread  his  speeches 
at  length  upon  these  pages.  But  a  few  may  be  mentioned  as  an 
index  to  the  whole.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment  passed  the 
Senate, 'April  8,  1863,  by  a  vote  of  38  to  6.  Mr.  Hendricks 
voted  with  the  minority.  He  spoke  and  voted  against  the  bill 
passed  in  1864,  conferring  the  right  of  suffrage  on  negroes  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  During  the  first  session  of  the  Forty- 
eighth  Congress  he  opposed  the  Charter  of  the  Washington 
City  passenger  railway  company,  or  rather  the  amendment  to  it, 
permitting  negroes  to  ride  in  the  cars.  On  June  6,  1864,  he 
voted  against  the  bill  to  increase  the  Internal  Revenue,  the  vote 
being,  yeas  22,  nays  3 — the  latter  were  Davis,  Hendricks  and 
Powell.  On  June  17,  1864,  he  voted  against  the  amended 
Tariff  act.  The  vote  stood,  yeas  22,  nays  5 — the  latter  being 
Buckalew,  Hendricks,  McDougall,  Powell  and  Richardson.  He 
actively  opposed  all  the  Republican  measures  overturning  the 
old  State  governments,  the  imposition  of  test  oaths,  the  bills 
known  as  Civil  Rights  Bills,  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill,  and 
kindred  enactments. 

Let  it  not  be  understood  that  his  opposition  was  to  the  letter 
of  all  these  bills.  With  that  he  often  concurred,  but  he  saw  in 
their  spirit  a  dangerous  tendency  and  this  he  opposed.  His  po- 
litical conduct  was  shaped  on  the  theory  that  the  peace,  prosper- 
ity and  happiness  of  the  white  people  of  the  South,  even  though 
they  had  been  offenders,  were  matters  of  more  pressing  moment 
than  the  care  and  advancement  of  the  uneducated  and  irrespon- 
sible freedmen.  He  deprecated  race  distinctions,  but  since  Re- 
publican legislation  drew  a  line,  he  thought  that  if  either  race 
had  to  go  to  the  wall,  it  should  be  the  black  race  rather  than  the 
white.  Over  and  above  all,  he  held  that  the  natural  supremacy 
of  the  white  race  was  a  guarantee  of  the  very  safety  to  the  col- 
ored race  which  was  then  sought  through  legislation.     Exalting 


HON.  THOMAS   A.  HENDRICKS.  57 

the  unprepared  freedmen  into  a  governing  class  and  at  the  same 
time  disfranchising  their  former  masters,  or  disparaging  them  by 
contrast,  he  held  to  be  as  much  of  an  evil  as  the  old  system  of  slav- 
ery itself.  The  arguments  educed  in  support  of  his  views  have 
been  generally  adopted  in  the  Summaries  of  Congressional  de- 
bates as  the  authoritative  embodiment  of  Democratic  opinion  on 
the  reconstruction  and  other  measures,  then  conspicuous  before 
Congress  and  the  country. 

On  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  in  1867,  Mr.  Hen- 
dricks was  of  course  a  member  of  the  Court,  under  the  Consti- 
tutional clause,  "  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all 
impeachments."  He  was  one  of  the  nineteen  Senators  who  voted 
not  guilty,  and  saved  the  President  from  disgrace.  It  is  said  that 
his  arguments  in  support  of  his  position,  in  this  instance,  were 
so  ably  and  convincingly  put,  that  they  drew  praise  from  those 
of  opposite  opinion,  and  may  have  served  to  snatch  from  the 
majority  the  two-thirds  necessary  for  conviction.  At  any  rate, 
his  reputation  as  a  juris-consult  was  largely  augmented  by  his 
membership  of  this  unusual  and  august  court. 

It  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  his  ability  and  success  as  a  Senator, 
that  at  the  end  of  a  single  term  he  had  won  the  confidence  of  his 
opponents,  and  had  placed  himself  among  the  foremost  men  in  his 
party,  as  a  statesman  and  leader.  Henceforth  he  was  to  stand 
out  in  bold  relief  as  one  upon  whose  brow  higher  honors  might 
readily  fall — even  the  honors  of  the  Chief  Magistracy. 

AS  EULOGIST. — And  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  during 
these  years  he  was  receiving  distinction  in  civic  capacity.  Few 
occasions,  especially  in  his  own  State,  requiring  learned  disquisi- 
tion or  touching  oratory,  failed  to  command  his  presence.  His 
address  before  the  Indiana  Law  School  on  the  "  Character  of 
Oliver  P.  Morton  "  is  regarded  as  the  best  and  truest  analysis  of 
the  deceased  ex-Governor  extant.  This  is  all  the  more  credita- 
ble, considering  the  fact  that  they  were  life-long  legal  and  politi- 
cal rivals,  and  so  evenly  balanced  in  learning  and  reputation,  that 
the  weight  of  a  single  feather  might  have  changed  the  popular 
verdict  respecting  their  merits.  The  eulogies  of  Mr.  Hendricks 
upon  ex-Governors  Lane,  Whitcomb  and  Williams,  are  models 


58  BUILDING  AND  RULING  THE  REPUBLIC. 

of  elocution,  analysis  and  pathos.  At  such  times  he  could 
sink  the  man  in  the  occasion,  and  let  the  intellect  go  forth  in  just 
and  elegant  tribute,  and  the  heart  testify  to  the  worth  it  found 
and  the  sorrow  it  felt.  Few  public  men  are  thus  endowed.  Only 
the  unselfishly  great  can  strip  themselves  of  their  personalism 
and  rise  to  the  dignity  of  an  occasion  requiring  exact  justice  to 
opposing  character  and  profound  respect  for  rival  reputation. 
The  warmest  friend  of  those  whose  names  are  mentioned  above 
could  not  ask  for  better  historic  perpetuation  of  their  fame  than 
that  found  in  the  eulogiums  of  Mr.  Hendricks. 

In  pursuit  of  his  policy  of  reconciliation  and  peace  between 
the  two  sections  of  the  country,  Mr.  Hendricks  endorsed  the 
call  for  a  National  Union  Convention,  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia, 
August  14,  1866.  Its  object  was  to  protest  against  the  further 
unconstitutional  war  measures  on  the  part  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  to  inspire  a  better  feeling  and  bring  about  closer  rela- 
tions, political  and  otherwise,  between  the  North  and  South. 
He  also  signed  the  address  of  the  Democratic  Congressmen  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  whose  sentiments  furnished  the 
key  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention. 

AGAIN  FOR  GOVERNOR.— -While  yet  in  the  Senate,  and 
in  1868,  Mr.  Hendricks  permitted  the  use  of  his  name  as  the 
candidate  of  his  party  for  Governor  of  Indiana.  His  opponent 
was  Conrad  Baker.  Though  not  as  memorable  as  the  campaign 
of  i860,  this  was  a  warmly-contested  canvass,  in  which  the 
Senator's  personal  popularity  and  great  forensic  ability  gave  him 
especial  advantage.  He  turned  a  situation  decidedly  adverse  at 
the  start  into  one  which  bore  strong  resemblance  to  a  Dem- 
ocratic victory.  The  result  was  so  close  that  it  was  in  doubt  for 
a  long  time.  The  majority  for  Baker  turned  out  to  be  only  961, 
and  not  a  few  were  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  manufactured  after 
the  ballots  were  cast.  If  defeat  it  can  be  called,  it  was  one  of 
that  kind  which  is  often  more  disastrous  to  the  victor  than  the 
vanquished.  It  certainly  left  Mr.  Hendricks  in  possession  of 
the  laurels  which  should  have  found  a  place  on  the  brow  of  his 
opponent. 

A  PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE.— As  already  intimated, 


HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  59 

Mr.  Hendricks  stood  before  his  party  as  one  upon  whom  its 
highest  honors  were  at  any  time  likely  to  fall.  Not  that  he  was 
ever  solicitous  for  place,  but  as  one  whose  ability,  force  of  char- 
acter and  trusted  national  advisorship  clearly  marked  him  as 
worthy  of  more  exalted  station  and  confidence.  He  therefore 
came  spontaneously  and  conspicuously  forward  in  the  Demo- 
cratic Convention  which  met  in  New  York  city,  July  4,  1868,  as 
a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  This  Convention  was  made 
memorable  by  the  defiant  attitude  of  Ohio,  after  the  State  had 
been  compelled  to  abandon  her  own  candidate,  in  the  person  of 
Mr.  Pendleton,  who  started  on  the  first  ballot  with  105,  which 
was  increased  to  156^  on  the  8th  ballot,  and  gradually  waned 
to  $6}4  on  the  18th  ballot,  when  he  was  withdrawn.  Mr.  Hen- 
dricks had  but  2}4  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  which  gradually 
increased  to  132,  as  against  135^  for  General  Hancock  on  the 
2 1st  ballot.  He  had  succeeded  in  securing  the  solid  vote  of 
New  York  State  and  the  entire  Northwest,  and  his  friends  looked 
hopefully  for  his  nomination  on  the  next  ballot.  But  Ohio,  by 
her  stubborn  resistance  to  any  Western  man,  after  the  honors 
had  once  passed  from  her  grasp,  succeeded  in  stampeding  the 
Convention  by  throwing  her  strength  to  Horatio  Seymoiir,  of 
New  York,  who  received  the  entire  317  votes  on  the  22d 
ballot. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Hendricks  were  naturally  chagrined  at  this 
hostile  conduct  of  their  Ohio  brethren,  as  well  as  at  that  of 
certain  New  York  politicians  who  connived  at  the  plan  to  spring 
Mr.  Seymour's  name  upon  the  Convention  as  a  last  resort.  It 
cannot  be  said  that  the  end  justified  the  means.  Mr.  Hendricks 
would  certainly  have  proved  a  more  felicitous  and  formidable 
candidate  at  that  particular  juncture.  He  was  closer  to  his 
party,  had  its  confidence  to  a  greater  degree,  and  would  have 
infused  the  campaign  with  greater  tact  and  vigor.  True,  he  lost 
his  own  State  as  candidate  for  Governor  in  October,  and  that 
has  been  used  as  an  argument  to  vindicate  the  choice  of  Sey- 
mour, but  it  must  be  remembered  that  he  fought  that  battle 
under  the  cloud  of  defeat  in  the  National  Convention,  entered  it 
more  to  hold  his  party  together  for  the  November  contest  than 


(JO  BUILDING   AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

with  a  hope  of  winning,  yet  came  out  of  the  fight  with  all  the 
moral  results  of  a  victory. 

On  his  retiracy  from  the  Senate,  in  1869,  he  returned  to  his 
law  practice  at  Indianapolis.  He  did  not,  however,  dwarf  his 
inclination  for  politics.  His  services  were  ever  at  the  call  of  his 
party,  whether  in  council  or  in  debate.  He  was  too  well  estab- 
lished before  the  country  to  be  secure  in  retiracy,  and  too  avail- 
able as  a  party  leader  to  be  unthought  of  when  honors  were  at 
its  disposal.  His  conduct  during  this  interval  was  characterized 
by  cautious  good  sense  and  manly  desire  to  keep  his  record 
clean  and  acceptable. 

In  the  National  Democratic  Convention  which  met  at  Balti- 
more, June  9,  1872,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice-President,  Mr.  Hendricks  had  an  undoubted 
majority  of  the  delegates  pledged  to  his  support.  But  the  man- 
agers of  the  Liberal  Republican  Convention,  which  had  met  at 
Cincinnati,  May  1,  1872,  and  placed  Horace  Greeley  in  nomina- 
tion, swarmed  in  the  Baltimore  meeting  and  captured  it  entirely. 
The  result  was  an  endorsement  of  the  Cincinnati  platform  and 
nominations,  amid  loud  protest  from  the  straight-out  Democrats. 
The^deed  once  done,  submission  seemed  to  be  the  wiser  part. 
It  was  sullen  and  half-hearted,  to  be  sure,  but  sufficient  to  permit 
the  State  organizations  to  live  and  in  some  instances  to  thrive. 
AS  GOVERNOR.— Mr.  Hendricks  took  this  turn  of  affairs 
very  philosophically.  He  did  not  allow  it  to  interfere  with  his 
candidacy  for  the  Governorship  of  his  own  State,  which  had  now 
fallen  to  him  for  the  third  time,  although  against  his  earnest 
protest.  The  campaign  was  a  bitter  one  in  every  respect. 
Nationally  it  proved  almost  the  death-knell  of  the  Democratic 
party.  In  the  States  it  was  particularly  disastrous.  But  for 
such  a  champion  as  Mr.  Hendricks  in  Indiana,  whose  wonderful 
campaign  powers  were  supplemented  by  irresistible  personal 
popularity,  that  State  would  have  been  entirely  swept  from  its 
political  moorings.  As  it  was,  the  Republicans  carried  the  Leg- 
islature and  all  of  the  State  ticket  except  the  Governor  and  Su- 
perintendent of  Public  Instruction.  The  majorities  were  small, 
but  in  the  end  undisputed.     Some  regard  this  result  as  due  more 


t 

HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  61 

to  Mr.  Hendricks'  clean  character  than  to  the  principles  he 
espoused.  Let  such  be  the  verdict  of  all  who  choose  to  have  it 
so.  It  only  adds  to  the  credit  of  a  man  seeking  official  place 
that  his  character  is  above  suspicion,  socially  and  morally. 
What  if  Mr.  Hendricks  drew  in  this  instance  the  influence  due 
to  his  high  standing  in  a  leading  denomination  ?  What  if  he 
drew  from  the  temperance  element  the  support  due  to  a  sober, 
conscientious  life  ?  What  if,  with  a  personally  objectionable 
opponent,  he  drew  a  strength  from  every  source  which  was  non- 
political  ?  They  were  all  so  many  testimonials  to  his  private 
worth,  which  are,  in  the  end,  stronger  than  those  of  partisan 
color. 

The  result  was  so  close  and  complicated  that  its  final  deter- 
mination was  postponed  many  anxious  days.  Many  of  the 
Governor's  friends  gave  his  cause  up  as  lost.  At  the  Democratic 
headquarters  the  most  experienced  arithmetic  men  figured  over  re- 
turns which  were  as  so  many  baffling  puzzles.  But  one,  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel,  adhered  to  his  prediction  of  victroy 
from  the  beginning.  During  the  long  suspense  Mr.  Hendricks 
listened  placidly  to  the  varying  opinions  of  his  friends,  till  a  last 
count  defeated  him  by  some  half-dozen  votes.  Then  breaking 
into  a  laugh  he  observed,  "  I  wonder  if  I  am  always  to  just  miss 
being  Governor  of  Indiana  ?  "  His  question  was  soon  answered 
satisfactorily  by  an  official  majority  of  1,148  votes.  It  may  be 
said  of  his  administration  that  it  was  in  entire  keeping  with  the 
established  character  of  the  man.  Indiana  never  had  an  abler, 
more  conscientious  or  higher-minded  executive.  He  aimed  to 
do  his  whole  duty,  and  his  official  conduct  was  really  beyond 
criticism.  His  term  began  January,  1873,  and  ended  January, 
1877. 

Some  endeavored  to  hold  him  to  hostile  account  for  signing 
a  local  option  bill,  passed  by  the  Republican  Legislature.  As 
Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Convention  in  1 874,  he  took  occa- 
sion to  explain  his  action  at  length.  The  obnoxious  bill  was 
clearly  a  demand  of  the  State.  He5  acted  in  obedience  to  this 
demand  and  with  the  knowledge  that  a  veto  could  be  readily 
overridden  in  the  Legislature.     His  personal  conviction  was  in 


62  BUILDING  AND    RULING   THE    REPUBLIC. 

favor  of  a  license  system,  but  this  he  withheld  in  order  to  test 
the  desired  legislation.  Sentiment  soon  veered  to  his  position. 
In  the  next  Legislature  a  majority  of  both  Houses  voted  to  sub- 
stitute a  License  Law  for  Local  Option. 

The  Legislative  session  of  1875  was  a  struggle  between  a 
Republican  Senate  and  Democratic  House  for  party  advantage. 
The  session  was  limited  by  law  to  sixty  days.  Its  end  was 
approaching  and  the  Senate  hoped  to  defeat  certain  objectionable 
House  measures  by  withholding  concurrence  till  after  midnight 
of  the  day  on  which  the  session  legally  ended,  or,  otherwise, 
force  the  Democrats  into  the  odium  of  a  long  and  expensive 
extra  session.  The  session  closed  on  Saturday  night.  On 
Monday  morning,  and  before  the  members  could  leave  the 
capital,  the  Governor  issued  his  proclamation  for  an  extra  ses- 
sion, to  meet  on  Tuesday.  At  the  same  time  he  informed  them 
that  though  they  could  legally  stay  for  forty  days,  they  might 
find  it  greatly  conducive  to  their  political  and  personal  comforts 
to  speedily  despatch  the  business  before  them  and  go  home. 
They  took  the  hint  good-naturedly,  broke  the  dead  lock  quickly, 
attended  to  their  duty,  and  were  off  inside  of  a  week. 

Mr.  Hendricks  has  been  criticised  on  account  of  his  supposed 
leaning  toward  currency  inflation  and  Greenbackism  at  a  time 
when  they  were  a  craze  in  most  of  the  States.  The  truth  is  he 
never  gave  adhesion  to  the  Greenback  theory,  per  se.  The 
Greenback  doctrine  was  nearing  its  height  of  popularity  in  1873. 
It  was  sweeping  States  and  carrying  party  leaders  with  it. 
Whatever  may  be  said  of  its  arguments  there  was  sympathy 
among  men  of  all  parties  with  the  hardships  which  contraction 
of  the  currency  entailed.  Mr.  Hendricks  had  no  opportunity 
nor  call  to  do  more  than  join  in  such  sympathy.  But  being  a 
public  and  exponential  man,  he  was  wrongly  credited  with  con- 
victions he  did  not  share,  such  is  the  jealousy  of  American  poli- 
tics, and  such  the  anxiety  to  make  a  target  of  those  in  prominent 
place.  Feeling  this,  he  took  advantage  of  the  first  opportunity 
presented  to  set  himself  right.  This  occurred  when  he  was 
made  presiding  officer  of  the  Democratic  State  Convention  in 
1874.     He  then  argued  specifically  and  at  length  that  gold  and 


HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  63 

silver  were  the  true  basis  of  currency,  and  that  the  proper  method 
of  returning  to  specie  payments  was  through  the  growing  up  pro- 
cess, the  development  of  all  parts  of  the  country  and  especially 
the  South,  the  general  increase  of  production,  the  retrenchment 
of  public  and  private  expenditure. 

While  it  was  true  that  the  State  platform  of  that  year  catered 
to  the  Greenback  idea,  it  did  not  therein  represent  the  .views  of 
Mr.  Hendricks.  So  much  was  it  away  from  his  sturdy  convic- 
tions that  he  took  pains  during  the  fall  canvass  to  define  in  pub- 
lic speech  the  difference  between  his  views  and  those  found  in 
the  platform.  This  was  not  only  honest,  but,  in  a  strictly  politi- 
cal sense,  may  be  regarded  as  fearless  and  even  bold,  for  it  was 
diametrically  opposite  to  an  intensity  of  sentiment  before  which 
the  leaders  of  both  parties  were  quailing. 

His  studied  and  matured  thoughts  upon  the  question  are  best 
conveyed  in  his  own  language.  After  speaking  against  hasty 
and  undue  contraction  of  the  currency  as  tending  to  check  labor 
and  paralyze  enterprise,  on  the  one  hand,  and  against  unseemly 
inflation  as  tending  to  depreciation  of  values  and  suicidal  adven- 
ture on  the  other,  he  continued  in  his  address  thus  : 

"  We  desire  a  return  to  specie  payments.  It  is  a  serious  evil 
when  there  are  commercial  mediums  of  different  values  ;  when 
one  description  of  money  is  for  one  class  and  purpose  and 
another  for  a  different  class  and  purpose.  We  cannot  too 
strongly  impress  the  importance  of  the  policy  that  shall  restore 
uniformity  of  values  to  all  the  money  of  the  country,  so  that  it 
shall  always  and  readily  be  convertible.  That  gold  and  silver 
are  the  real  standards  of  value  is  a  cherished  Democratic  doc- 
trine not  now  nor  hereafter  to  be  abandoned.  But  I  do  not  look 
to  any  arbitrary  act  of  Congress  for  a  restoration  of  specie  pay- 
ments. Such  an  effort  now  would  probably  produce  wide- 
spread commercial  disaster.  A  Congressional  declaration  can- 
not make  the  paper  currency  equal  to  gold  in  value.  It  cannot 
make  a  bank  note  equal  to  a  dollar.  The  business  of  the  coun- 
try alone  can  do  that.  When  we  find  the  coin  of  the  country 
increasing,  then  we  may  know  we  are  moving  in  the  direction  of 
specie  payments.     The  important  financial  question  is, '  how  can 


64  BUILDING  AND   RULING  THE   REPUBLIC. 

we  increase  and  make  permanent  our  supply  of  gold?'  The 
reliable  solution  is,  by  increasing  our  productions  and  thereby 
reducing  our  purchases  and  increasing  our  sales  abroad.  He 
can  readily  obtain  money  who  produces  more  than  he  consumes 
of  articles  that  are  wanted  in  the  market,  and  I  suppose  that  is 
also  true  of  communities  and  nations.  How  can  the  Republican 
party  atone  to  the  people  for  its  evil  policies  which  have  driven 
gold  from  the  country,  rendered  a  return  to  specie  payment 
more  difficult,  and  made  its  postponement  more  inevitable?" 
This  sounds  like  something  quite  the  opposite  of  Greenbackism. 
It  was  just  probable  that  Mr.  Hendricks,  during  the  entire 
Greenback  agitation,  was  as  much  of  a  hard-money  man  as  any 
of  those  who  glibly  took  him  to  task  for  departing  from  the  old 
Democratic  traditions. 

In  1875  Mr.  Hendricks,  forgetting  the  blow  which  Ohio  had 
dealt  him  in  1868,  went  actively  into  the  campaign  in  that  State 
for  Mr.  Allen,  who  was  running  for  Governor.  His  object  was 
to  aid  in  a  Democratic  victory  there  in  order  that  the  State 
might  be  found  securely  in  the  party  columns  during  the  Presi- 
dential canvass  of  the  succeeding  year. 

It  must  be  set  down  to  Mr.  Hendricks'  enduring  credit  that 
he  has  always  been  a  steadfast  friend  of  the  Common  School 
system  of  the  State  of  Indiana.  As  a  member  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  he  brought  all  his  energy  and  talent  to  bear 
on  the  various  questions  which  had  for  their  object  the  securing 
of  ample  provisions  for  popular  education,  and  the  placing  of 
its  support  beyond  the  vicissitudes  of  politics.  Fully  impressed 
with  the  importance  of  a  work  then  achieved  he  has  since,  both 
as  an  official  and  citizen,  repeatedly  insisted  on  the  most  anxious 
watchfulness  over  the  growth  and  final  perfection  of  the  system. 
In  this  quest  he  has  agreed  to  lay  aside  all  party  prejudices  and 
all  rigid  constructions  and  join  heartily  with  the  friends  of  educa- 
tion, no  matter  what  their  political  proclivities.  His  views  in  this 
respect  are  those  of  the  large-hearted  educator  and  philanthropist, 
and  not  those  of  the  narrow  partisan. 

CONVENTION  OF  1876.— In  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  which  met  at  St.  Louis,  June  28,  1876,  Mr.  Hen- 


HON.  THOMAS   A.  HENDRICKS.  65 

dricks  was  the  chief  competitor  of  Mr.  Tilden  as  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  On  the  first  ballot  his  strength  was  measured 
by  140  votes.  On  the  second  ballot,  which  decided  Mr.  Tilden's 
candidacy,  he  had  60  votes.  The  position  of  second  place  on 
the  ticket  therefore  fell  naturally  to  him.  The  country  still  re- 
members the  nature  of  that  campaign  and  its  outcome.  Mr. 
Hendricks  suffered,  along  with  his  illustrious  companion  on  the 
ticket,  the  mortification  of  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Electoral 
Commission,  after  having  carried  the  country  by  a  decided  ma- 
jority of  votes,  and  as  many  thought  at  the  time,  and  still  think, 
by  a  majority  of  the  Electoral  College,  had  there  been  an  honest 
return. 

Though  most  of  the  political  questions  paramount  in  that 
campaign  are  now  res  adjudicates,  a  few  remain  open,  and  are 
even  now  pressing  for  solution.  It  may  be  interesttng  to  refer 
to  his  standing  on  one  or  two  of  these,  as  found  in  his  letter  of 
acceptance.  Two  of  them  are  now  prominent,  being  referred  to 
in  the  platform  of  both  parties.  On  each  Mr.  Hendricks  then 
took  decided  ground,  though  in  advance  of  sentiment  in  his  party 
and  sentiment  in  general.  He  was  a  civil  service  reformer  when 
to  be  such  was  to  court  a  certain  degree  of  unpopularity,  and  as 
to  that  pronounced  Americanism  which  has  lately  become  a  pass- 
port to  popular  favor,  he  was  far  in  advance  of  its  present  ardent 
advocates. 

As  to  an  American  system,  he  said,  "Our  treaties  with  foreign 
powers  should  be  revised  and  amended  in  so  far  as  they  leave 
citizens  of  foreign  birth  in  any  particular  less  secure  in  any 
country  on  earth  than  they  would  be  if  they  had  been  born  upon 
our  own  soil;  and  the  iniquitous  coolie  system  which, through 
the  agency  of  wealthy  companies,  imports  Chinese  bondsmen, 
establishes  a  species  of  slavery,  and  interferes  with  the  just  re- 
wards of  labor  on  our  Pacific  coast,  should  be  utterly  abolished." 

As  to  Civil  Service  reform  he  said,  "  In  the  reform  of  our  Civil 
Service  I  heartily  endorse  that  section  of  the  platform  which  de- 
clares that  the  civil  service  ought  not  to  be  '  subject  to  change 
at  every  election,'  and  that  it  ought  not  to  be  made  '  the  brief 
reward  of  party  zeal,  but  ought  to  be  awarded  for  proved  com- 
5 


6(?  BUILDING   AND   RULING   THE   REPUBLIC. 

petency  and  held  for  fidelity  in  the  public  employ.'  I  hope 
never  again  to  see  the  cruel  and  remorseless  proscription  for 
political  opinions  which  has  disgraced  the  administration  of  the 
last  eight  years.  Bad  as  the  civil  service  now  is,  as  all  know,  it 
has  some  men  of  tried  integrity  and  proved  ability.  Such  men, 
and  such  only,  should  be  retained  in  office ;  but  no  man  should 
be  retained,  on  any  consideration,  who  has  prostituted  his  office 
to  the  purposes  of  partisan  intimidation  and  compulsion,  or  who 
has  furnished  money  to  corrupt  the  elections.  This  is  done,  and 
it  has  been  done,  in  almost  every  county  of  the  land.  It  is  a 
blight  upon  the  morals  of  the  country,  and  it  ought  to  be  re- 
formed." 

In  the  National  Democratic  Convention  which  met  at  Cincin- 
nati, June  22,  1880,  Mr.  Hendricks  was  again  a  conspicuous  can- 
didate, having  had  on  the  first  ballot  46*^  votes.  On  the  second 
ballot,  which  nominated  General  Hancock,  his  friends  stuck  to 
him  and  he  had  30  votes,  Hancock  having  705,  Bayard  2  and 
Tilden  1. 

Ever  since  the  retiracy  of  Mr.  Hendricks  from  the  guberna- 
torial chair  of  his  State,  he  has  conducted  a  large  law  business 
and  attended  to  those  civic  and  political  calls  which  are  constantly 
made  on  a  man  of  his  ability  and  prominence.  Latterly  he  has 
travelled  abroad  as  a  quiet  and  intelligent  observer  of  men  and 
institutions,  and  has  thus  added  to  his  well-stored  mind  and  to 
the  enjoyment  of  his  mature  years.  In  the  Chicago  Convention 
of  1884  he  was  not  a  candidate.  But  on  the  second  ballot,  when 
there  was  hope  of  a  combination  against  Mr.  Cleveland,  he  se- 
cured a  strength  of  45^  votes.  His  name  was  brought  forward 
amid  the  utmost  enthusiasm,  and  having  failed  to  make  the  first 
place  on  the  ticket,  the  second  fell  to  him  by  acclamation. 

PERSONAL. — Ex-Governor  Hendricks  is  a  finely  preserved 
man  of  medium  height  and  symmetrical  figure,  being  erect,  ac- 
tive and  vigorous.  His  features  are  large  and  clear  cut;  his  face 
manly  and  expressive.  In  younger  years  he  must  have  passed 
as  a  decidedly  handsome  man.  He  has  large  blue  eyes  which 
bespeak  kindness  ;  firmly  set  jaws,  indicative  of  resolution  ;  a  full, 
large  forehead,  declarative  of  wisdom.     His  complexion  tends  to 


HON.  THOMAS  A.  HENDRICKS.  67 

a  florid  cast,  and  his  hair  and  side-whiskers  incline  to  gray,  though 
not  to  the  extent  expected  in  a  man  of  sixty-five.  He  has  led 
a  pleasant  social  life,  and  shows  no  traces  of  either  hard  work  or 
disappointment.  His  disposition  is  sunny,  his  conversation  easy 
and  fluent  With  friends  he  is  frank  and  cordial ;  with  those  not 
so  near  he  is  courteous  but  cautious.  He  does  not  hold  grudges 
and  would  do  as  much  to  conciliate  an  enemy  as  to  oblige  a 
friend.  He  is  guarded  and  methodical  in  his  habits,  and  as  to 
money,  of  economic  turn,  though  disposed  to  charity  where  the 
cause  is  worthy.  In  fortune  he  is  now  independent,  but  it  is  the 
result  of  conserving  what  he  honestly  earned,  and  not  specula- 
tion or  manipulation.  His  voice  is  clear  and  musical  and  can  be 
heard  at  a  great  distance.  He  has  always  been  a  hard  worker, 
and  effort  has  been  so  put  forth  as  to  bring  the  surest  results.  If 
these  did  not  come  in  material  shape,  they  came  in  the  shape  of 
commendations  and  honors.  Though  a  favorite  as  a  social  com- 
panion, he  appears  to  greatest  advantage  before  an  audience,  or 
where  occasion  operates  as  a  spur  to  his  latent  powers.  When 
kindled  by  opposition  he  loses  his  habitual  cast  of  thought  and 
becomes  aggressive  and  even  dashing  in  action  and  argument. 
He  is  a  prominent  member  of  the  Episcopalian  church,  and  noted 
for  his  good  works.  His  wife  is  a  woman  of  fine  education  and 
sterling  force  of  character.  They  have  no  children.  All  in  all 
Mr.  Hendricks  is  one  of  the  purest-minded  and  ablest  men  now 
before  the  American  public,  and  the  mantle  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency could  not  fall  on  worthier  shoulders. 


FOURTEEN  DAY  USE 


RETURN  T( 


WHICH  BORROWED 


ICLF 


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>'j6ir 

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JUL  22  1966  9 1 

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